Skip to main content

Full text of "Publications"

See other formats

Gc IV1, 





3 1833 00730 8908 

Digitized by 

the Internet 


in 2014  












[All rights reserved^ 


_«L <u* O O ^ X ± 
It cannot be said that we have made as rapid a progress 

with the Histories of Colleges as sanguine people expected ; 
but the need is great, as any one may find who attempts to 
discover what influence a particular College was likely to 
have had over some one or other of its distinguished members 
at the time of his residence. Without counting the Registers 
which have been published at Exeter, Magdalen, and Wadharn 
Colleges — excellent in themselves, and a great help to a future 
historian — there are only three Colleges which can yet boast 
a history. But there are many other obvious reasons for 
producing such histories. They go a long way towards 
exciting esprit de corps, towards promoting in members 
a desire to emulate their predecessors, towards dispelling 
foolish legends, above all in enabling future historians of 
the University to measure the forces which went to make 
up University history, and to aid them in grasping those 
forces as a whole. 

It is, however, a great satisfaction to the Editor of this 
volume that he is able to include in it some portion of the 
history of Trinity and Hertford Colleges. That of the 
former is indeed only a sketch, from documents which have 
been preserved at Durham, of the institution which preceded 
Trinity on the same site. But some parts of the old Durham 
College still survive in the fabric of its successor, and the 
modern name is thought by the learned Author to have been 
possibly derived from Bishop Hatfield's intended dedication. 
All that could be gathered from these interesting papers has 

a 3 

\ ! 


been pieced together with the skill of an expert and the 
highest intelligence by Mr. Blakiston. Amongst other things, 
a list of wardens, which goes back to 'c. 1316,' introduces 
us to a new set of Heads of Houses, exceeded in antiquity 
of tenure by Balliol and Mcrton only. The seals which were 
found appended to some of these long-buried papers deserve 
attention, especially that of the 'Parishioners of St. Mary 
Magdalen, Oxford, 1326.' This is almost unique, and at 
any rate very rare. Ancient seals of Churches, Corporations, 
Liberties, Hundreds, &c, are common enough ; not so seals 
of parishioners in towns. The device is also interesting. 
In this- parish was situated Beaumont Palace, where Richard I 
was born, and he either used or had assigned to him as a badge 
this same very significant device, a crescent surmounted by 
a star. It is therefore more than probable that the parish 
adopted the device out of regard for the memory of their 
great parishioner. 

No research is likely to afford us any similar light as to the 
history of Hart Hall, which started contemporaneously with 
Durham College. Nurtured by no such alma mater as the 
great Benedictine Monastery of Durham, with no Cathedral 
Dean and Chapter to preserve its documents, we run our eyes 
down a catalogue of sixty-four Principals before it enters upon 
the second stage of its existence, a list covering a period of 
458 years (1283-1740); and as this is all that remains, we 
gain no idea whatever of anything in the history of the Hall, 
either instructive, or distinctive, or interesting. What the 
Calendar tells us must be enough for us : — ' About the year 
1282, Elias de Hertford converted into a Hall for students 
certain premises in Oxford which were thereafter known by 
the name of Hertford, Hert, or Hart Hall/ — the latter 
apparently being familiar abbreviations of the first name, 
and which gradually took its place. It seems to have 
been ' respectable/ and it must have had some sort of staying 
power to be one of the six Halls which alone survived some 
two or three hundred of their brethren, and, defying the 



absorbing strength of the Colleges, have come down to nearly 
our own times. But it and its successors, instituted on 
the same site, have had one mark in common. They have 
always, until quite recent times, been afflicted with the 
wearing disease of impecuniosity. The Hall was in a poor 
condition when Dr. Newton took it in hand and turned it 
into Hertford College. His was a sickly plant ; it underwent 
a lingering decline under its new constitution, and died a 
natural death in 1805. Its site and part of its small 
endowments were transferred to Magdalen Hall, when that 
institution broke up from its old quarters by the side of its 
parent College. That third phase of existence lasted for half 
a century, and was in many respects a success, but it was 
always seriously cramped for want of funds. When again the 
energy of its last Principal, Dr. Michell, was employed in 
the attempt to turn it once more into a College, the old 
fate still seemed impending over it, but the munificence of 
Mr. Thomas Baring, M.P., came to the rescue, and in 1874 
it emerged to greatness with a new Charter and a splendid 
Foundation, tinder which it has become one of the most 
distinguished Colleges in Oxford, only wanting in buildings 
corresponding to its importance. 

Fortunately for the second stage of its existence, or rather 
for the opening of that stage, Dr. Newton, the founder, was 
a marked character, an ardent reformer, and blessed or cursed 
with an uncontrollable love of pamphleteering. There is 
therefore no lack of material, and to the present Principal 
of Hertford, Dr. Boyd, the Oxford Historical Society is 
indebted for the production of all the papers still left 
in the College. He was successful in finding in one of his 
Fellows, Mr. S. G. Hamilton, a thoroughly capable writer, 
who has made the way plain through a maze of legal and 
other difficulties, and has presented to us a truly worthy clergy- 
man, a gentleman and an enthusiast ; but if ever there was 
a University Don Quixote, he was the man. Unfortunately, 
while the fictitious extravagances of the knight killed a 


debased knight errantry, the absurdities of the reformer had 
a good deal to do with killing the reforms on which he arrd 
some others had set their hearts. He was not, however, the 
only person to blame. We may hardly refrain from a smile 
at the good founder, but no one can help observing that he 
suffered no small amount of ill-treatment from his neighbours. 
Between them the University threw away one of its very 
few opportunities of escaping in some degree from the bad 
character which has been fastened upon its career during 
the eighteenth century. 

Besides the history of Durham College, three other 
mediaeval subjects have been taken in hand by peculiarly 
well qualified writers. For the first time the volumes of 
Collectanea have been honoured by the assistance of a lady. 
Miss Lucy Toulmin Smith, having derived a considerable 
knowledge of mediaeval antiquities from her father, the 
well-known antiquary, as well as from her own studies, has 
spared no pains to bring it to bear on the ' Ancient Petitions ' 
concerning Oxford which have been so long waiting in the 
Record Office for some one to interpret them. To call upon 
a scholar of Mr. Furneaux's eminence to edit the quaint 
mediaeval poems now first placed within popular reach, may 
seem to sin against the proverb which forbids one to harness 
a race-horse to a wagon ; but the advantage of placing the 
work in his hands will be apparent enough to those who 
examine his notes and emendations. They at least will under- 
stand the labour which he has so kindly bestowed on a subject 
lying quite outside his own field of study. Who again could 
more properly deal with the list of books presented to New 
College by its famous founder and other ancient benefactors 
than a distinguished member of that great institution, who is 
familiar with these subjects as an Assistant Charity Commis- 
sioner, and as one of the Council of the Society of Antiquaries ? 
We have to join him in thanking the venerable Warden of 
the College for permission to use these lists, and Mr. Leach 
hints that the treasure is by no means exhausted. 



For the two remaining papers the Society is indebted to 
two meritorious officers of the University Press. Some 
cynical observers, affecting to despise the University methods 
of education, have been heard to admit that Oxford does 
possess two useful institutions, the Bodleian Library and the 
Clarendon Press. They will appreciate the latter all the more 
when they read the Controller's interesting account of some 
important episodes in the progress of the art of printing at 
that institution. How few of us ever understood the part 
which the ingenious Lord Stanhope took in the process, or are 
at all aware of our obligations ! The beautiful picture of him 
which the head of the family has kindly allowed Mr. Horace 
Hart to insert in this volume will help us to remember this 
remarkable man. — Further, the lapse of two centuries has 
not enfeebled the interest which our people take in the 
last battle fought in this island — witness the popularity of 
Dr. Conan Doyle's fine historical novel, Micah Clarke ; and 
in the correspondence so ably edited by Mr. Doble, we find 
ourselves behind the scenes, at least as far as the relations 
between the Court and the University are concerned, and in 
contact with those who pulled the strings. 

The mention of the Bodleian suggests that it would be 
unpardonable not to mention the work done for this volume, 
as for its predecessors, by the learned and indefatigable 
Mr. Falconer Madan, the Secretary of the Committee. With- 
out his initiative and ever-ready help scarcely one of them 
would have seen the light. Lastly, the illustrations above 
mentioned do not stand alone in this volume. It is hoped 
that the subscribers will approve of the innovation, and join 
the Editor in gratitude to those who have taken so much 
trouble to add to the general interest of the book. 


Chichele Professor of Modern History, etc. 

December, 1896. 




Some Durham College Rolls i 

By the Rev. Herbert E. D. Blaktston, M.A., Fellow 
and Tutor of Trinity College, Oxford. 


Parliamentary Petitions relating to Oxford . . . 77 
By Miss Lucy Toulmin Smith. 


Poems relating to the Riot between Town and Gown 
on St. Scholastica's Day (Feb. 10, 135D AND TW0 fol- 
lowing Days 163 

By the Rev. Henry Furneaux, M.A., Late Fellow and 
Tutor of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. 

Tryvytlam de Laude Universitatis Oxoniae . . .188 
By the Same. 


Wykeham's Books at New College 211 

By Arthur F. Leach, M.A., Late Fellow of All Souls 
College, Oxford, Assistant Charity Commissioner. 


Correspondence of Henry Earl of Clarendon and James 
Earl of Abingdon, chiefly relating to the Mon- 
mouth Insurrection (1683-1685) 245 

By Charles E. Doble, M.A. 


Dr. Newton and Hertford College 279 

By Sidney Graves Hamilton, M.A., Fellow and 
Bursar of Hertford College, Oxford. 


Charles Earl Stanhope and the Oxford University 

Press . . . . . . . . . 363 

By Horace Hart, Controller of the Press. 



Oxford Seals c. 1300 from Durham College 

Charters To face p. 1 

Seals connected with Bishop Hatfield's Founda- 
tion To face p. 26 

Bird's-eye View of Trinity (Durham) College in 

1675 FROM D. LOGGAN'S ' Oxonia Illustrata' . To face p. 76 


Portrait from a Pencil Drawing by Thomas 

Forster . To face p. 246 

Decollated Head of Monmouth, from an Oil- 
Painting in the Possession of Sir F. Seymour 
Haden To face ^. 250 

Rough Plan of the Battle of Sedgemoor, from 

a Contemporary Sketch .... To follow p. 278 

Device on Gateway of Hertford College . . pp. 281, 361 
Plan of Hertford College P- 359 


Charles Earl Stanhope (from a portrait by Thomas 
Gainsborough at Chevening House, copied by per- 
mission of the present Earl Stanhope) . . .75? face p. 364 

The Stanhope Printing-Press ..... p. 400 

Original Sketch by Charles Earl Stanhope (from 

the Stanhope Papers). 
Iron Press 'of the First Construction' (from the 

original at the Clarendon Press). 
The Stanhope Logotypes and Cases ... p. 406 

1. Original Sketch by Charles Earl Stanhope (from 

the Stanhope Papers). 

2. Final Sketch by Charles Earl Stanhope (from 

the Stanhope Papers). 

3. Actual Logotype Case (from the original at the 

Clarendon Press). 





Fellow and Tutor of Trinity College, Oxford 





Introduction 3 

List of Wardens . . . . 23 

A. De Jurisdictione Prioris Studentium, 1422 .... 27 

B. Status Collegii 1315 35 



E. Status Collegii, 1428 41 

F. Status Collegii, 1456 49 

G. Compotus, 1392-3 56 

H. Compotus, 1462-3 61 

J. Compotus, Second Quarter 1464 65 

K. Computus, 1541-2 67 

L. Edificacio Capelle, 1406-8 71 

Addenda : — 73 

m. llttera missa priori dunelmensi, c. i316 . . . . 74 

N. Querela Prioris Studentium, c. 1422 76 

Illustration (to face p. 76). 
Bird's-eye view of Trinity (Durham) College in 1675 from 



The following documents, which (except C and D) are now 
printed for the first time, are selected from a box of rolls 
in the Treasury of the Dean and Chapter of Durham. They 
relate primarily to the affairs of the interesting and unique 
foundation of the ' College of Monks of Durham Studying at 
Oxford,' the site and buildings of which, soon after its dissolu- 
tion, were acquired by Sir Thomas Pope, the founder of 
Trinity College : but they may also throw some fresh light 
on the general conditions of academic life in the fourteenth 
and fifteenth centuries. My attention was first 1 called to 
their existence by a reference to the collection in the late 
Rev. Joseph Stevenson's small pamphlet on Durham Col- 
lege 2 ; and it seemed possible that the Bursarial rolls might 
furnish information as to the old buildings, still existing or 
seen in Loggan's view, of a more trustworthy character than 
the current statements. Accordingly, in the autumn of 1891, 
I obtained an introduction to the Librarian of Durham 
Cathedral, the Rev. W. Greenwell, D.C.L., to whose prompt 
assistance and constant interest I feel most deeply indebted ; 
and on his motion and that of the Archdeacon of Northumber- 
land, supported by a kind letter of recommendation from the 
Bishop of Oxford 3 , the then Dean and Chapter most liberally 
granted me the use of the whole collection, and even allowed 
me to have the rolls at Oxford that I might work through 
them at my convenience. The thanks of the Oxford His- 
torical Society are due to the Dean and Chapter for per- 
mission to include these documents in the present volume, 

1 Unfortunately I was unable to inspect them before completing my article on 
Trinity College for the Rev. A. Clark's Colleges of Oxford. Several statements 
made there on the authority of Wood, Warton, and Ingram can now be corrected. 

2 Some account of Durham College, Oxford, &c. (By the Rev. Jos. Stevenson, 
M.A., Univ. Coll., Durham.) Durham : F. Humble. 1840. 

3 Who had at one time contemplated editing the whole of these rolls, with 
various charters, &c, for the Surtees Society. 

B 2 



and to the Surtees Society for the use of C and D. I hope 
that this necessarily brief contribution may pave the way 
for a more elaborate work on the same subject. 

The collection of Durham College rolls seems to have been 
made c. i,53° 4 by a neat but inaccurate monk, who docketed 
each with a date and a short title, usually the name of the 
Warden or Bursars. After this they remained undisturbed 
till the present century, when Mr. Stevenson examined them 
cursorily. He does not seem to have detected the inaccuracies 
of the original endorser ; and, unfortunately, in cases where 
the exterior (i. e. the upper end) of a roll had decayed, he 
re-rolled it from the top, sometimes crushing the decayed 
inch or two inches into undecipherable fragments. However, 
I managed to read through the whole series ; and by com- 
parison of duplicates and careful observation of the balances 
and deficits carried over I found it possible to date exactly 
all the Compoti except a few of c. 1490 which are written on 
very inferior parchment. Some of the documents demanded 
complete transcription ; and most contain interesting entries 5 , 
especially (as I had hoped) about the buildings at Oxford. 
This feature may be attributed to the fact that the accounts 
were intended for the information of the distant Prior and 
Convent ; and the same reason will account for the existence 
of so many duplicates 6 . Most of the rolls in the box (225 
in all) are in good preservation, though often discoloured 7 . 
The following is a short catalogue of the contents of this set ; 
a large quantity of the title-deeds, licences, covenants, &c, for 
the appropriated rectories is separately preserved. 

I. Compotus rendered by the Warden, or Warden and two 
Bursars, made up at first to Easter or to some feast in July or 
August, but afterwards to Michaelmas, and described by the 
docketer, whom I have followed for convenience of reference, 

4 The figures are so archaic that one would date them about 1400, if they did 
not occur on all except the three sixteenth-century documents. The same hand, 
I am convinced, finished down to 1530 the lists of Bishops and Priors prefixed to 
a collection of Durham hagiographies and chronicles, which was in the Cloister 
Library in 1395 (Cat. Vet. p. 55), and is now MS. Bodl. Fairfax vi. This MS. 
seems to have been added to by the original scribe ('nomen scriptoris est Petrus 
plenus amoris ') till after 1416, and received various continuations till about 157 1. 
It is clearly identifiable by the letter P on the first folio, and the first words ' ramine 
et prudencia ' on the second (see Introd. to C, p. 38). 

5 About five-sixths of each compotus deals with the management of the estates, 
matters interesting rather to the parishes of Frampton, Fishlake, &c, than to 
Durham Abbey or College. 

6 Some copies are marked 1 Pars Prioris,' others 'Pars Altera'; after 1480 an 
original docket of ' pro chc' ' or ' pro cacell' ' (cancellaria) is common. 

7 Between 1450 and 1470 the accounts are written in a handsome character on 
splendid parchment, at considerable expense ; they conclude with ' Item in per- 
gameno et scriptura compoti ij s .' The smaller rolls cost id. or 2d. 



by the date of commencement. The accounts run without 
a break from 1389 to 1433, anc * then with a few gaps, which 
were noted by the original collector 8 , from 1434 to 1496. 
There are forty duplicates, and in fifteen years a third copy as 
well ; and four copies of one account (146 1-2). The rolls for 
the years 1392-3 and 1462-3 (see below, G and H) are typical 
specimens of the forms used and expenses prevailing at an 
interval of fifty years. 

II. Compotus rendered quarterly by the Bursars : of this 
there are fifty-four scattered specimens (see below, J), with 
a fairly consecutive series from Michaelmas 1422, to Christmas 
1425, and another from Michaelmas 143 1, to Michaelmas 
1439. Many of these rolls are very small and contain the 
briefest summaries, but in others there are details not specified 
in the annual statement. 

III. Compotus (on paper) of the years 1540-1 and 1541-2. 
The latter, disclosing facts absolutely unsuspected hitherto, 
is printed below (K). 

IV. Five compoti of John Berington (Prior of Finchale 
c. 1384), who was charged (c. 1380) with the investment of 
Hatfield's fund of ^3,000 for the endowment of the College, 
and managed its affairs generally during the transition period 
of 1380-9. Unfortunately there is something missing between 
1382 and 1387. With these are paper drafts or copies of 
portions of the 'Ordinatio' or covenant for Hatfield's founda- 
tion, and a dissertation, drawn up in 1422, on the relations 
of the College to the Prior Studentium (see below, A). 

V. A tattered paper containing a draft (?) of a ' Sententia 
Radulphi Stele de defectu scolarium,' with which I should 
associate a roll of Answers by the Prior and Convent to an 
inquiry on the same subject (? by Bishop Skirlaw, c. 1405). 

VI. A short summary of part of the expenses incurred in 
building a new chapel, 1406-8 (see L). 

VII. Two lists of books sent from Durham for the use of 
the students (see B and D) ; and three inventories of vestments, 
plate, furniture, &c, belonging to them in 1428, 1450, and 1456 
(see E and F). 

VIII. Four miscellaneous rolls ; one is a ' Compotus Pro- 
curatoris Ecclesie de Frampton,' the other three have no 
connexion at all with the College. 

The documents which I have selected will be best intro- 
duced by a sketch of the constitution and history of the 

8 This appears from some dockets on the rolls concluding a period. The 
missing (academic) years are 1433-4, 1441-2, 1445-6, 1450-3 (Warden Richard 
Bell), 1463-4, 1465-7, 1475-8, 1479-80, 1483-4, 1492-5 (perhaps two of these 
are the rolls which I did not care to attempt to open). 



Durham settlement at Oxford; and I must reserve for 
a better opportunity a more detailed description of the site, 
buildings and endowment 9 . 

DURHAM COLLEGE may be defined, even after it received 
its semi-independent endowment, as a Cell 10 of the monastery 
of Durham, and its inmates were Durham monks temporarily 
resident in Oxford at the discretion of the Prior. It consisted 
originally of a small { manse ' or private lodging-house for 
a few students, the establishment of which was probably 
suggested by the success of Walter de Merton's adaptation 
of the monastic system. The Benedictines had no settlement 
nearer than Eynsham or Abingdon, and when the monks of 
St. Peter's at Gloucester secured in 1283 a benefactor who 
provided them with a hall for thirteen students near Beaumont 
Palace, the other great abbeys of the southern province, at 
a chapter held at Abingdon in 1291, decided to combine for 
a general monastic college consisting of separate hostels to be 
united with ' Gloucester Hall ' ; and the arms of St. Alban's 
and others may still be seen at Worcester College. But the 
rich northern abbey of Durham had already made its own 
arrangements, as indicated by the contemporary chronicler, 
Robert de Graystanes, in his account of the second Priorate 
of Hugh de Derlington (1286-7 to 1289-90). 

' Ricardum etiam de Hoton suppriorem praefecit in Priorem de Lithum 11 , 
et cum ipse ibi prospere se haberet, amovit eum, et conventualem apud 
Coldingham eum fecit ; oderat enim eum, eo quod ipse, supprior existens, 
tempore Ricardi de Claxton Prioris, veniens apud Fynchall, in festo 
nativitatis Johannis Baptistae, locum et fratres visitaturus, ut supprior 
consueverat, interrogavit, cui H. quondam prior confiteretur ; cui H. 
praedictus respondit, " Scio, fili, quid habeo facere et animam custodire 

9 The printed materials for this introduction, frequently quoted below, are (1) 
various volumes published by the Surtees Society, esp. Raine's Historiae Dunel- 
mensis Scriptores Tres,' among the appendices to which are specimens of letters, 
bulls, licences, &c. preserved in the registers of Bishops and Priors of Durham ; 
(2) Wilkins, Concilia ii. 613 sqq. ; (3) Acta, &c. of the Benedictine Chapters in 
"Wilkin s, and in Reyner's Apostolatus Benedictinorum in Anglia, Appendix, 
Part III; (4) various notes and descriptions by Aubrey, Wood, and Stevens, partly 
original, partly drawn from the manuscript Collectanea of Brian Twyne ; (5) scattered 
deeds in Warton's Life of Sir T. Pope, Hutchinson's and Surtees' Durham, and 
the Cartulary of St. Frideswide's. The summaries of Wood, Ingram, Maxwell 
Lyte, and Willis and Clark are all useful but inaccurate, and the plan in vol. iii. 
of the Arch. Hist, of Cambridge is quite impossible. There must be many refer- 
ences still unextracted in the Registers of Durham priors and Lincoln bishops. 

10 The others were Finchale, Holy Island, Coldingham, Jarrow, Wearmputh, 
Lytham, and St. Leonard's near Stamford. For a specimen of the Prior's dis- 
cretion see the extract from Graystanes above. 

11 Wharton in his Anglia Sacra read Lychne, and Wood absurdly conjectured 
Lychfield; in my article on R. de Hoton in the Diet, of Nat. Biogr. I naturally 
followed Raine, but a sub-editor at the- last moment consulted the obsolete text of 
Wharton, and then from Lychne, which does not exist, conjectured Lynch, which 
is a village in Sussex ! 



sicut tu tuam." Haec igitur inquisicio ei fomitem invidiae et occasionem 
odii ministrabat. Unde postea effectus Prior, odio Ricardi de Hoton, qui 
juvenis graciosus erat, monachos misit Oxoniam ad studendum, et eis satis 
laute expensas ministrabat, malo occasionem administrante bono, sicut 
peccatum unde fuit occasio redemptionis nostrae 12 .' 

It is not improbable that Richard, whom we know from his 
subsequent history 13 to have been a restless person, was at 
some time discharging the duties of the ' magister 14 ,' who 
instructed the younger monks in the ' primitive sciences 1 of 
Grammar, Logic, and Philosophy, and that Prior Hugh may 
have wished to diminish his influence. However, on succeed- 
ing his enemy as Prior, he did not reverse his policy, and 
the first thing that Graystanes records of him is that ' locum 
Oxoniae comparavit et aedificare fecit ; ' and he has accord- 
ingly often been termed the founder of Durham College. 

This meagre account is confirmed as to date by the exist- 
ence of certain documentary evidence: (i) a grant of arable 
land in the suburbs of Oxford 1 fro a diche thurte over in 
Bewmonte' (Park Street), and 'voide grounds beside Pera- 
lowse Hall in Horsemonger Strete ' (Canditch or Broad 
Street), from Mabel (Wafre), Abbess of Godstow, to the 
Prior and Convent of Durham in 1286 15 ; (2) a warrant 
relating to a claim by the king's Escheator in 1288 16 ; 
(3) a demise of two plots of land from the Prior and Convent 
of St. Frideswide c. 1290 17 ; and (4) an inquisition taken by 
the crown in 1291 respecting the lands and tenements which 
the Prior and Convent of Durham had obtained within 
Oxford, with reference to the statute of Mortmain 18 . From 
these documents it appears that five or six acres (or more, 
if the grantors mentioned in 4 are not merely the tenants of 
the land mentioned in 1) of building-land in the suburbs had 
been acquired for the site of the Durham Hall before 1291 ; and 
there is no reason to suppose that this was not conterminous 19 

12 Hist. Dunelm. pp. 72-3, where Raine reads 'administrante bono sicut pecca- 
tum. Inde fuit,' &c. This gives no sense ; and I have ventured to conjecture 
'unde'; it would be an additional improvement to read 'boni' for 'bono'. 
'Fomitem' is an almost certain emendation for Raine's reading 'fountem.' 

13 See my account of him in the Diet, of Nat. Biog., and the Bishop of Peter- 
borough's memoir of his aggressive bishop, Anthony Bek. 

14 See the Benedictine Constitutions, ' de studiis ' (Wilkins, Cone. ii. 594), and 
the excellent description in the Rites of Durham (Surt. Soc. 1843; quoted below, 
p. 16) of the system as it was in the sixteenth century. 

15 Printed by Warton (Life of Sir T. Pope, App. vi) ; it is dated by the coinci- 
dence of this Abbess with the second mayoralty of one of the witnesses ' Phil, de 
Ho, tunc Majoris Oxon.' See Addenda. 

16 Described without a reference in Stevenson's pamphlet, p. 3. But see p. 73. 

17 Printed in Cartulary of St. Frideswide's, ed. Wigram (O. H. S.), i. 372. 

18 Rot. Pat. 19 Edw. I m. 20 in schedula : summarised by Stevenson, p. 13, and 
by Wood (City of Oxford, ed. Clark, ii. 265). 

19 But see H. note 6. 



with the area which passed to Trinity College. In 1309 'the 
land of the monks of Durham ' was specified as a boundary in 
some grants made to Balliol Hall 20 ; but the buildings cannot 
have been extensive, since in 1338 it is still termed simply 
a site or 1 place ' (platea) 21 . 

Stevenson mentions a petition drawn up by the Prior of 
Durham, c. 1300, 'complaining of the expenses incurred in 
supporting the college, and praying that the church of 
Erantingham be appropriated to the monks of Durham for 
this object 22 ; stating that the college consisted of ten, eight, 
or six monks, and had already produced several learned men 
who had settled in Durham.' In 1316, and again in 1333, we 
find the Prior Oxoniae, or superior of the student monks, 
voting with the heads of the other cells at the election of 
a Bishop of Durham 23 ; other names might be recovered from 
similar records in the Durham registers. The definite position 
assigned to this officer proved very important to the students 
in the next century, when an attempt was made to bring 
them under the jurisdiction of the general Prior Studentium, 
who appears to have resided 'in loco nostro communi in 
Stokwelstreete situato 2 V Prior Wessington's dissertation on 
this subject is valuable both for the citations it contains and as 
a specimen of the laboured argument which was considered 
relevant in such matters. There are remarkable omissions ; 
perhaps references to Graystanes and the Simondburn charter 
would not have strengthened the case. But the main con- 
tention is sound, as it could not be disputed that the Durham 
house had existed before 1337, and that it was then under the 
charge of a competent superior, with regulations similar to 
those of Benedict XII and such as his Constitutions distinctly 
exempted from interference. In 1337 the halls at Oxford 
were practically recognized by these Papal constitutions for 
the reform of the Benedictine order, expressly requiring the 
monasteries to send to the £ generalia studia ' of the regular 
Universities five per cent, or more of their total numbers, to 
be under the rule of a Prior who was to be chosen by the 
'presidents' of the provincial chapter 25 . These injunctions 
were adopted in 1338 at Northampton, where were afterwards 
held the triennial councils, at which the working of the 
educational scheme was one of the most regular subjects of 

20 Savage, Balliofergus, § 18, p. 29. 

21 Edward Ill's charter to Richard de Bury (Wilkins, Cone. ii. 613) ; see below. 

22 Page 4, again without a reference. 

23 See List of Wardens, nos. 1 and 2 ; A. par. 3 ; Hist. Dunelm. p. 1 20. 

24 Wilkins, Cone. ii. 725 a. 

25 The material section is cited in A. par. 2. 



discussion 26 . A Doctor in Theology, with a salary of £io, is 
found occupying a chair at Gloucester Hall from 1343, and 
the southern students were bound to incept under him. 
There was also a design of establishing in the northern 
college for a similar purpose c doctorem theologiae cathedram 
occupantem in loco monachorum Dunelmensium super 
Canditch situato, cum pro eo missum fuerit 27 ' ; but apparently 
it fell through. 

In 1338 an attempt was made by the great book collector 
Richard (Aungerville) de Bury, since 1333 Bishop of Durham, 
to provide the Durham Hall with a permanent endowment. 
He persuaded his former pupil, Edward III, to discharge a vow 
made at the battle of Halidon Hill by surrendering the claims 
of the crown to the valuable rectory of Simondburn, a very 
large parish in the valley of the North Tyne, and allowing 
it to be appropriated to a house (to be dedicated to God and 
St. Margaret) for a Prior and twelve monks of Durham 
studying at Oxford, under statutes to be made by the Bishop 28 . 
I fear it must now be conceded that Aungerville's great 
design of bequeathing his famous library of MSS. 'more than 
all the Bishops of England had then in their keeping,' also 
failed, since it seems that he died deeply in debt, and that the 
only volumes known to have belonged to him were sold to 
the Abbot of St. Albans by his executors 29 . The only 
positive evidence for the presence of this collection in Oxford 
is the statement of the inaccurate Dr. Thomas Cay that he 
saw and read in the library of Durham College : 'postremis 

26 Reports of the proceedings, and several sets of reforming statutes, are printed 
by Wilkins and Reyner: the dates are 1338 (Reyner, p. 99), 1340 (p. 103), 1343 
(pp. 105, 162), 1423 (pp. 164, 170), 1426 (p. 180), and 1444 (p. 113). 

27 'When he shall have been sent for :' the whole document (Wilkins, Cone. ii. 
729) is well explained in Willis and Clark's Cambridge, vol. i. pp. xlvi-lii, and 
Maxwell Lyte's Oxford, pp. 102-5. 

28 The grant, which never took effect, is printed from Aungerville's Register in 
Wilkins' Cone. ii. 613, and in the Reg. Pal. Dun. iii. 210-2. Simondburn was 
given to the Canons of St. George's Windsor ; then sold by Richard III ; and 
eventually passed to Greenwich Hospital among the forfeited property of the Earls 
of Derwentwater. 

29 See the discussion, and especially the citation from Adam de Murimath, in 
Mr. E. C. Thomas's edition of the Philobiblon, pp. xxvi-xlvii. The right reading 
in c. 19, often cited as a reference to the Durham hall, seems to be 'communitati 
scholarium in aula -N- Oxoniensi degentium.' The Bishop's design is expressed in 
the previous chapter as follows : ' Nos autem ab olim in praecordiis mentis nostrae 
propositum gessimus radicatum, quatenus opportunis temporibus expectatis divini- 
tus aulam quamdam in reverenda universitate Oxoniensi, omnium liberalium artium 
nutrice praecipua, in perpetuam eleemosynam fundaremus, necessariisque redditibus 
dotaremus ; quam numerosis scholaribus occupatam, nostrorum librorum iocalibus 
ditaremus, ut ipsi libri et singuli eorundem communes fierent, quantum ad usum et 
studium, non solum scholaribus aulae tactae, sed per eos omnibus universitatis 
praedictae studentibus in aeternum, secundum formam et modum, quern sequens 
capitulum declarabit.' See also my Addenda below, p. 73. 



ITcnrici octavi annis, hunc Aungcrvillii librum, cui Philobibli 
titulum indidit, eundem ipsum indubic qucm ipsemct biblio- 
thecae illi vivus contulerat 30 .' Murimath's curious remark 
that the books filled five large carts suggests also that they 
travelled somewhere as a collection. But no confirmation has 
ever been obtained of the conjectures that the volumes which 
survived destruction and neglect were appropriated by Balliol 
College, or passed from Dr. George Owen, the first layman 
who acquired the site, into the collection of Archbishop 
Parker 31 . To this must now be added the negative evidence 
of these rolls. For the library was not built till more than 
seventy years after Aungerville's death 32 ; and a community 
possessing his extensive collection would hardly have needed 
the works mentioned in the lists C and D. 

The document printed below as B, the most ancient in this 
box, throws some light on the state of the College under 
Gilbert Elwyk. The list of books lent to the students by the 
Convent represents a sufficient variety of subjects ; logic, 
physics and metaphysics appear as well as patristic and 
scholastic theology ; and this catalogue should be carefully 
compared with the two similar documents of the following 
century. It is probable, moreover, that some of these volumes 
remained in the possession of the College — which certainly 
treated some books as its own, since it borrowed money 
on them ; it also paid for the binding and ornamentation 
in some cases 33 . 

This inventory of 131 5 informs us that even then the 
students were provided with an outfit of vestments and orna- 
ments for celebrating mass, and presumably with a chapel 
or oratory for the purpose. Whether there was any previous 
building, too small in Richard de Bury's opinion to be called 

30 Hearne's Vindiciae Antiquitatis Acad. Oxon., ii. 432. 

31 The single MS. usually stated to have been a Durham College book now 
turns out to have belonged to Lincoln (Macray's Bodleian Annals, second edition, 
notes on pp. 23, 446). Possibly the books were saved for Durham by Prior 
Whitehead and Wardens Hyndmer and Clyff : see B, note 7. 

32 Comp. 141 7, Item in edificacione librarie cum meremio empto xlij u ; cf. 
Comp. 1 43 1, Item in descis nouiter factis in libraria cum tabulis et aliis necessariis 
emptis ad eandem' vj 11 xvj s viij d ; and Comp. 1436, Item in vitriacione unius 
fenestre in libraria xxyj s viij d (probably the large south window, where the Durham 
College arms still remain in the quatrefoil at the top) ; also Comp. 1474, Item in 
ligacione et cathenacione diuersorum librorum xiij s iiij d . 

33 See B, note 14; and cf. Berington's Comp. 1387-9, 'In reparacione librorum 
collegij,' 6s. 8d. ; 'In denarijs solutis pro uno libro vocato doctor profundus 
eidem collegio legato per Henricum Stapilton,' 26 s. 8d. ; Comp. 1407, ' Pro 
ligatura unius libri,' 23J. ; Comp. 1436, ' In factura et deornacione maiorum et 
minorum literarum capitalium et paraffes {paragraphs, flourishes, Cath. Angl.) 
unius tabule libri summe confessorum,' 2s. 6d. Bishop Langley (1406-1437) left 
the college 10/. and 'librum integrum Augustini super Psalterium in tribus volu- 
minibus ' (Hist. Dun. app. ccxi). 


1 ecclesia,' on the site of the chapel built in 1405-8, it is 
impossible to say. The licence for a ' cantaria ' was procured 
from Henry Burghersh, Bishop of Lincoln 1320-40 34 , pro- 
bably about the year 1326, when a composition dated 5 Oct., 
was made between the Warden and the Abbot of Osney, by 
which the latter agreed to take 2s. per annum in satisfaction 
of all tithes and oblations due to the parish church of St. Mary 
Magdalen, which belonged to Osney Abbey 35 . That the 
original chapel was an oratory on an upper floor seems to me 
to be indicated, not only by the arrangement of the earliest 
buildings, but by the fact that the ' Bulla Sepulture ' was not 
obtained till 141 1-2 ; see L, and notes. 

The commission to hear confessions (A, par. 5), probably 
selected as the earliest extant (unless it is simply the formula), 
was no doubt issued to a new warden on his appointment. 
The unused licences (A, par. 6 and 7) to annex the church of 
Appleby mark another attempt to secure a permanent endow- 
ment by the favourite method of 'appropriation.' The 
students were at this time supported by the Convent of 
Durham, with ' pensiones,' ' contributiones,' or c dona ' from 
the Cells. They would be entitled to their usual shares of 
the ' oblaciones ' and allowances for clothes and commons 
from the Feretrarius, Camerarius, and Communarius ; and 
these continued, though irregularly, for some time after the 
endowment by Hatfield 3G . They must have possessed, besides 
the chapel or oratory, three or four living rooms at least, with 
a small refectory, buttery and kitchen, and a stable. I should 
conjecture from the style and the absence of mention at a later 
date, that c. 1380 the College consisted of a hall on the site 
of the present hall of Trinity College, with the still existing 
buttery and a kitchen beyond it ; that of the two large rooms 

34 Collectanea B. Twyne, ii. f. 28 b. 

35 Wood's City of Oxford (ed. Clark), vol. ii, p. 270. 

36 Payments from Coldingham occur between 1360 and 1374 of amounts varying 
from 6s. 8d. to 10s. (Coldingham Rolls, Surtees Soc, 1841). The cell of Jarrow 
gave 20s. 4<f. 'Studentibus Oxonie et Stanford' in 1364; 13s. ^d. 'in pensione 
Studencium Oxonie' in 1371 ; 26s. 8d. ' Clericis Oxonie' in 1372; and usually 
13J. 4af. annually up to 1410; there is a single payment of 6s. 8d. in 1455 ' in 
donis datis confratribus ad studium Oxonie transeuntibus.' At Wearmouth the 
payments commence earlier ; 32J. was spent ' in curialitate facta sociis Oxonie et 
alibi infra et extra commorantibus ' in 1343 ; and sums of 6s. 8d. and 10s. occur up 
to 1380 (Rolls of Jarrow and Wearmouth, Surtees Soc, 1854; see also my list of 
wardens). The earliest mention of Oxford in the Finchale accounts is in 1357, 
'in solucione facta fratribus Oxonie studentibus pro pensione sua' 53J. 4^.; 
Master ' Hutred' was paid to go to the general chapter in 1367 ; a new vestment 
was given to the Oxford students in 1367 ; Jos. was a usual payment up to 141 2 ; 
but in 1428 four monks studying at Oxford received only 13s. 4^. 'ex curialitate,' 
and there is no entry at all after 1432 (Finchale Rolls, Surtees Soc, 1837). The 
accounts of the other cells would probably present a similar record; see the 
entries, mostly of arrears, in G (p. 59). 

I 2 


south of the hall, evidently placed with the gables east and 
west before the idea of a quadrangle was contemplated, the 
upper one was the oratory of the small society ; and that the 
chambers first provided were some of those which appear in 
Loggan's view to the north-west of the old quadrangle ;i7 . 

At last the most magnificent of the bishops of Durham, 
Thomas Hatfield, a statesman and architect of no mean 
capacity, undeterred by the complete collapse of Archbishop 
Islip's plan for a college consisting partly of monks and 
partly of secular students 38 , determined to provide adequately 
for the independent maintenance of the Oxford cell. Towards 
the end of his long episcopate, c. 1379, he concerted measures 
with one of the ablest priors, Robert Berington or de Wal- 
worth, employing as his agent (' qui vobis viva voce plene 
referet, et eciam in scriptis ostendet, quid per nos factum 
fuerit et per vos fieri volumus in premissis ') a monk of Dur- 
ham, John de Berington, probably the prior's brother, ' qui 
erga nos et consilium nostrum pro Collegio Monachorum et 
Secularium, quod in profectum et honorem ecclesiae nostrae 
stabilivimus, diligencias laudabiles apposuit et labores ' 39 . 
Hatfield was at this time living chiefly at his house at Alford 
(? Old Ford) near London, where he died May 8, 138 1, after 
a lingering illness. William de Chambre's statement about 
his foundation is certainly incorrect 40 ; and, though the quin- 
quepartite covenant between him and the Convent was drawn 
up from his instructions and sealed in 1380, the design was 
not fully executed till some years after his death 41 . In the 
correspondence which has been preserved, Prior Robert states 
that the Convent, though rather short of money, will sup- 
port four monks, if the Bishop can provide for four more 
and eight scholars, and he offers some advice on the subject 
of investments : 

3T The following entries in Berington's foundation compoti prove the existence 
of chambers : 1382, In reparacione domorum et clausure Oxonie per manus 
domini R. Blaklaw supprioris xl s ; 1387-9, In petris emptis pro reparacione 
domorum dicti collegii vj s viij d ; and In factura duorum caminorum in diuersis 
cameris xxx s . The last entry is a sign of the improved prospects of the com- 

38 Canterbury College was founded in 1 361-2 for four monks and eight secular 
scholars; in 1365 Islip ejected the regulars, and five years later his successor, 
Simon Langham, prevailed on Urban V to abolish the seculars in favour of twelve 
Canterbury monks (Maxwell Lyte, pp. 177-180). 

39 Letter in Hist. Dun. app. exxviii. Some letters from the Prior to the Bishop 
were copied by Twyne (Collect, ii. 32-34) ' from the register of Robert de Lan- 
chester, chancellor and afterwards shrine-keeper of Durham.' 

10 Hist. Dun., p. 138. It is not improved by Mr. Maxwell Lyte, who supposes 
it to refer to Richard de Bury's efforts (Univ. of Oxford, p. 159). 

41 Printed by Wilkins (Cone. ii. 614-6), and in part by Raine (Hist. Dun., 
p. 140). 


1 Huiusmodi appropriacionem his diebus acquirere sive obtinere 
Romana ecclesia fluctuante tarn difficile quam sumptuosum [est] et 
quasi incredibilem constat rem. Quapropter vestrae preeminenciae sup- 
plicamus quod datum est intelligi per certos fideles amicos 42 quod 
possitis pro mille marcis emere annuos redditus centum marcarum infra 
civitatem London' plena mortificacionis libertate in forma vadacionis, 
regia sive papali licencia irrequisita : quorum quidem reddituum im- 
petracio absque laborum difficultate melius securius et facilius expedietur 
quam appropriacio cuiusvis ecclesie, propter mutacionem et variacionem 
summi pontificis, qui pro tempore merit, et poterit huiusmodi appro- 
priacionem ad libitum revocare pariter et quassare 43 .' 

However, it would appear that Hatfield's executors even- 
tually paid over a sum of ,£3,000, which was deposited in an 
iron chest in the custody of William de Walworth, Mayor 
(hence the date 1380), and John Philipot, citizen (Mayor 
1378) of London, Master Uthred (de Boldon), and John 
de Berington, ' confratres nostri ' : and from the investment 
of this sum it was estimated that an annual revenue of 200 
marks would be secured, the Prior and Convent binding 
themselves under a penalty of £"3,000 to maintain the College 
for ever on the same scale. 

The accounts of John de Berington, who became the acting 
trustee, invested the money, and managed the estates till 
1389, are unfortunately incomplete, but the modus operandi is 
clear. The capital was treated as the property of the Convent, 
which undertook in return to assign to the College sufficient 
estates to produce the stipulated income. At one time there 
seems to have been an idea of buying up the alien priory of 
Burstall in Holderness 44 , sold to Kirkstall Abbey in 1396: 
but first the advowson of Frampton was obtained from John, 
Lord Nevill of Raby, apparently by exchange, and then 
Berington paid about ^1.400 more to the same for the advow- 
sons of Fishlake, Bossall, and Ruddington 45 , and for lands in 
Durham, Merrington, Sunderland, and elsewhere ; the manor 
of Cotgrave and the advowson of Laxton near Nottingham seem 
to have been acquired for the same purpose 46 . At last, after 
a good many exchanges and adjustments, the College received 
the four advowsons first named (Cotgrave manor taking the 

42 The ' friend in the City ' may have been the famous Lord Mayor, William de 
Walworth, who was nominated in the covenant as one of the four trustees, and 
was one of Hatfield's executors (Testamenta Eboracensia, p. 122); he was pro- 
bably related to Prior Robert. 

43 Register of Robert de Lanchester, fol. 43, extracted by Twyne (Collect, ii. 
32 b). 

44 A cell of St. Martin de Alceio near Albemarle in Normandy ; see Dugdale, 
Mon. Ang. vol. vi. p. 1019, an< ^ Poulson's Holderness, ii. 505. 

45 Rot. Pat. 10 Ric. II, p. i. m. 16; and 7 Hen. IV, p. ii. m. 31 (an Inspeximus), 
from copies in Trinity College Miscellanea, vol. i. ; also Twyne, Coll. xxii, f. in. 

46 See G, notes 4-6. For the subsequent addition of another appropriated 
church, see H, note 5. Bossall is on the Derwent, 9 miles NE. of York. 


place of Bossall till certain preliminaries had been completed), 
and ' pensiones ' of £4 and £16 from the rectory and vicarage 
of Northallerton, the income being made up to about £240 
by the customary contributions from Durham. A consider- 
able sum was spent out of capital 47 in stocking the estates 
and in providing necessaries at Oxford, including possibly 
some additions to the buildings : but far too much was wasted 
on fees and bribes and travelling expenses in procuring the 
appropriation of the rectories. The pensions of the rectors 
in possession, whose interests had to be bought out, hung 
heavily on the College for many years after, while the value of 
their benefices was declining. All these arrangements had to 
be sanctioned by the Archbishop of York and the Bishop of 
Lincoln, in whose dioceses the parishes lay, were confirmed 
under the great seal, and then approved by Urban VI in 1387, 
and subsequently by Boniface IX in 1396 and 1403 48 . Serious 
expense (£S3 6j. 8d.) was incurred ' in curia Romana pro 
reformacione ecclesiarum nostrarum ' in 1403-4 ; and over £14 
was spent specially c pro defensione ecclesie de Rodyngton ' in 
two years 4J . It is a pity that the Walworth family did not 
pursue Prior Robert's original suggestion. 

Though Hatfield himself c morte praeventus propositum 
minime adimplevit,' his intentions were clearly expressed in 
the quinquepartite covenant, which was accordingly adopted 
as the ' ordinatio ' or statutes of his College. It has often 
been described ; and the regulations for the religious life and 
studies do not differ materially from similar codes ; the 
dedication is 'ad honorem sanctissimaeTrinitatis 50 , beatissimae 
Virginis, et gloriosissimi confessoris Cuthberti,' and there are 
to be special prayers for Hatfield and his family, for his old 

47 Some revenues received during the transition appear in the same accounts. 
Part of the fund was temporarily lent out; e.g. Comp. c. 1387, 'Item debentur de 
domino Episcopo {John Fordham) clvij li vj s viij d pro quibus inuadiantur in custodia 
Johannis de Beryngton una ymago argentea deaurata, precium c 1 ' ; quinque espice- 
plates deauratae, precium xl u ; se[x can]delabra argentea, precium xl 1! ; usque ad 
festum sancti Martini.' The receipt for the image is in Hist. Dun. app. cxl. 

48 Wilkins, Cone. ii. 617-622 : but it is a polite fiction on the part of the Popes 
to say that Richard II endowed the college, since all the benefices were in reality 
bought from Lord Nevill and his sub-tenants. 

49 The college had to borrow £\o> of Bishop Langley for this purpose. Cf. 
Comp. 1404-5 (Rodyngton), ' Item in solucione facta iuridicis Ebor' et London' 
pro defensione cause eiusdem ecclesie,' £j 6s. 8d. ; 'et pro expensis factis apud 
Cowyntre et apud Sanctum Albanum et London' ac apud Poumfrate et versus 
Byngham pro eadem causa,' £16 10s. o\d.; (Oxonie), 'Item in solucione facta 
magistro Johanni Catryke pro adquisicione 2 arum bullarum,' £20 13^. 4d. ; 'Item 
Thome Rose laboranti London' pro eisdem bullis,' iSs. nd.; Comp. 1405-6, 
'Item pro exemplificacione carte Regis Ricardi de Ecclesiis Collegii/ 22s. ^d. ; 
and so on. 

50 Hence perhaps Sir Thomas Pope's dedication of his College ' sanctissimae et 
individuae Trinitati.' 


master, Edward III, ' nuper regis Angliae invictissimi, sub 
cujus alis a juventute fuerat enutritus,' for Queen Philippa, 
the Bishops of Durham, &c. The foundation is to consist of 
eight student monks, chosen by the Chapter of Durham, 
'secundum vim et formam in constitutionibus Benedictinis 
de studentibus ad generalia studia transmittendis provide 
ordinatam, ut philosophiae et theologiae dumtaxat vacent 
principaliter et intendant' One of these is to be selected by 
the Prior to be Warden ; he is to hold a weekly chapter and 
transmit to Durham the names of the contumacious 51 . There 
are to be two Bursars, who, with the Warden, are to manage 
the estates, make all necessary payments for clothes, books, 
and wages, bring up the accounts at a quarterly audit, and 
send an annual compotus to Durham. The stipend of 
a 'socius'' is fixed at £10, but a further allowance is to be 
made towards the cost of taking the degree of B.D. and D.D., 
if there is a sufficient balance 52 . 

The special feature, however, of Hatfield's scheme was the 
inclusion on the foundation of eight secular students in grammar 
and philosophy at a stipend of five marks, to be selected by 
the four or five senior monks, four from the city or diocese of 
Durham, two from the Bishop's lordship of Allertonshire, and 
two from that in Howdenshire. They were to dine ' in secunda 
mensa seorsim a monachis cum clerico 53 et aliis servientibus,' 
to have separate rooms, to attend duly the college chapel 
and the schools, to be provided with ' tunicis et caputiis bis in 
anno 54 ,' and to perform all 'honesta ministeria 55 ' for the 
monks. Scholars might remain in the college for seven years, 
' si voluerint et habuerint testimonium satis laudabile,' but 
the power of removal or expulsion was carefully reserved to the 
Prior of Durham. They were under no obligation to take 
vows, but were required to take an oath 56 to honour the 

51 A very contumacious monk was admonished by the Prior in 1467 : see the 
letter, Hist. Dun. app. cclxv. He has frequented ' loca suspecta' till ' vix superest 
operimentum corporis aut grabati.' 

52 Payments of 40^. to 100s. were made for the B.D. degree, e.g. to John Burnby 
1436, Wm, Seton 1447, Tho. Rowland 1481, Ric. Caley and Hen. Thew 1495. 
For the D.D. degree Tho. Rome had about £13 in 1411, Wm. Ebchester £10 in 
I470, and J. Aukland £10 in 1482 ; see Nos. 4 and 5 in List of Wardens. 

53 This was the Warden's clerk; cf. Comp. 1424, 'In expensis clerici gardiani 
versus ecclesias v s v d ob. There were then four ' valletti,' the pincerna, cocus, 
barbitonsor, and carpentarius. In 1432 five are enumerated, the pincerna, cocus, 
subcocus, barbitonsor, and lotrix. 

54 Generally called the livery, ' liberatura estivalis,' and ' hyemalis.' 

55 The exact definition of these might cause disputes ; see J, note 6. 

56 A specimen of a 'recepcio scolaris in Collegium Oxonie,' preserved in a 
Durham Register, is printed by Raine (Hist. Dun. app. clxxxviii). There is no 
trace of the oath in the Compotus till 1454 ('Item in datis uni notario pro instru- 
mentis confectis super iuramento duorum scolarium in collegium admissorum, ij s '). 



monks and help the Church of Durham to the best of their 
ability, in whatever rank of life they might be. Unfortunately 
the Compotus contains only the most general allusions to 
these secular scholars or ' pucri ' ; they seem on the whole to 
have lived quietly with the monks. 

The visitatorial power, intended to protect the College from 
any breach of trust or indifference on the part of the Convent, 
was assigned by Hatfield to the Bishop of Durham, and was 
to pass, if he neglected his duty, first to the Bishop of Lincoln 
and then to the Archbishop of Canterbury. In the draft 
statutes the Bishop of Carlisle precedes the Bishop of Lincoln 
in this matter, and the Archbishop does not appear. Other 
points in which the drafts differ from the final ' ordinatio ' are 
(i) the mention of nine instead of eight 'socii' in all ; (%) the 
use of the term ' pueri ' instead of £ scolares seculares ' ; (3) the 
fixing of the revenue required as 280 instead of 200 marks. 

The College, thus endowed and organised, seems to have 
had a fair measure of success ; its history, if uneventful, is not 
pervaded by scandals ; a constant succession of the younger 
monks carried back to Durham an amount of education, 
which must have been one of the chief causes of the respect- 
ability and orderliness of the abbey up to the time of its 
dissolution. The scheme is well described by the unknown 
author of the 'Rites of Durham' who remembered its working: 

'Ther was alwayes vj Novices, which went daly to schoule within the 
House, for the space of vij yere, and one of the oldest mounckes, that was 
lernede, was appointed to be there tuter. The sayd novices had no wages, 
but meite, drinke, & clothe, for that space. The maister or tuteres office 
was to se that they lacked nothing, as cowles, frocks, stammyne, 
beddinge, bootes, and socks, and whene they did lack any of thes neces- 
saries the Maister had charge to calle of the Chamberlaynes for such 
thinges. For they never receyved wages, nor handled any money, in that 
space, but goynge daly to there bookes within the Cloyster. And yf the 
maister did see that any of theme weare apte to lernyng, and dyd applie 
his booke, and had a pregnant wyt withall, then the maister dyd lett the 
Prior have intellygence. Then, streighteway after, he was sent to Oxforde 
to schoole, and there dyd lerne to study Devinity.' 

Such a system would have been most effective if Henry VIII's 
plan for a liberal endowment of education from the funds 
of the monastery had been carried out 51 . The Wardens, of 
whom the Compoti supply an almost perfect list 58 from 1389 

If they had attained years of discretion before their admission, there can have been 
no strict limit of age. In 1445 Warden Burnby refused to admit a nominee not 
properly qualified for a Northallerton Scholarship (Obituary Roll, p. xii). 

57 See Stevenson's pamphlet, pp. 11-14. 

58 Though it is strange that the years 1450-3, when Richard Bell took the 
place of John Burnby, should be missing from the set : perhaps this indicates that 
Burnby did not really resign, but appointed a deputy. 


to 1496, were generally selected from the younger monks, and 
were men of ability, as appears from the fact that six of them 
at least were afterwards Priors of Durham, and most of the 
others held important offices. Richard Bell's ambition took 
him as far as the Bishopric of Carlisle, and he is said to have 
aspired even to the Papacy ; Rome, Wm. Ebchester, and 
Burnby were learned men and influential delegates at the 
Benedictine chapters at Northampton ; and others are de- 
scribed as able administrators at Durham. Many names of 
socii and a few of scholares, if it were worth while, might be 
catalogued from these accounts ; but it is curious that there is 
no mention of Gilbert Kymer, Duke Humphrey's physician, 
many of whose acts as Chancellor of the University for the 
second time (1446-53) are dated from Durham College, 
where he probably rented a chamber, without being a member 
of the foundation. The fellows for the time being remained 
in all essentials monks of Durham, and the College in its 
corporate capacity took its share as one of the cells in the 
extraordinary expenses of the parent house. Contributions 
of 55-. 8d., 13s. 4d., and 26s. %d. were made when the Durham 
dormitory was being rebuilt in 1398-1400 ; 2s. was sub- 
scribed for many years to the fund for the Durham boy- 
bishop, ' Episcopo Elemosinarie ' ; 6s. Sd. was paid out of the 
balance of 1432-3 'ad fabricam lauacrorum in claustro,' and 
13s. 4d. in 1434-5 'ad facturam maiorum nouorum organo- 
rum ' ; and the horses of the college officials had a special 
place in the Durham stable 59 . At the same time business 
was business, and the College had to pay rent to the 
Chamberlain of Durham for a house belonging to his office, 
which they used when inspecting their rectory at Frampton 60 . 
Occasionally a fellow's place was vacated, not by return to 
Durham, but by death ; and then the College gave him 
a handsome funeral, and distributed alms for the repose of 
their brother's soul 61 . 

Unfortunately the estates assigned to the College consisted 
entirely of appropriated rectories, heavily burdened by the 
customary diocesan charges, by the pensions of the rectors 

59 The following item also seems to refer to Durham: Comp. 1405, 'Item in 
communi contribucione, viz. pincerne pro seminibus et viridi succo et aliis com- 
putatis in communi contribucione vj s . viij d .' 

60 Comp. 1400, 'Item camerario pro tenemento in villa Sancti Botulfi xviij d ;' 
and Comp. 1402, 'Item camerario Dunelmensi pro domibus in Bostane xviij d .' 

61 Comp. 1436, 'Item in elemosina data pro anima domini Thome Forster Con- 
fratris xx s ;' Comp. 1406, 'Et pro distribucione facta pauperibus in exequiis Johannis 
de Kirkeland xx s ; Et pro prandio suo dato pauperibus per xxx tlX dies post eius 
obitum vj s viij d ;' Comp. 1478, 'Item in elimosina data pauperibus in obitu domini 
Willelmi Dawell xvij s ; Item in expensis funeralium domini Willelmi Dawell tarn 
Oxonie quam eadem (? die) apud yesleppe {Islip) xx s .' 





who had been bought out, and by the stipends very properly 
reserved for the vicars ; and both the College and the Convent 
were severely hit by the decline in the profits of agriculture 
which took place soon after the beginning of the fifteenth 
century. The balance in cash which John de Berington handed 
over did not last long, and in 1395-6 we find the College 
borrowing £5 from an University Chest 'super caucione prions,' 
305-. ' de uno pannario Oxoniensi,' £8 from the stipends of the 
warden and fellows, and other sums up to £24. The settle- 
ment of the difficulties which had delayed the acquisition of 
Bossall gave some relief ; and in spite of heavy expenses on 
the ' reformatio ' of the churches (see above), large sums were 
spent in building between 1405 and 142 1. In 1392-3 (see G) 
near ^40 was due from the officers of Durham and the 
various cells, and though there were some cases where the 
contributions were unpaid and finally written off, it seems 
to have been understood that the College was to expect £10 
to £13 in cash from the chamberlain, commoner, and shrine- 
keeper ; but after 1412 these payments cease to appear, and 
the last payment of any importance from a cell was one of 
£6 ijs. id. from Stamford in 1425-6, in which year a donation 
of £\o ' per dominum Dunelmensem ' (? Bishop Langley) also 
occurs. As a consequence of this, some inquiries, the date of 
which is not stated, were addressed to the Prior by the Bishop 
as Visitor under Hatfield's statutes, and the Prior in reply 
alleged Scotch wars, the great floods of 1401, the sterility 
of the estates, the cost of rebuilding the dormitory, legal 
expenses, the pensions of the rectors who had inconsider- 
ately lived ten 5 twelve, and even twenty years, and generally 
the decrease in revenues. Skirlaw, Langley, and some of the 
wardens contributed generously to the College ; but by 1459 
the gross income had sunk to £145, and the convent was 
forced to procure the appropriation of the church of Branting- 
ham, one of their oldest pieces of patronage 62 . After this 
things were better, but an annual deficit had reappeared before 
1496, when the series of compotus-rolls closes. In Henry 
VI IPs valuation only the net receipts are given : the income 
was £122 odd; the warden received ;£i2, seven fellows £8 
each, and eight scholars 4 marks apiece ; 40s. was given in 
alms to the four orders of Friars in Oxford, and 13s. 4d. to the 

62 From this church there came remarkable payments in i486, ' Et de denariis 
prouenientibus donacionum ad tumbam magistri Willelmi Benson xiiij 11 viij s vj d ,' 
and in 1489, c Et de vj 1 ' receptis de pixide magistri Willelmi Benson in Ecclesia 
de Brantyngham,' and in 1490 £4. from the same source. William Benson, M.A., 
was first Vicar of Brantingham on the presentation of the College 1 459-1479 ; but 
why were offerings made at his tomb ten years after his death ? And by what right 
did the college reap the benefit of them ? 



poor ; and after paying the steward £6 there was a balance 
of about £24 for general expenses. 

Among the miscellaneous receipts the most interesting 
entries are those of sums paid for the use of rooms in the 
college by persons not on the foundation. These rents were 
small at first, e.g. 435. in 1389-90, 52s. Sd. in 1398-9, 70^. in 
1401, y6s. in 1410, 80s. in 1413, and the 'pensio j camere 
Oxonie' for one term was only 3s. 4d. in 1394-5 ; but they 
gradually came to form an important source of income ; 
•£7 Ss. Sd. is credited to this source in 1472, and £ti %s. 
in 1473. One of the tenants is mentioned above ; the inha- 
bitant of the 'camera Dunkan' (E, note 21) may have been 
Thomas Duncan, Fellow of Merton in 1404, and physician 
to the Earl of March 63 . But the most important statements 
on this subject are to be found in the quarterly rolls. In 
that for the last quarter of 1394 there are two significant 
entries under the head of repairs ; ' Item pro j banda ferrea 
pro trabe in bassa camera monachorum Eboracensium vija 7 .,' 
and ' Item pro duabus crukys [hooks for hinges) fenestre 
camere monachorum Eboracensium \]d? The explanation is 
found among the receipts in a brief account for the third 
quarter of 1414 : 

' Item de xiij 8 iiij d in plena solucione de pensione camere monachi de 
Qwytby pro anno preterite 

Item de xx s in plena solucione camere monachorum Eboracensium 
pro eodem anno. 

Item de viij s viij d in parte solucionis camere magistri T. Mosten.' 

Unfortunately these are the only entries of the kind, but 
they make it quite clear that Durham College to some extent 
served the purpose of a home for the other Benedictine abbeys 
of the northern province, who had no share in the Gloucester 
Hall settlement and would naturally prefer renting rooms 
for their students among friends to letting them share the 
mixed society of the ordinary halls. It will be seen from 
a comparison of the list of rooms at the end of E with 
Loggan's view, that there were rooms to spare. The chambers, 
besides the perloquitorium and the warden's room over it, 
were twelve in number, without reckoning the possibilities 
of accommodation in the buildings to the N.W. of the buttery. 
If we assume that the rooms of which the situation is 
not specially described, viz., the right-hand room on the first 
floor and the middle and right-hand rooms on the ground 
floor of the northern side of the quadrangle, were the three 
appropriated to the scholars (pueri), there remain for the 

6i Another Fellow of Merton, Ralph Hamsterley, Master of University College 
1509, was a benefactor honoured with a brass plate in the old Chapel. 

C 2 



use of seven monks fifteen beds in nine rooms, the smallest 
of which was 27 ft. by 18; and it is extremely likely that 
three to five rooms were let regularly to other abbeys or 
to independent students who could afford to pay for the 
comparative quiet and comfort of a well-to-do community 
settled in the healthiest part of Oxford. The ' low chamber 
of the monks of York' may be the 'old Bursary.' 

A very brief mention must suffice for the building operations 
of the fifteenth century. The east side of the old quadrangle, 
which has remained almost untouched, except by the archaic 
' restoration' of the library windows on the W. and the addition 
of Dr. Kettell's £ cocklofts,' is unambitious in detail, but most 
effective in the simplicity of its general design ; the north 
side seems to have been very similar, and the south front of 
the chapel contained plain but good perpendicular windows 64 . 
Aubrey and Wood, who saw it in the seventeenth century, 
have left notes of inscriptions, paintings, and stained glass, 
some of which, it can hardly be doubted, is still preserved 
in the library of Trinity College. It has suffered consider- 
ably both from wanton damage and from a ' restoration ' in 
the last century ; but still retains the little figures of the 
' black monks ' kneeling at the feet of their patron saints, and 
the shields of Hatfield and other benefactors of the house 65 . 
A large sum {£100 3s. 4^.) is acknowledged as ' limitata as- 
signata et adquisita ad novum opus Oxonie,' probably from 
subscriptions, in 1409-10 ; and £()0 10s. %\d. was spent in the 
following year, perhaps on completing the north range. In 
141 3-4 ^"35 odd was spent 'in construccione unius muri 
lapidei cum emendacione basse camere et camini cum empcione 
meremij.' Next followed the library in 141 7-8 (see note 32) ; 
a chamber cost £19 is. io\d. in the following year, and 
another £25 10s. <\d. in 14 20-1. After this only repairs are 
recorded. In Comp. 1467 there is an item, ' in factura cuiusdam 
partis muri lapidei in angulo boriali orti versus ostium 
fratrum Augustinensium xlvij 3 .' A ' spaciatorium ' referred 
to (if at Oxford) must be a garden walk, as there is no trace 
of any kind of cloister. 

The disappearance of all the accounts for the sixteenth 
century except the compoti of 1540-1 and 1541-2 leaves us 
almost without information as to the history of the last fifty 

64 See L and notes ; also Comp. 1409, ' Item in expensis factis circa dedica- 
cionem capelle una cum cera pallijs et alijs ornamentis emptis lxv s viij d ob.' Comp. 
1414 mentions the dedication of 'altars,' Comp. 1417 that of one altar. Comp. 
1460, ' Item in una campana empta pro capella cum locione albarum xiiij s vj d .' 

65 The most remarkable figure, almost unique, is that of Thomas Becket ; the 
head has been cracked in three places, but the piece of the sword sticking in the 
forehead identifies it beyond mistake. 


years of the College. In 1 540-1 the total revenue was 
£12% 10s. Ad., including a small quit-rent from a tenement 
at Handborough near Woodstock, which we may conjecture 
served the College as a retreat during the epidemics which 
now began to infest Oxford. The ' pensiones ' or net receipts 
from the churches appear as in the Valor Ecclesiasticus, 
and possibly some commutation had taken place ; but the 
stipends of the fellows and scholars had been reduced by about 
one-fifth. The names of the wardens are derived mainly from 
external evidences such as the University Registers ; but it 
is difficult to believe that the Thomas Castell who is described 
as 'gardianus Collegii Dunelmensis ' on taking his D. D. 
degree in 151 1 is not the same as Thomas Castell, Warden 
1487-94 (in the Compotus) and Prior of Durham to 151 9. 
Eventually on December 31, 1540, the last Prior of Durham, 
Hugh Whitehead, surrendered all the possessions of his abbey 
to the Crown, and the estates of the College, the net value 
of which (^1154^.4^.) almost exactly makes up the odd 
figures in the great total of £2115 125. 6\d., were swept in 
with the rest. But the Prior had made good terms, not only 
for himself, and the Warden, and several of the Durham 
monks 60 , but for the Cathedral Chapter, which was reconstituted 
in May 1541, and endowed with practically the whole pro- 
perty of the convent except the estates of its dependencies 
at Finchale, Jarrow, Wearmouth, Lytham, and Stamford 67 . 
The grant included — 

' Totum illud scitum circuitum ambitum et praecinctum cujusdam 
nuper Collegii vocati Duresme College infra villam Oxon. in com. nostra 
Oxon. ac totam illam ecclesiam sive capellam, campanile, coemiterium, 
una cum omnibus domibus aedificiis, pomariis, gardinis, hortis, et solo' — 

and the revenues from the six churches and the tenement at 
Handborough. In the survey taken for the Augmentation 
Office accurate measurements of the site and buildings are 
given, with a few descriptive notes 68 , which are useful as 
coming about halfway between the Inventory of 1428 and 
Loggan's view which was drawn about 1675. 

The scheme for a large ' Durham University ' College, with 

66 Most of the officers received prebendal stalls on the new foundation : and 
among them was Thomas Sparke, D.D., a former socius of the college and Prior 
of Holy Island 1528, who had been consecrated Suffragan Bishop of Berwick in 
1537 ; he was Master of Gretham Hospital 1 541 and Rector of Wolsingham 1547, 
and died in 1572 : see Hist. Dun. p. 156. 

67 See the whole deed in Hutchinson's Durham, vol. ii, and some remarks in 
Surtees, vol. i. 

68 E. g. ' A Fayre Library well desked and well floured, with a Tymber Floure 
over it, in Length xxvij Fote and in Bredethe xviij Fote.' There were 3,000 trees 
in the grove, which were valued at £7. 



a Provost, Readers in Greek, I Icbrcw, Divinity with Latin, 
and Physic, sixty scholars, a schoolmaster and an usher, and 
twenty divinity students at Oxford and Cambridge, was found 
far too expensive for Henry VIII's taste, though the principle 
of devoting a portion of the funds to education was recognized 
by the foundation of the ' King's School.' But it appears from 
the Compotus printed below (K), that it is not the case, as is 
usually stated, that the old College was suppressed by the 
Crown ; but the Dean and Chapter had some idea of con- 
tinuing to support it on the same scale as before, giving up to 
it the net revenue of Frampton (£28 6s. tid.) and making 
up the usual income by a cash payment of £ico. The senior 
of the old fellows, George ClyfT, was appointed Rector, and 
appears from incidental remarks in his accounts to have 
considered the position humorous ; and there were to be 
seven fellows and, four scholars receiving respectively 4Js. 6d. 
and 37^. 6d. a term as stipends. Such an establishment, if 
worked by the Chapter in connexion with the school, might 
have been very serviceable, but it fell through at once, and 
George ClyfT did not even trouble to complete his final 
Compotus. The estates reverted to the Dean and Chapter, 
who still present to most of the benefices ; but the site and 
buildings passed again in the surrender to the Crown of 
March 20, 36 Hen. VIII (1544), and were not regranted. 
After being occupied as a sort of private hall by Walter 
Wright, Archdeacon of Oxford and Vice- Chancellor 1547-49, 
they fell into disrepair, became mere ' canilia lustra ' (Wood), 
and were granted by the Crown to Dr. George Owen in 1553, 
who sold them to Sir Thomas Pope on Feb. 20, 1554. 

Herbert E. D. Blakiston. 

Trinity College, 
Oct. 1895. 


Most of these names and dates are derived from the headings of the com- 
poti. In cases where a change of warden occurs during a gap in the series 
I have given an approximate date. The information as to the careers of 
the wardens is drawn from a variety of sources, but chiefly from the 
publications of the Surtees Society and the works of Antony Wood. 
Stevens in his Additions to the Monasticon (pp. 341-4) was the first to 
print a list of eight wardens, and Warton (Life of Sir T. Pope, p. 300) 
added a few details and the name of Robert Ebchester, all from W ood's 
papers. It will be noticed that nearly all the wardens, like their fellow 
monks, adopted surnames from their native places (mostly places in 
the Palatinate or connected with the see or convent of Durham), which 
are found sometimes with but generally without a preposition. 

1. Gilbert Elwyk, S.T.P., c. 1316. 

Voted as Prior Oxoniae at the election of Henry Stamford in 1316, and 
as Prior of Holy Island (1328-1350) at the election of Robert de Gray- 
stanes in 1333 ; died 1363. 

2. John de Beverlaco (Beverley), S.T.P., c. 1333. 

Voted as Prior Oxoniae at the election of Robert de Graystanes in 
1333; Master of Jarrow in 1340; Prior of Finchale in 1345; Prior of 
Holy Island; took a leading part in the Benedictine chapters at North- 
ampton in 1338 and 1343. 

3. R de C , after 1340. 

Possibly Robert de Claxton, Prior of Coldingham c. 1374, if the 
document quoted in A, par. 5, lies between pars. 4 and 6 in date : or 
perhaps Robert Crayk, see A, note 14. 

[4. ? Uthred de Boldon, S.T.P., e. 1360. 

Appears to have been very closely connected with the College even 
before 1380, when he was named as one of Hatfield's trustees ; frequently 
mentioned in John de Berington's accounts. He received 20s. in 1359 
from Jarrow ' ad incepcionem suam,' and such a payment is seldom made 
except to the Prior or Warden. In 1360 and 1362 he had 6s. 8d. 'ex 
curialitate ' from Wearmouth. He occurs as Prior of Finchale 1367-72 
and in 1375 and 1390. Ambassador from Edward III to the Pope in 
1374. He was a copious writer, and is considered by Tanner to have 
been one of the most learned of the Benedictines at Oxford. (Other details 
inTanner, Bibliotheca Britannico-Hibernica, p. 743.) 

[5. ? John Aclyff (de Acley), e. 1380. 

Was closely connected with the College about the time of its endow- 
ment, received a donation of 20J-. from Wearmouth, probably for incepting 



as S.T.P., in 1377. In Berington's accounts he is allowed 33^. 4^. for 
a clerk ; no similar payment occurs except in favour of a warden. He 
was Master of Wcarmouth 1387, Prior of Coldingham 1391 , and Sub- 
prior of Durham in 1394. 

6. Robert Blaklaw, c. 1389-1404. 

Appears to have been appointed first warden of the new foundation 
shortly before John de Berington ceased to administer the endowment. 

7. William Appylby, 1404-1409. 

Librarian of Durham, 1391 ; Almoner, 1399; buried in the College 
chapel, where a brass plate with inscription remained in the seventeenth 
century : see L, note I. 

8. Thomas Rome, S.T.P., 1409-1419. 

Occurs as Bursar of the College 1391-2 and 1394-6; Sacrist of Durham 
in 1406. Thomas Rome seems to be described as Prior of Pershore in 
the acts of the chapter at Northampton in 1423, as printed by Reyner 
(Apost.Bened., App., pt. iii. p. 175) ; but Wilkins (Cone. iii. p. 423) more 
correctly makes it clear that they were two separate persons. 

9. William Ebchester, S.T.P., 1419-1428. 

Born 1385; Bursar 14 10-13 ar >d 1418-9. 'Will'mus Ebchester huius 
custos Collegii Dominus vobiscu ' is in the upper lights of a window in 
the College. He was Prior of Holy Island 1430-37, Sacrist of Durham 
in 1438, and Prior of Durham 1446-56. He represented Durham at 
all the triennial Benedictine chapters at Northampton between 1426-41. 
Buried in Durham Cathedral. (See notice in Surtees Society edition 
(1856) of his Obituary Roll, pp. vii, viii.) 

10. Richard Barton, S.T.B., 1428-1431. 

Bursar 1390-1, 1413-6, 1420-24 ; Feretrarius at Durham in 1438 ; Prior 
of St. Leonard's, Stamford, in 1440 and in 1456 (see letter in J arrow and 
Wearmouth Rolls, p. 236). 

11. John Mody (Moody), S.T.P., 1431-c. 1440. 

Bursar 1422-5 ; Master of J arrow 1446-52. 

12. John Burnby, S.T.P., 1442-1450, and 1453-6. 

Bursar 1425-35 ; Sub-prior of Durham ; represented Durham at 
Northampton in 1444, 1447, and 1450 ; one of the commissaries of the 
Chancellor of the University of Oxford in 1447, 1448, and 1449; resigned 
the wardenship in order to act as visitor of Benedictine monasteries in 
the north ; reappointed Warden Sept. 30, 1453 ; Prior of Durham 1456- 
64; died Oct. 17, 1464; buried in the Cathedral. (See particulars in 
Surtees Society edition (1856) of his Obituary Roll, pp. xi-xvi, and App. ix.) 

13. Richard Bell, S.T.B., 1450-1453. 

Born 1410; Bursar 1435-c. 1440; Prior of Holy Trinity, York, 1441 ; 
not found as Warden in College Compotus 1 ; Sub-prior of Durham in 
1456; Prior of Finchale 1457-64; Bishop of Carlisle 1478-96; buried 
in the Choir of Carlisle Cathedral. (Full account in Finchale Priory Rolls, 
Surt. Soc. 1837, pp. xxviii-xxxi.) 

14. Thomas Caly, S.T.B., 1457-c. 1463. 

Bursar 1445-54. 

1 The compoti are missing between 1450 and 1453. 


15. Robert Ebchester, S.T.P., c. 1464-e. 1475. 

Prior of Durham 1478-84 ; buried in the Cathedral. 

16. William Law, S.T.B., c. 1478-c. 1481. 

Bursar 1464-72. 

17. John Aukland, S.T.P., c. 1481-1484. 

Bursar 1459-64; Master of Wearmouth 1466-70; Prior of Durham 
1484-94; buried in the Cathedral. 

18. Thomas Rowland, S.T.B., 1484-1487. 

Bursar c. 1478-c. 1482. 

19. Thomas Castell, S.T.P., 1487-1494. 

Bursar 1484-5 ; Prior of Durham 1494-15 19; rebuilt the East gate of 
the Abbey, St. Helen's Chapel, &c. ; buried in the Cathedral. 

20. William Cawthorne, S.T.P., 1494-c. 1501. 

Bursar 1484-5 ; Prior of Holy Island in 1501 ; Prior of Finchale 1506- 
c. 1520. 

21. Thomas Swalwell, S.T.P., c. 1501. 

Took his D.D. degree in 1501 as Gardianus of Durham College (Wood, 
Fasti 7) ; Almoner at Durham in 15 15. 

22. ? Thomas Castell, S.T.P., c, 1511. 

One of this name took the D.D. degree in 1511 as Gardianus of Durham 
College. This may be the late warden ; but Wood (who did not know 
however that Prior Castell was once Warden of the College) thinks that 
there were two Durham monks of the same name (Fasti 30, 34, 38). 

23. Hugh Whitehead, S.T.P., 1512-c. 1519. 

Commissary of the Chancellor of the University in 15 14; last Prior 
of Durham 1519-40; first Dean of Durham 1541-48 ; built the Prior's 
Hall at Pittington ; died in London Nov. 155 1, and was buried in the 
Minories Church near the Tower (Wood, Fasti 38, and note). 

24. Edward Hyndmer (Henmarsh) 2 , S.T.P., c. 1527-1541. 

First prebendary of the first stall in the new foundation of Durham 
Cathedral ; died 1543. 

25. George Clyff, S.T.B., 1541-1542. 

Senior Fellow in 1 540 ; third prebendary of the twelfth stall at Durham, 
1558 ; Vicar of Billingham 1560-5 and 1584-95 ; Rector of Brancepeth 
1571-84 ; died 1595 (Hutchinson's Durham, ii. 214). 

2 Another Edward Hyndmer, or Hindmarsh, a native of Westmoreland, was 
Scholar of Trinity College, 1561, and Fellow 1568-76. From a legacy left by 
him in 1608 the old library was refitted with bookcases (still existing) in 1625. 
Several other Durham names, e.g. that of my kinsman, Marmaduke Blakiston 
(Apr., 1579), occur in the early lists of Trinity Commoners. 


1288. First purchase of land at Oxford. 

1290. Richard de Hoton succeeds Hugh de Derlington as Prior of 

1315. First Inventory and List of Books sent to Oxford. 

1337. Constitutions of Benedict XII. 

1338. Edward Ill's Charter to Bishop Richard de Bury. 
1380. Bishop Hatfield's Endowment and ' Ordinatio.' 
1389. First compotus of Hatfield's foundation. 

1405. Building of the College Chapel commenced. 
1417. Building of the College Library commenced. 

1540. Surrender of the Convent of Durham and its Cells. 

1541. Foundation of the Cathedral Chapter of Durham. 

1553. Site of the College granted by the Crown to Dr. George Owen. 


I {Frontispiece). Oxford Seals from Durham College Rolls : — 

1. Parish of St. Mary Magdalen, 1326; legend, S' CONMVN' PO- 


2. Hospital of St. John without the East Gate, 1291 ; legend, S' 


3. Godstow Abbey, 1286; legend, SIGILLVM SCE MARIE ET 

Baptist presents a lamb (ECCE AGNVS DEI) to the Virgin, the 
foundress, EDIVA, kneels below. 

4. Priory of St. Frideswide, 1291 ; legend, SIGILLVM [ECCLEStjE 


5. Oseney Abbey, 1326 ; legend, Sigillvm abbatis et conuentus 

ecclesie sancte marie de oseney. 

6. Rural Dean of Oxford, 1326; legend, SIGILL' DECANI OXON'E. 

II {facing p. 26). Seals relating to Hatfield's endowment : — 

1. Episcopal seal 1 of John Fordham, Bishop of Durham, 1386; legend, 

Sigill' • iohannis • dei • gra' • episcopi • dunolmensis. 

2. Privy seal 2 of Thomas Hatfield, Bishop of Durham, 1380; legend, 

Secretu : thome : dei : gracia : epi : dunolm : 

3. Counterseal 2 of the convent of Durham, 1380; legend, CAPVT 

3. Common seal 3 of Durham College, Oxford, 1438; legend, Sigillum 
com . . colleg' monacho£ dunelm' oxon'. 

1 Appended to the licence quoted in A, § 8; see p. 31. 

2 Appended to the covenant between Hatfield and the Convent; see p. 12. 

3 A unique specimen appended to a letter from Warden Mody replying to the 
citation to attend the election of a bishop on the death of Thomas Langley. It 
seems to represent the Virgin and Child between St. Cuthbert and St. Benedict, 
who presents a student-monk. 



Plate II 


Responsiones Contra Priorem Studentium, 1422. 

(This document appears to be one of those collections which the energetic John 
Wessyngton or Washington, Bursar of the College 1398-1403, and Prior of 
Durham 1416-1446, 1 ad perpetuam tutelam et defensionem jurium libertatum et 
possessionum ecclesiae Dunelmensis, adversus malicias et machinaciones ipsam 
molencium impugnare, non sine labore et studio compilavit, et per Robertum 
Westmorland scribi fecit ' {Hist. Dunelm. Scr. Tres, app. ccxxviii). It may even 
be the actual roll by which he proved ' quod Prior Studencium non habet interesse 
in Collegio nostro Oxoniensi, ea racione quod prius erat Prior in dicto loco nostro 
quam erat creatus aliquis Prior Studencium.' It contains some quotations of 
importance ; and is also valuable as showing that early in the fifteenth century the 
Oxford College was regarded as an institution of undoubted antiquity. The 
citations from the Digest and Decretals which are paraded in the concluding para- 
graphs, are so little to the point, that it has been thought sufficient to expand the 
cramped references which are printed in the text as they stand in the MS. This 
roll was at one time sewn on to the accounts of John Berington, the acting 
trustee of Bishop Hatfield for the endowment of the College, and is docketed ' e 
locello I 0 .' It is well written and legible, and measures 1 ft. 7 in. by 11 in. In 
this transcript stops have been freely inserted for the sake of clearness, and for the 
same reason the interchange of u with v and i with j has been almost entirely 

Infrascripta erant notata pro responsione facienda Priori Studen- 1. Title 
cium 1 clamanti Jurisdiccionemin Collegio Monachorum Dunelmensium and Date * 
Oxonie Anno Gracie millesimo quadringentesimo vicesimo secundo 2 . 

Memorandum quod Papa Benedictus XII U8 circa annum gracie 2. Extract 
millesimum ccc m xxxvij mum edidit certa statuta et constituciones super consti^u- 
reformacionem ordinis nigrorum monachorum. Inter que statuta tions of 
continetur talis clausula, capitulo octavo 3 , de modo conservandi stu- ^jj 6 ^^ 
dencium monachorum : ' Volentes eciam providere ut dictis scolaribus 
in eisdem studiis morantibus et eciam moraturis (eo quod absunt 
ab eorum cenobiis) regularis nondesit salubre 4 gubernaculum discipline, 
ordinamus et volumus quod capitulis provinciarum, in quibus erunt 



hujusmodi studia, presidcntes unum Abbatem vel Priorem ipsius 

ordinis seu rcligionis cujuslibct, ipsorum studiorum vicinum, et quern 6 

quociens eis placuerit ponere valeant et mutare, ordinent et assignent. 

Qui Abbas vel Prior monachis studentibus unum inibi monachorum 

priorem studencium deputet per unum totum annum duraturum ; quern 

quidem Priorem dicti eciam presidentes mutare valeant quociens 

videbitur expedire; quique potens in opere ac scrmone, per direc- 

cionem verbi et ducatum exempli eosdem monachos studentes 

tractando, quociens opus fuerit et sibi 6 videbitur expedire, convocet ad 

locum aliquem competentem illisque quo ad regularem presideat 

disciplinam ; et potestatem habeat illos corrigendi puniendi et absol- 

vendi et cum eisdem dispensandi, quamdiu in ipsis studiis moram 

traxerint, ab omnibus a quibus et super quibus et prout possit Abbas 

vel alius' prelatus eorum proprius in Monasterio vel alio loco unde 

cenobite seu claustrales existunt; ipsos informandi et instruendi ac 

tenendi sub regularibus disciplinis et illos eciam cohercendi ne 

vagentur vel actibus seu operibus vacent illicitis, sed studeant et 

proficiant sicut decet, vivantque laudabiliter et honeste/ 

3 Durham p e r dictam constitucionem vendicat Prior studencium Nigrorum 

Oxford was Monachorum Oxonie Jurisdiccionem super monachos collegii Dunel- 

founded by mensis in Oxonia. Contra quern se opponit Prior sive Custos dicti 

^e°rS- gh Collegii et allegat in contrarium, quod diu ante edicionem dicte 

lington) ; Constitucionis Benedictine et dotacionem prefati Collegii factam per 

Gilbert venerabilem patrem dominum Thomam Hatfeld, ymmo a tempore 
Mwykwas . * . . ....... ^ , 

Prior there cuius contrarn memona hommi non existit, dicti monachi Uunelmenses 

in 1316. habuerunt ibidem unum mansum proprium, in quo communiter 

degebant octo 7 monachi Dunelmenses, quern numerum statuit eo 

servandum quidam Hugo Prior Dunelmensis qui fuit circa annum 

domini m t cclvij, quandoque pauciores, causante guerra Scottorum 8 , 

sed semper ad minus quinque vel quatuor, ut patet per antiqua 

munimenta ecclesie Dunelmensis, quibus semper prefuit unus Prior 

sive Custos per Priorem Dunelmensem prefectus et creatus qui solus 

et insolidum immediate sub dicto Priore Dunelmensi in ipsis 

monachis omne habuit excercicium regularis discipline et pro tali 

fuerat publice habitus tentus et vocitatus ; ut patet in eleccionibus 

factis in Ecclesia Dunelmensi et in aliis actibus solempnibus eiusdem 

ecclesie, in quibus nomina Priorum et Custodum Cellarum ab eadem 

ecclesia dependencium exprimuntur, ut est moris. Unde in eleccione 

de Henrico Stamford 9 facta anno domini millesimo ccc sextodecimo 

inter ceteros Priores Cellarum recitatur Gilbertus Elwyk Prior Oxonie 10 . 

4. Extract Iterum in appropriacione ecclesie de Mikylbenton facta Scolaribus 

from the^ ^ule Baiiioio anno domini M mo cccxL continetur subscripta clausula 11 : 

StaTutes of ' Statuo et ordino et ad premissa adicio quod Prior sive Custos mona- 


chorum Dunelmensium Oxonie studencium, per Priorem Dunelmensem Balliol 
prefectus, collega sit in omnibus Cancellario predicto vel ejus com- Hall > J 34°« 
missario, tarn in admissione quam confirmacione electi in magistrum 
dicte domus de Balliolo et prestacione juramenti ac amocione eiusdem 
magistri in casu quo fuerit amovendus, de quibus supra fit mencio, 
necnon et illorum quos contingit eligi ad insistendum theologice 
facultati. Ipseque Prior seu Custos cum dicto Cancellario vel eius 
commissarioexcerceat omnia que circa dictoselectos fuerint excercenda. 
Sit autem idem Prior seu Custos unus 12 cum magistris extrinsecis, 
quibus dicti sex Scolares (vel plures cum bona excreverint) presentari 
debent cum eligantur; plenamque potestatem cum aliis magistris 
habeat ad eosdem Scolares examinandos et admittendos vel eciam 
repellendos et ad omnia alia excercenda circa eosdem, que circa alios 
scolares in eadem aula existentes per dictos magistros extrinsecos ex- 
cerceri consueverunt tempore retroacto. Volo insuper statuo et ordino 
dispono quod Episcopi Dunelmenses qui pro tempore fuerint prefatos 
magistrum et scolares ad denunciacionem dicti Prioris seu Custodis 
monachorum Dunelmensium ad observanciam premissorum, quo ad 
eleccionem sex Scolarium et Capellani, ratione redituum per me 
collatorum ad presens, necnon quoad numerum studencium in casu ex- 
crescencie redituum eorundem cum acciderint (ut premittitur) amplian- 
dum, ac quo ad omnia alia et singula superius expressata, possint 
compellere viis et modis canonicis prout sibi magis videbitur ex- 

N. 13 Prior ecclesie Dunelmensis Dilecto filio R. de C. 14 salutem 5. A Prior 

in omnium salvatore. De vestre circumspeccionis industria plenam in of Durnam 

r- _ 1 . r commis- 

domino fiduciam amplectentes, vos in Priorem domus nostre Oxonie et s ions a 

confratrum nostrorum ibidem studencium tenore presencium pre- Pnor °J , 

, . . r ... the Oxford 

ficimus et creamus, committentes vobis vices nostras et plenanam j-jall to 

potestatem disponendi et ordinandi de omnibus quo ad dictam domum hear con- 


pertinent, tarn intra quam extra, cum consilio et consensu fratrum 
eorundem. Insuper et ad audiendas ipsorum confessiones ipsosque 
absolvendos, iniungendas eisdem pro modo culpe penitentias salutares, 
necnon ad eligendum vobis unum de confratribus supradictis in con- 
fessorem qui vestram confessionem audiat vosque absolvat et imponat 
sicut expedit penitentiam competentem 15 . Volumus insuper et ad id 
vobis concedimus potestatem, ut cum venerando viro Cancellario 
Oxonie vel ipsius commissario Collega sitis et socius tarn in ad- 
missione quam confirmacione electi in magistrum domus de Balliolo 
ac prestacione juramenti ac amocione eiusdem in casu quo fuerit 
amovendus ; necnon et eleccioni illorum scolarium quos continget ad 
eandem aulam eligi ad insistendum theologice facultati; ac ulterius 
ad omnia facienda gerenda et excercenda una cum dicto Cancellario 



ipsiusve commissario que per Priorem domus nostre Oxonie in ordina- 
cione generosi viri domini Philippi de Sumervill excerceri et fieri 
statuuntur. In cuius rei &c. 

6. Licence Edwardus dei gracia Rex Anglie Dominus Hibernie et Acquitanie 
ward III Omnibus ad quos presentes littere pervenerint Salutem : Sciatis quod 
to appro- de gracia nostra speciali concessimus et licenciam dedimus pro nobis et 
pnate to heredibus nostris, quantum in nobis est, Dilectis nobis in Christo Priori 
Hall the et Conventui Dunelmensi, quod ipsi Ecclesiam de Appilby in Comitatu 
Church of Leycestrie, que est de patronatu Prioris celle ipsorum Prioris et 
Leics^' Conventus de Lytham in Comitatu Lancastrie, appropriate et earn sic 
1362. appropriatam in proprios usus tenere possint sibi et successoribus suis, 

ad inueniendam inde sustentacionem commonachis ipsorum Prioris et 
Conventus Dunelmensis Oxonie studentibus, quorum studencium Prior 
capellahus noster nominetur, qui pro anima nostra cum ab hac luce 
subtracti fuerimus celebret juxta formam scripti predictorum Prioris et 
Conventus Dunelmensis nobis inde facti, in perpetuum sine ocurcione 
vel impedimento nostri vel heredum nostrorum, Justiciarii Escaetorum, 
vicecomitum aut aliorum ballivorum seu ministrorum nostrorum 
quorumcunque : statuto de terris et tenementis ad manum mortuam 
non ponendis edito non obstante. In cuius rei testimonium has litteras 
nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste me ipso apud Westmonasterium 
decimo octavo die Julii, anno regni nostri tricesimo sexto 16 . 

7. Bull of Innocentius Episcopus servus servorum dei Dilectis filiis Scolaribus 
VLt ° t? domus Dunelmensis in Universitate Oxoniensi Lyncolniensis dioceseos 
same effect, constitute salutem et Apostolicam benediccionem. Illis solet Apostolica 
i35 8 - benignitas se reddere liberalem qui ad fores sapiencie cum sedulitate 

invigilant et, ut introeant in thesauros illius, diligenti studio insistunt 
scolasticis disciplinis. Porrecta siquidem nobis pro parte vestra 
peticio continebat quod redditus domus vestre adeo sunt tenues et 
exiles quod ex eis vacando scolasticis excerciciis non potestis congrue 
sustentari ; propter quod nobis extitit humiliter supplicacio ut vobis 
super hoc de oportuno remedio providere de benignitate Apostolica 
dignaremus. Nos igitur vestris necessitatibus pio compacientes 
affectu, parochialem ecclesiam de Appylby Lyncolniensis dioceseos, 
cuiusque redditus et proventus annui viginti librarum sterlingarum 
secundum taxacionem decime valorem annuum non excedunt, ad 
patronatum Prioris prioratus de Lythum Eboracensis dioceseos spec- 
tantem, de eiusdem Prioris assensu nobis super hoc humiliter suppli- 
cantis, mense vestre et successorum vestrorum studencium in domo 
predicta auctoritate Apostolica ex nunc incorporamus in perpetuum 
et unimus. Itaque cedente vel decedente ipsius ecclesie Rectore vel 
ipso earn quomodolibet dimittente, liceat vobis vel successoribus 
vestris antedictis possessionem corporalem eiusdem ecclesie propria 


auctoritate apprehendere, ac fructus redditus et proventus eiusdem 
in proprios usus convertere aceciam retinere : reservata tamen de 
ipsius ecclesie fructibus et proventibus pro vicario perpetuo inibi 
servituro, qui curam animaram ipsius ecclesie habeat gerere, jura 
episcopalia solvere, et alia incumbencia onera supportare, congrua 
porcione, de qua idem Vicarius valeat congrue sustentari. Nos etenim 
irritum decrevimus et inane si secus a quoquam quavis auctoritate 
scienter vel ignoranter contigerit attemptari. Nulli ergo omnino 
homini liceat hanc paginam nostre concessionis et voluntatis infringere 
vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc attemptare pre- 
sumpserit, indignacionem omnipotentis dei ac beatorum Petri et Pauli 
apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. Data Avinione die vj Idus 
Julii, Pontificatus nostri anno sexto. 

Universis sancte matris ecclesie filiis ad quos presentes littere 8. John 
pervenerint, Johannes 17 permissione divina Dunelmensis Episcopus, g^jfop* erf 
delegatus sive executor unicus ad infrascripta sub forma infrascripta Durham, 
a sede Apostolica specialiter deputatus, Salutem graciam et benedic- ^pg"^ 3 ^ 9 ' 
cionem, ac litteris Apostolicis firmiter obedire, necnon infrascriptis Bull of 
fidem indubiam adhibere. Litteras sanctissimi in Christo patris et Ur ^. n V1, 
domini nostri domini Urbani divina providencia pape Sexti cum Hatfield's 
cordula canapis more Romane Curie bullatas sanas et integras ac executors 
omni vicio et suspicione carentes, nobis pro parte venerabilium viro- Durham 
rum ac dilectorum in Christo filiorum Prioris et Capituli Ecclesie College, 
nostre Cathedralis Dunelmensis presentatas, nos noveritis recepisse, 
sub eo qui sequitur verborum tenore. 'Urbanus Episcopus servus 
servorum etc.' 18 Post quarum quidem litterarum Apostolicarum re- 
cepcionem fuimus per partem dictorum Prioris et Capituli sepius con- 
grue requisiti ut ad execucionem dictarum litterarum Apostolicarum, 
ante omnia ad fundacionem institucionem et construccionem Collegii 
infrascripti juxta ipsarum litterarum exigenciam et tenorem procedere 
ipsumque Collegium fundare instituere et construere curaremus. Nos 
igitur dictas litteras Apostolicas volentes exequi, ut tenemur, supplica- 
cionibusque dictorum Prioris et Capituli ecclesie nostre Dunelmensis 
specialiter inclinati, ad exaltacionem fidei orthodoxe et divini cultus 
augmentum et pro incremento studii theologice facultatis, Collegium 
perpetuum pro sexdecim personis, quarum octo monachi predicte 
ecclesie nostre Dunelmensis per Priorem et Capitulum dicte ecclesie in 
ipso Collegio ponendi et subrogandi seu substituendi et octo alie 
persone clerici seculares, quos ipsi Prior et Capitulum ducerent eciam 
eligendos, existerent in villa Oxonie predicta Lyncolniensis dioceseos, 
in qua viget studium generale (in Loco sive Atrio videlicet dictorum 
Prioris et Capituli quern monachi dicte ecclesie nostre Dunelmensis ab 
antiquo inhabitabant et inhabitant in presenti), Auctoritate Apostolica 



nobis in hac parte commissa fundamus instiluimus aceciam ordinamus : 

Qui quidcm monachi et alii clcrici seculares inibi in sacre thcologie et 

arcium facultatibus studere et morari debent, dumtaxat juxta vim 

formam effeclum et exigenciam ordinacionum et statutorum per 

dictos Priorem et Capitulum aliumve Judicem competentem in hac 

parte impostcrum edendorum. 

9. Infer- Ex evidenciis suprascriptis patet quod (sicut Prior sive Custos 

ences from Collerii Dunelmensis allegat) a tempore cuius contrarii memoria homini 
the above . . . '. * . . . ^ ... r . 

evidence, non existit et ante edicionem dicte Constitucionis iienedictme fuit unus 

{a) Inten- Prior seu Custos per Priorem Dunelmensem deputatus per quern et 
Pope°in the SU ^ ^ U0 monacn ^ dicti Collegii salubriter et regulariter regebantur. 
establish- Et sic non videtur papa contra dictos monachos Dunelmenses aliquid 
P^ ^Stu novura i n statuere nec eos per contenta in dicto viij 0 capitulo coartare. 
dentium. Et hoc eciam aliis mediis suadetur. Nam in execucione seu explecione 
legis seu constitutionis papalis nedum verba sed pocius mens et 
intellectus eorundem inspicitur et servatur, ut impleatur scilicet finis 
quern legislator intendit ; FF de legibus .1. scire 19 . Et extra de privi- 
leges quinto 20 . Sed de mente dicti domini Pape fuit ne hujusmodi 
studentibus in aulis et hospiciis spersim ad libitum disgregatis deesset 
disciplina regularis, ut liquet ex textu. Sed cum monachi ecclesie 
Dunelmensis in dicto collegio commorantes in tempore edicionis 
dicte constitucionis et ante et post fuerunt continue sub observancia 
regulari Prioris seu Custodis dicti Collegii per Priorem Dunelmensem 
prefecti et creati, ut patet in antiquis munimentis et scripturis superius 
recitatis, Ergo predicta constitucio ad prefatos monachos Dunelmensis 
Collegii non est extensiva ; argumento .1. FF de Judiciis .1. cum 
pretor 21 . Et extra de presumpcionibus nonne 22 , cum similibus. 
{b) Pre- Item constitucio papalis non tollit consuetudinem vel statuta 
viously racionabilia que in facto consistunt et que papa verisimiliter poterit 
arrange- ignorare ; ut extra de consuetudine .ca°. fi. 23 etc. ; ti°. licet Romanus 
ments are Hbro vj° 24 ; et in prologo dictarum constitucionum 25 ubi dicitur, ' Per 
abro^ated^ edicionem nempe statutorum et ordinacionum predictorum non 
intendimus aliis juribus institutis, quatenus eisdem statutis et ordina- 
cionibus expresse non obviant, aliquatenus derogare, sed ilia pocius 
approbare ' ; et ad idem facit quarto ca°. De studentibus ad generalia 
studia mittendis, post principium 26 . Sed monachi Ecclesie Dunelmensis 
in dicto Collegio studentes a tempore et per tempus cuius contrarii 
memoria homini non existit fuerunt in usu more et consuetudine 
gubernari in regulari disciplina per proprium Priorem seu Custodem 
et statuta propria illius Collegii. 

Ergo Papa non videtur dicte consuetudini per suam constitutionem 
in hoc aliqualiter derogare, argumento premissorum, maxime cum 
dicta consuetudo sit racionabilis et prescripta et non contraveniat 


statuto sed pocius conveniat menti et intellectui statuentis, ut notatur 

in dicto ca°. fi. 27 p. b. (sic). 

Item quociens papa novum quid statuit, ita solet futuris formam im- (c) Those 

ponere, ut dispendiis preterita non commendet : ex de constitucionibus arra "g e_ 
r > r r > ments con- 

cap° rem que 28 ; sed si dicti monachi essent sub regimine Pnoris venient in 
studencium, causaretur eis magnum dispendium et dissolucio religionis, ^ mselves ' 
cum non tarn stricte et religiose poterunt gubernari per Priorem 
foraneum et absentem sicut per proprium domesticum et presentem, 
argumento notatorum ; extra de clericis non residentibus .ca°. quia 
nonnulli 29 . 

Item cessante causa cessabit effectus ; de Appell cum cessante 30 , (fO suffi- 
cum similibus. Sed causa hujusmodi Constitucionis fuit ne monachis gecureAe 
studentibus deesset gubernaculum regularis discipline, ut patet in dicto object of 
capitulo viij 0 ; quod non defuit nec deest dictis monachis per proprium ^ i( ^ nstl " 
Custodem gubernatis, ut liquet : ergo quoad hoc in eis cessat dicta 

Et licet ex premissis liqueat manifeste quod monachi Collegii 10. Dur- 
Dunelmensis in Oxonia immunes sint et liberi ab obediencia et juris- . ham Co1 " 

J lege con- 

dicione Prioris Studencium in Universitate Oxoniensi : ipsi tamen tarn- tributes 
quam unitatis et pacis zelatores ad ampliorem amorem inter confratres voluntarily 
et commonachos ferventius excitandum et imposterum continuandum, sa i ar y of 
aceciam quia dictus Prior studencium ut communiter est procu- the Prior 
rator ordinis, in hiisque judicium et eventum tangunt monachorum tium> 
in eadem universitate studencium, mera et spontanea voluntate sua, 
nullo juris processu nulla compulsione judicii coacti, ad annuam 
pensionem dicti Prioris cum aliis commonachis uniformiter conferunt 
et contribuere voluerunt 3l . 

(Marks of sewing at beginning and end.) 

1 Thomas Ledbury of Gloucester Hall was an active Prior Studentium 
at the Northampton Chapter in 1423 ; Wm. Ebchester was Warden 

2 There may have been litigation about this time: cf. Comp. 1422, 
Item in datis magistro Willelmo Brunyng pro laboribus suis et expensis 
in Curia Romana liij s iiij d . 

3 Wilkins, Cone. II. 598 a; the same passage is copied with slight 
variations in the Augustinian constitutions of 1339 (ibid. 638 b). 

4 MS. celebre. 5 MS. qui. 

6 Wilkins reads ubi. 

7 The number 8 is probably a mere guess ; see Introduction, p. 8. 

* The Scotch wars are alleged by the Prior and Convent, in their 
Answers to the Bishop, c. 1405, as the principal cause of their failure to 
support the College properly. Besides serious damage to the cells of 
Coldmgham and Holy Island, ' per guarras praedictas consumpte et 




COmbuste fucrunt multe domus villulc ct edificia infra Northumbrian! 
saltern ultra aquam de Tyna versus Scociam et precipue domus villule et 
edificia infra parochias ecclesiarum suarum predictarum de Norham 
Elyngham ct Edlyngham ct de Bedlyngton situata, et earundem paro- 
chiani una cum eorum bonis ac eciam tenementis ipsorum Prioris et 
Conventus infra Episcopatum Dunelmensem abducti in Scociam captiui 
et nimis grauiter redempti, parochieque dictarum ecclesiarum cum terris 
earundem arabilibus quasi penitus inhabitabiles quattuor annis proxime 
praeteritis deseruntur in parte magna.' 

9 On the death of Bishop Richard Kellaw, the monks obtained a 
licence, and in spite of pressure from many influential nobles elected 
the venerable Henry Stamford, Prior of Finchale : but John XXII set 
aside the election and collated to the see in 1317 Queen Isabella's cousin, 
Lewis de Beaumont (Hist. Dunelm. pp. 98-100). 

10 See list of Wardens, and the Addenda, M. 

11 Statutes of Balliol College (ed. 1853), p. xvii. This extraordinary 
arrangement was probably intended to safeguard the interests of the 
northern province in the Somerville foundation at Balliol Hall. 

12 This is a better reading than sic . . . una of the Balliol Statutes. 

13 This initial letter appears to be an N, which must stand simply for 
4 nomen,' as there was no Prior of Durham whose name began with N. 
This commission is after 1340 and probably before 1360; John Fossor 
was Prior of Durham 1 342-1 374, Robert Berington de Walworth 1374- 
1391, and John Hemmingburgh 1391-1416. 

14 The initials R. C. hardly occur among the extant names of the monks 
of Durham about this period. Robert de Claxton, Prior of Coldingham 
1374, must have been a man of some importance; and Robert Crayk, 
who was one of the senior monks in 1396 (Hist. Dun. p. clxxix), had 
some early connexion with the college, if it was he who had given the 
vestment before 1428 ; but see E, note 2. 

15 A similar commission was issued to two fellows, Thomas Forster and 
John Burnby, in the vacancy of the Wardenship, Oct. 7, 1431 (Hist. Dun. 
app. exevi). 

16 Appleby is a village in Leicestershire and Derbyshire, five miles 
S.W. of Ashby-de-la-Zouch ; the advowson was given by Richard Fitz- 
Roger, temp. Ric. I, to the cell of Lytham, which was still possessed of 
a charge on the benefice at the Dissolution. It was probably selected from 
its comparative nearness to Oxford, as Frampton, Rodington, &c, were 
by Berington ; but there is no evidence that this appropriation was ever 

17 John Fordham succeeded Hatfield in 1381, and was translated to 
Ely in 1389. This licence, reciting a Bull of Urban VI, enables the 
Prior and Convent and Hatfield's trustees to endow Durham College. 

18 Possibly the Bull of 1387 authorising the appropriation of the 
churches of Frampton, Bossall, Rodington, and Fishlake, printed by 
Wilkins (Cone. II. 617). The following items occur in one of Bering- 
ton's rolls : ' In uno pari fiolarum de argento deauratarum empto ad 
dandum domino Johanni Bacon custodi signeti domini Regis tempore 
sigillacionis triginta et octo literarum missarum per dominum Regem 



Pape cardinalibus et aliis pro appropriacione certarum Ecclesiarum 
ecclesie Dunelmensi xxxiij s iiij d . In expensis factis Willelmo de Lomly 
in recessu suo versus curiam Romanam pro negociis nostris, expensis 
suis versus Basill xxvj 8 viij d . Item eidem in precio decern florenorum 
sibi liberatorum apud Colon per Lumbardos xxx 8 x d ,' ten florins more at 
Buloyne (Bologna) and sixty-four florins at Rome. Other heavy expenses 
on the same object were incurred in London. 

19 Digestum vetus, Lib. I. Tit. iii. De Legibus, c. 17, Scire . . . 

20 Decretales Gregorii IX, Lib. I, Tit. xxxiii. De Privilegiis, c. 5. (The 
proper Decretales Extravagantes contain Tituli De Privilegiis, but in no 
case do these extend to a fifth chapter.) 

21 Digestum vetus, Lib. V. Tit. i. De Judiciis, c. 12, Cum praetor . . . 

22 Decretales Gregorii IX, Lib. II. Tit. xxiii. De Praesumotionibus, 
c. 5, Nonne . . . 138801.4 

23 Decretales Gregorii IX, Lib. I. Tit. iv. De Consuetudine, c. 11. 

24 Liber Sextus Decretalium, Lib. I. Tit. ii. De Constitutionibus, c. 1, 
Licet Romanus . . . 

25 Constitutions of Benedict XII ; Wilkins, Cone. II, p. 589 a. 

26 Ibid. p. 595 a. 27 See above, note 23. 

28 Decretales Gregorii IX, Lib. I. Tit. ii. De Constitutionibus, c. 2 
{ancient rubric), Rent quae . . . 

29 Decretales Gregorii IX, Lib. III. Tit. iv. De Clericis non residen- 
tibus, c. 3, Quia nonnulli . . . 

30 Decretales Gregorii IX, Lib. II. Tit. xxviii. De Appellatione, c. 60, 
Cu?n cessante . . . 

31 This payment does not appear in any of the extant accounts. 


Status Collegii, 1315. 

(This document is by three-quarters of a century the earliest of the Durham 
College rolls. The restoration of the date is quite certain ; for besides the ancient 
endorsement on this roll 'status quidam Collegii Oxon. 1315,' and the same date 
inter alia on the Status of 1455, which was formerly wrapped round the rest of 
the inventories, the writing is clearly that of the first half of the fourteenth century ; 
the meagreness of the list of vestments is a further testimony to the antiquity of the 
record. It is specially valuable as containing probably the earliesCcatalogue of 
books provided for the use of a society of students at Oxford. Several of the 
books mentioned in this list seem to have been in Durham Abbey in 1391, when 
the elaborate classified catalogue was made, which is printed in the 'Catalogi 
Veteres Librorum Ecclesiae Dunelmensis,' edited by Beriah Botfield for the Surtees 
Society in 1838 ; and a few of them seem to be still in existence among the MSS. 
in the library of the Dean and Chapter of Durham. 

This roll, which measures 9^ in. in breadth by about 6 in length, is beautifully 
written : unfortunately it is very fragile, and a few letters, most of which are 
restored conjecturally, are missing at the right-hand edge. It is deeply indented 

D 2 



at the top, and about half the words in the first line have been cut away with the 

[Catalogus] de ornfamentis] et libris mis[sis Oxoniamj ad usum 
[monachorum] Dunolmcnsium [ibidem] studejncium]. 

Vestimenta et alia ornamenta ecclesiastica una cum libris dimissis 
assignata ad usum monachorum Dunolmensium Oxonie studencium 
Anno domini m°cc[c°xv 0 ]. 

In primis unum vestimentum cum tribus aliis vestimentis ferialibus 
et duabus albis et ij tuniculis et una casula alba, item duabus capis 
et . . . | 

Item unus pannus deauratus. 

Item quatuor manutergia pro altari. 

Item' una casula cum tunica et dalmatica deau[rata]. 

Item unum missale . . . | 

Item tria gradalia. 

Item tria antiphonaria. 

Item una crux deaurata. 

Item Calix. 

Item duo panni serici. 

Item pix pulcra. 

Item dosalis pul[cra.] 

[Is] | ta omnia pertinencia ad dictam domum Oxonie *. 

Item quatuor evangelia in duobus voluminibus. 
Item scolastica historia. 

Item Encheridion cum aliis . . . | libris et epistolis beati Augustini 
in uno volumine. 

Item liber beati Augustini de natura boni cum aliis in uno volumine. 
Item Augustinus super genesim ad litteram in uno volumine. 
Item retractaciones beati Augustini in rubro coreo. 
Item epistole beati Pauli apostoli glosate. 

Item medietas scripti Henrici de Gandavo cum quibusdam dis- 
put[acionibus] | de quodlibet in uno volumine 2 , ita quod in illis duobus 
libris continentur xv disputaciones predicti Henrici de Gandavo 3 . 

Item prima pars scripti Thome de Aquino [in uno] | volumine 4 . 

Item tercia pars scripti Thome de Aquino in uno volumine 4 . 

Item de malo et potencia cum aliis questionibus in alio volumine. 

Item quatuor expo | tayns 5 in tribus voluminibus. 

Item distincciones Mauricii in quodam nigro coreo 6 . 

Item secunda pars Moralium Gregorii in uno volumine. 

Item Omelie Gregorii [cum] | aliis multis Omeliis diuersorum 
doctorum in uno volumine 7 . 


Item liber Naturalium de veteri translacione in uno volumine. 
Item postille super Job super librum Salom[onis] | in uno volumine. 
Item Postille super xii prophetas et super epistolas canonicas in uno 

Item vita sancti Cuthberti in alio volumine. 
Item Brito super | dictiones difficiles biblie. 
Item Augustinus de moribus ecclesie. 
Item Par Institutorum apparatum 8 . 

Item Augustinus de trinitate in alio volumine cum littera gratila- 

Item I Encheridion et questiones ad Orosium et de spiritu et anima 
et mirabilibus sacre scripture et meditaciones Augustini et liber 
octoginta trium questionum | in alio volumine 9 . 

Item libri Anselmi videlicet cur deus homo, de conceptu virginali, 
de similitudinibus, de concordia, de processione, monologion, [pro-] | 
sologion, de opposicione, de veritate, de libertate arbitrii, de casu 
diaboli, in uno volumine. 

Item questiones super logicalia et naturalia et super librum ve- 
teris logice 3 in uno volumine. 

Item notule super librum de plantis et super librum celi et mundi 
et recapitulaciones libri Methearorum et phisicorum cum quibusdam 
aliis I in uno volumine. 

Item Augustinus de [disciplina] Christiana et libri Damaceni cum 
multis tabulis in uno volumine. 

Item Boycius super logicam cum aliis | in uno paruo volumine. 

Item exposicio Thome de Aquino super libros phisicorum, de 
anima, et metaphisicorum ex procuracione domini Roberti de Gray- 
stanes 10 . 

Item Lyncolniensis 11 super librum posteriorum et exposicio super 
metaphisica ex procuracione eiusdem. 

Item libri naturales Auicenne et Algazel in uno volumine 12 . 

Item de libris qui allati fuerant de da 13 et impignoratis 

Aulae de Merton u . 

Primum. Beda super Genesim et de tabernaculo in uno volumine. 
Item I Ysidorum (sic) ethimologiarum. 

Item Postille super Ysaiam Jeremiam et Ezechielem in uno volu- 
mine 15 . 

Item sermones Augustini de pastoribus et ouibus cum aliis multis in 
uno volumine. 

1 The vestments were the property of the Oxford house ; the books 
were lent permanently ' de communi armariolo ' at Durham. 



2 This volume of Henry of Ghent may be that now in the Chapter 
Library : cf. Cat. Vet. pp. 74, 207. 

3 I owe the words ita quod i?i illis and vetcris logice to Mr. F. Madan's 
skill in deciphering the illegible. 

4 Possibly still existing (ibid. pp. 72, 205-6). 

5 I conjecture expo I siciones R. de Grays \ tayns : he wrote ' Super sen- 
tentias, libri iv,' a MS. of which Leland saw in the library of the 
Carmelites at Oxford (Tanner, Bibl. Brit.-Hib. 340). 

6 Cat. Vet. p. 53. Mauricius Anglus, a Dominican friar, c. 1290, wrote 
Distinctiones (a sort of Concordance) 'ad praedicandum utiles,' part of 
which work was printed at Venice in 1603. 

7 Almost certainly the valuable MS. of the time of Bishop William of 
St. Carileph, still in the Chapter Library (Cat. Vet. pp. 63, 216). 

8 'A pair of Institutes indexed.' 9 Cat. Vet. p. 71. 

10 The excellent monk who continued the Durham Chronicle from 
1214 to 1333, in which year he was elected (and actually consecrated and 
installed) Bishop of Durham, but was set aside by Edward III in favour 
of his old tutor, Richard de Bury (Hist. Dun. pp. 120-2). 

11 Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln 1235-1253. 

12 Cat. Vet. p. 78 ; but there is no mention there of Algazel. 

13 Two or three words are unfortunately illegible. 

14 The books were frequently pledged in this way, e. g. Comp. 1401. 
Item lxxij s viij d pro uno libro alias impignorato et extracto de impig- 
noracione. Item pro uno libro iacente in cista in aula Martonis c s 
Comp. 1402. Item de Cista Oxon. pro impignoracione librorum vii 11 . 
vj s xiij d . Comp. 1485. Item pro redempcione unius libri Decretalium 
xxij 8 viij d . 

15 Probably a work by Hugo de Vienna, still existing (Cat. Vet. 
PP- 51, 193)- 


Libri Missi Oxoniam, c. 1400. 

(This document and the next (Cat. Vet. IV and v) are reprinted here for the sake 
of comparison with the previous list of books. The letter prefixed to each entry 
' is generally inscribed upon a fly-leaf or the first written page ; and the words or 
syllables are those which stand first on the second leaf.' The ' Spendement ' (pay- 
office) was a name given locally to the Chancery of Durham Abbey, a room in the 
west cloister divided only by an iron grating from the Treasury, where the records 
were long preserved (Cat. Vet. pp. v, vi, and Rites of Durham, p. 71). 

Of the twenty-one entries in this list, sixteen (which I have marked with an 
asterisk) are mentioned in the Catalogue of the Spendement books in 1391 (Cat. 
Vet. II and in) with the note ' mittitur Oxon.' in a later hand ; also in the fuller 
catalogue of the same collection in 1416, with the note 'Oxon.' (Cat. Vet. x). 
One book, the ' Prima Pars Summae Thomae,' is marked ' Oxon ' in the list of 
Cloister books in 1395 (Cat. Vet. vn) : the other four cannot be identified in the 
Durham lists. It would appear that the books were sent to Oxford after 1395, and 
were still there in 1416. One book in the list of 1391, 'Prima Pars Moralium 
Gregorii,' is marked 'habetur Oxon'.) 



A. Genesis et Exodus, glo. n. fo., ' Quae ergo.' [De le Spende- 

ment.] * 

B. Levitici, Numeri, et Deuteronomii, glo. n. fo., ' tiam Deo.' 

[De le Spendement.] * 
B. Josuae et Judicum, glo. ii. fo., ' Attendite.' [De le Spende- 
ment.] * 

B. Job, glo. n. fo., ' Coruscat.' [De le Spendement.] * 

B. Quatuor Libri Regum, glo. n. fo., ' Aramathia.' [De le Spende- 

ment] * 

A. Parabolae Salomonis, glo. n. fo., 1 pennatorum.' [De Claustro.] * 
D. Summa Magistri Stephani de Langeton super Ecclesiasticum. 

ii. fo., 1 flrma est.' [De le Spendement.] * 

C. Isaias, Daniel, Jeremias, Ezechiel, glo. n. fo., ' saepe interro- 

gamus.' [De le Spendement.] * 

D. Duodecim Prophetae, et Interpretacio Nominum Hebraeorum, 

ii. fo., ' Quern Jezebel.' [De le Spendement.] * 
D. Item Ysayas, Jeremias, et Lementaciones. ii. fo., " ad pontem *. 
[De le Spendement.] * 

B. Actus Apostolorum. ii. fo., ' Salvatoris.' [De le Spendement.] * 

D. Epistolae Canonicae, glo. in viii quaternis. n. fo., ' Statu.' [De 

le Spendement.] * 
B. Apocalipsis, glo. n. fo., ' Illi. i. ad honorem.' [De Claustro.] * 
A O. Decretales Novae, glo. ii. fo., ' Spiritus Sancti.' [De 


E. Tabula, glo., super Vetus Testamentum. ii. fo., ' Achaz.' [De 


K. Thomas Secunda Secundae. ii. fo., £ tinae virtutis.' [De le 
Spendement.] * 

A. Prima Pars Summae Thomae. ii. fo., ' omnes alii.' [De Claustro.] 
Ecclesiastica Historia. ii. fo., ' seu scribendo.' 
Undecim quaterni Augustini super Psalterium. 
G. Par Decretorum. ii. fo., ' consulti/ [De le Spendement.] 5 
D. Thomas, Prima Secundae. n. fo., ' per se.' [De le Spende- 
ment.] * 

* Marked ' Mittitur Oxon' in 1391 and ' Oxon' in 1416. 

1 Bursar of the College 1398-c. 1403 ; see Introduction to A. 

2 Occurs as Camerarius at Durham in 1406. 



n Bursar of the College 1 391-2 ; Feretrarius at Durham in 1402 ; Prior 
of Finchalc 141 1-23 ; Infirmarius at Durham in 1437. 

4 This should have been ftraesentem : cf. Cat. Vet. pp. 15, 90. 
ft Noted ' deficit ' in 1391 (Cat. Vet. p. 35), and ' Oxon ' in 1416. 


Libri Missi Oxoniam, 1409. 

(A careless copy (on paper) of this list is among the College rolls. Of the fifteen 
entries, five can be identified in the Cloister Catalogue of 1395, where they are 
marked ' Oxon,' and six in the Spendement Catalogues of 1391 and 1416; these are 
marked { Oxon ' in the latter list only. The other four do not appear in the 
Durham catalogues. These books, therefore, were sent in 1409, and had not been 
returned in 1416. In the paper copy most of the books are described as 'de 
Commuhi Armariolo,' i. e. the common book-case of the Spendement or the 


D. In primis Una Biblia integra, de le Spendemente. 11. fo., post 

principium GeneseOs ' pater habitantium/ * 
H. Postillae Hugonis de Vienna super libros Genisis, Exodi, 
Levitici, Numerorum, Deutronomi, Josuae, Judicum, Regum, 
Paralipomenon, Esrae, Thobias, Judith, Ester. 11. fo., 'quas. 
s. incongrue/ [Non fuit de le Spendement.] * 4 

A. Ester, Thobias, Judith, et Ruth. glo. 11. fo., ' pulmentarium 

habetis.' [De le Spendement.] 

B. Prima Pars Hugonis, de Sacramentis. 11. fo., ' continet V [De le 

Spendement.] * 

F. Secunda Pars Hugonis, de Sacramentis. 11. fo-, ' et virtute.' [De 
le Spendement.] * 

A. Collaciones Abbatum. ii. fo., ' deret elegisset.' [Non fuit de le 


E. Summa Petri Pictavensis, et Sermones Petri Ravennatis. ii. fo., 

' dicitur Deus.' [De le Spendement.] * 

C. Scriptum Boneventurae super 2 m Sentenciarum. 11. fo., 'et 

utilitatem/ [De Claustro.] t 
V. Scriptum Thomae super 3 m . 11. fo., ' dicimus esse proporcionem/ 
[De Claustro.] t 

B. Thomas super 4 m Sentenciarum. 11. fo., ' erant totaliter.' [De le 

Spendement.] f 



Passionarium Sanctorum, in sexdecim quaternis. 11. fo., ' Sanctae 

M. Summa Sentenciarum. ii. fo., ' Salvus esse xvij de praecariis.' 
[De Claustro.] 

E. Goram super Epistolas Pauli ad Thimotheum, ad Titum, et super 
omnes Epistolas Canonicas. 11. fo., £ Deum et exposicionem.' 
[De Claustro.] t 
B. Goram super Lucam. 11. fo., ' Vitulus/ [De Claustro.] t 
G. Psalterium, glo. 11. fo., ' cionibus novum.' [De Claustro.] t 

* Mentioned in 1391 and marked 1 Oxon' in 1416. 
t Marked ' Oxon ' in the list of 1395. 

1 Bursar of the College 1389-1391, Master of Jarrow in 1410. 

2 Oct. 14. 

3 Comp. 1408-9. Item Cursori pro vectura librorum a Dunelm. x s . 
Cf. Comp. 141 8, Item Willelmo Beltoft pro cariacione librorum assigna- 
torum Collegio per dominum priorem xx d . Comp. 1419, Item in caria- 
cione librorum assignatorum per dominum priorem et Robertum Rypon 
vij 8 . A similar entry occurs in Comp. 1434-5. 

4 This book was still at Oxford on June 24, 1436, when Prior Wessing- 
ton offered to lend it, rather than an inferior copy at Durham, to John 
Kempe, Archbishop of York ; see his letter in Cat. Vet. app. x. 

5 The paper copy reads post principium libri, ' sic quia proba?itnr! 


Status Collegii, 1428. 

(This is probably one of the earliest inventories extant of the moveable property 
of a college. It is specially valuable for the lists of the furniture in the living 
rooms, two of which, besides the Parlour and the Warden's chamber, were provided 
with fire-places. It furnishes the oldest, and in some ways the most detailed, 
description of the buildings of Durham College ; nearly the whole of what has 
since perished is seen in Loggan's bird's-eye view of Trinity. 

The modern equivalents of some of the less usual Latin and English terms for 
kitchen utensils, &c, are given in brackets in the text, where no special note seems 
necessary : the glossaries appended to the Surtees Society volumes on the rolls of 
Finchale, Coldingham, and other Cells of Durham, are very useful for reference on 
such points, and contain a large quantity of terms then in use in the Palatinate and 
Bishopric of Durham ; see also the E.E.T.S. edition of the Catholicon Anglicum. 

The roll is small (1 ft. 6 in. by 7 in.) clean and closely written on both sides. 
There is also a counterpart, carelessly written, but with fewer contractions ; a few 
variants are given in the text. The two copies are indented in shallow curves 
which fit into one another. The inventory of 1450 is similarly indented on the 
right-hand edge, but the counterpart has not been preserved.) 

Status Collegij Monachorum Dunellmensium Oxonie dimissus 
per magistrum Willelmum Ebchestyr 1 in festo sancti Michaelis Anno 
Domini m°cccc°xxviij°. 




In primis vcstimcntum blodium pro magnis principalibus videlicet 
casula cum ij dalmaticis vna capa cum ij slolis iij manipulis cum iij 
albis eiusdem secte. 

Item vnum vestimentum rubium de cerico cum floribus de auro 
videlicet cum ij dalmaticis ij capis ij stolis iij manipulis cum iij albis 
eiusdem secte cum paruo panno eiusdem coloris. 

Item j vestimentum rubium de cerico cum ij dalmaticis ij capis 
iiij albis ij stolis et iij manipulis eiusdem secte. 

Item j vestimentum cericum cum pauonibus et grifinis cum ij dalma- 
ticis j manipula j alba eiusdem secte cum stola et ij manipulis alterius 

Item j vestimentum rubium de cerico cum aquilis et floribus de 
auro j stola manipula j alba eiusdem secte cum cingulo de blodio 

Item j vestimentum album de cerico j stola j manipula cum j alba 
eiusdem secte. 

Item parure pro j alba de albo panno cerico. 

Item j vestimentum de cerico cum crucibus vna stola j manipula 
cum j alba eiusdem secte. 

Item j vestimentum blodium de cerico cum paruis signis {v. I. cignis) 
j stola j manipula cum alba eiusdem secte. 

Item aliud vestimentum blodium de cerico cum j stola j manipula 
cum alba eiusdem secte. 

Item j casula rubia cum alba eiusdem secte cum stola et manipula 

Item j alba noua de cerico ex dono domini Roberti Crayk 2 . 
Item j casula rubia de cerico cum leonibus et floribus albis cum 
stola manipula et alba eiusdem secte. 

Item j alba pulcra cum lapidibus preciosis in paruris. 

Item j alba cum scutis in paruris. 

Item j capa antiqua cum ymaginibus. 

Item iij vestimenta vnius secte cum iij albis conuenientibus. 

Item j capa blodia floribus auritexta (? auri intexta). 

Item j alba cum paruris ymaginibus episcoporum intextis. 

Item j alba cum paruris rubiis et viridibus variatis. 

Item xiij frontalia pro altaribus. 

Item xvij pallia pro altaribus. 

Item ix manutergia pro altaribus. 

Item viij corporalia cum ix casulis. 

Item vnus pannus viridis stragulatus de cerico. 

Item xj panni picti et vj redells {curtains) pro altaribus. 



Item ij redells de cerico viridi pro maiori altari. 

Item vj panni pendentes ad cornua magni altari?, 

Item modicum de albo panno cerico. 

Item iij panni pro ymaginibus in quadragesima. 

Item j pannus cericus pro lectrino. 

Item iii J culcidre {cushions) de cerico. 

Item iij panni pro pauimento ante altaria. 

Item pannus viridis pro scabello cantoris. 

Item j orfray de auro pro casula. 

Item j pannus de cerico glaucij colons. 

Item iij panni ad tegendum altaria. 

Item iij albe antique sine paruris. 

Item iij superaltaria quorum vnum est canonici sancti Oswaldi 3 . 

Item iiij calices argentei deaurati quorum iij sunt ponderis iij xx v vnc' 
di' vnc' et quart' et iiij denar et quartus calix habet plumbum in 

Item iiij fiole argentee quarum ij deaurantur ponderis xxvj vnc'. 
Item j crux cum ij cruciolis deauratis et lapidibus preciosis. 
Item iiij missalia. 
Item vj antiphonaria. 
Item ix gradalia. 

Item ij ordinalia {MS. ordinaria). 
Item j psalterium cum exequiis. 
Item iiij portiferia. 
Item j legenda pro matutinis. 
Item vij candelabra de auricalco. 
Item iiij fiole de stangno {stanno). 
Item j olla pro vino eiusdem metalli. 
Item j olla pro oleo consimilis metalli. 
Item iiij parue campane pro altaribus. 
Item ij specula pro altaribus. 
Item iiij tabule depicte pro altaribus. 
Item j par turribulorum de auricalco. 
Item j nauis eiusdem metalli. 

Item vna citula pro aqua benedicta et j aspersorium consimilis 

Item iiij ciste in reuestiario 4 . 

Aula 5 . 

In primis j dorsare {hanging) ij banquers {bench-covers) iij mense iij 
formule iij paria tristillarum {trestles) ij andyrnys {andirons). 
Item j vertibulum {poker) de ferro. 
Item j catesta pendens in aula 6 . 



Promptuarium 7 . 

In primis due mappe twelyd pro magna mensa pro principalibus 8 . 

Item alia mappa (table-cloth) honesta pro superiori mensa. 

Item ij manutergia pro magna mensa in principalibus. 

Item ij manutergia honesta pro superiori mensa pro locione post 

Item iij mappe pro inferiori mensa. 

Item j manutergium tweyld {twilled) pro principalibus. 

Item ij manutergia tweyld pro locione ante prandium in princi- 

Item sanops 9 . 

Item j mappa pro superiori mensa. 
Item ij mappe pro superiori mensa. 
Item iiij sanops. 

Item iiij manutergia pro magna mensa post prandium. 

Item iiij manutergia pro locione ante prandium. 

Item j armariolum in promptuario. 

Item ij pelues (basons) cum ij lauacris {ewers). 

Item iiij salsaria cum iij cooperculis. 

Item vj candelabra. 

Item iiij cadi magni. 

Item x minores pro ceruisia. 

Item iij cadi pro salsiamento. 

Item x coopertoria pro cadis. 

Item iij amfore (amphorae, jars). 

Item a chyppingknyfe {bread-knife). 

Item a kytt (tub). 

Item j cadus (MS. cadum) pro farina. 


In primis olla magna de ere cum iij minoribus et j ollula et 
ij vncis. 

Item iij mortaria lapidea cum ij pilis ligneis. 

Item iij veruta cum ij rakkys (racks) de ferro. 

Item j magnum brandreth 11 cum ij clyppes (pot-hooks). 

Item ij parua brandreths cum ij craticulis (gridirons). 

Item ij securis cum j cuneo de ferro. 

Item j frixorium (frying-pan). 

Item j mortarium ereum cum pila de ferro. 

Item j gratte (? grater) pro pane. 

Item j fuscina (three-pronged fork). 

Item j skummer (v. I. scomer, despumatorium). 


Item j hausorium (ladle)™. 

Item viij patelle (pans) quarum vna est plena foraminibus pro pisis. 
Item j pinsa (pestle). 
Item j streynor (strainer). 
Item j cadus pro sale. 

Item tribula {rake) ferrea cum vanga (shovel) et tribula lignea 1S . 

Item iij duodeni de platerijs (platters) cum j platereo. 

Item iij duodene de discis (dishes) cum dimidio. 

Item iij duodeni de salserijs. 

Item iiij chargiorys (chargers). 

Item j scala. 


In primis in thesaurario 14 j cista pro mappis et alijs rebus conser- 

Item j cista pro monumentis (muniments). 

Item j pecies {piece of plate) deaurata cooperta ponderis viij vnc\ 
Item j magna pecies cooperta cum pede ex dono magistri Johannis 
Marschall 15 ponderis xl vnc'. 

Item j pecies cum pede cooperta ponderis xxvij vnc' et di' et quart' 
in custodia magistri W. Ebchestyr. 

[Item] vj pecies vnius secte ponderis Iij vnc' et di'. 
Item j pecies cooperta cum alia pecie xv vnc'. 
Item j salarium in parte deauratum ponderis v vnc' di' et quart'. 
Item xxiiij cocliaria ponderis xxviij vnc' et di'. 
Item v murre (cups) ponderis xxxj vnc'. 

In loqutorio 16 . 

In Primis j dorsare iij banquyrs cum auibus intexta. 
Item viij culcidre eiusdem secte. 
Item j cathedra. 
Item j langsetyll (long settle). 
Item j cupburd. 
Item j formula. 
Item ij mense. 
Item ij paria tristillarum. 

Item vj scabella (high stools, 1 squads ') vnius secte. 
Item ij awndyryns. 

Item j candelabrum ferri fixum in pariete. 
Item j peluis. 

(The remainder is written on the back of the roll beginning at 
the top) 

4 6 


In camera custodis ' 7 . 
In primis j lectus ligneus. 
Item j dormunt 18 . 

Item j selur {bed-canopy or valance) cum iij redels. 

Item j cathedra. 

Item j langsetyll. 

Item ij cupburdys. 

Item ij formule. 

Item ij awndyryns. 

[Item] vnum vertibulum. 

Item j candelabrum ferreum in pariete. 

Item j mensa. 

Item j par tristillarum. 

Item In Studeo custodis ij ciste. 

Item j par tristillarum et j tabula. 

Item j pressorium [press) pro pannis. 

[In cameris.] 

In camera superiori iuxta librariam 19 . 
In primis j lectus ligneus. 
Item ij formule. 

Item j studium cum descis et scabellis sufficienter reparatum. 

Item in camera inferiori ibidem ij lecti lignei 20 . 

[Item] v formule. 

Item ij studia sufficienter reparata. 

Item j mensa. 

Item ij awndyryns. 

Item j lauacrum. 

Item j vertibulum. 

Item in camera Dunkan 21 ij lecti lignei. Item j studium sufficienter 
reparatum, iiij formule. Item j cupbord. Item j scala. 

Item in camera inferiori 22 ij lecti lignei. Item ij studia sufficienter 
reparata in descis et scabellis. Item v formule. 

Item in camera iuxta custodem 23 ij lecti lignei. Item iij formule. 
Item j pressorium cum armariolo. Item j cista. Item j mensa. 
Item ij awndyryns. 

Item in camera supra promptuarium 24 ij lecti lignei. Item ij 
formule. Item j studium. Item j spera {sphaera, globe). 

Item in camera supra portam 25 j lectus ligneus. Item j studium 
iij formule. 



Item in camera superiori ad flneiri aule 26 j lectus ligneus. Item 
j spera. Item j formula. 

Item in camera ibidem inferiori 27 ij lecti lignei. Item j studium 
descis reparatum. Item ij formule. 

Item in tribus cameris puerorum 28 v lecti lignei cum pressuris 

In stabulo. 

In primis tres equi. 

Item ij scelle {saddles) pro monachis. 

Item ij scelle pro famulis. 

Item j scella pro mantica. 

Item vj frena. 

Item j dolium pro auenis. 

Item j cadus pro furfure. 

Item j senouectorium (cenivectorium, mud-cart) 29 . 

Item j tribula. 

Item j scella pro vectura. 

Item in orto j bidens j rastrum cum dentibus ferreis. Item j vanga. 

Item in domo iuxta stabulum meremium {timber) nouum et tabule 
(boards) ad valorem secundum estimacionem c s . 

Item in meremio antiquo dimisso in orto ad valorem xx s . 

Item in tegulis, lapidibus pro crestis (stone ridge-tiles) pro aula et 
alijs lapidibus ad valorem secundum estimacionem xk 

Item in calce dimisso v 9 . Item in antiquis crestis in camera coci 
(v. I. pro coquina) lxxxiiij. 

Item in plumbo dimisso ponderis xxij lirum petrarum (3IS. petatr). 

Item in vj paribus ligaminum (hinges) pro ostijs et fenestris. 

1 Warden 1419-28 ; probably these inventories were rendered by the 
outgoing warden. 

2 Possibly the R. de C. mentioned in A, par. 5 ; but cf. Comp. 1390, Item 
hostiario Chamere domini pape cognomine Crayke ex precepto episcopi 
et supprioris, xx s . 

3 St. Oswald's at Durham was not a Collegiate Church, though there 
were two chantries there, founded in 1392 and 1402. Nostell Priory for 
Augustinian Canons and its cell at Bamborough, and Bardney Abbey 
for Benedictine monks, were dedicated in honour of St. Oswald ; but had 
they any connexion with Durham College ? 

4 The vestry was a room adjoining the chapel on the N.E., and 
under the S. end of the library ; the S. window and a small door are 
seen in Loggan's view. It was used as the bursary of Trinity College 
till the end of the eighteenth century, when it was thrown into the pre- 
sident's lodgings. Since 1887 it has been occupied as a set of rooms 
(No. 38). The terms vestry and treasury are often synonymous (Willis and 

4 8 


Clark, iii. 483), and this room was probably the place where the Jocalia 
(plate and valuables) were kept. 

5 This hall is shown in Nele's view and Agas's map, where it appears 
to have a small lantern or bell-turret. It collapsed during some altera- 
tions made by President Ralph Kettell, who built the present hall on the 
same site in 1618-20. 

6 Stage or scaffold, from Karaaraais ; an instrument of torture 
(Ducange) ; perhaps here the stocks, which were kept ' above the skreen ' 
at Trin. Coll. Camb. in 1560 ; see Willis and Clark, iii. 364. 

7 The present buttery of Trinity College ; the central doorway is 
a four-centred arch, but a pointed arch is visible in the S.W. corner, 
which is probably the most ancient piece of building to be seen in the 

8 Sc. diebus or feriis, feast-days. 

9 Sanops, sanoppis (1455), saunappes, savenapes, corrupted from late 
Greek ' aafiavov, a save-napkin or coarse towel for ordinary occasions 
(Finchale Rolls, glossary). 

10 This kitchen was on the north side of and connected with the 
buttery, according to the arrangement usual at Cambridge. It was 
pulled down by President Bathurst c. 1680. 

11 A screen of iron bars for roasting meat, standing before the fire 
and extending over it (Finch. Rolls, gloss.). 

12 Comp. 1422. Item pro duabus patellis uno hausorio et uno scemmer 
vj s xj d . 

13 Comp. 1423. Item pro una vanga duabus tribulis et emendacione 
unius pinse et unius securis xij d . 

14 The room over the entrance gateway and entry (see Loggan's view), 
which was used as the treasury of Trinity College, is accounted for in 
the list of chambers below ; this treasury therefore must be identical 
with the ' revestiarium.' 

15 One of this name held a visitation at Durham Abbey for the Bishop 
on Jan. 2, 143! (Hutchinson's Durham, ii. 96 n.). 

16 Probably the ground-floor room with two large windows, seen in 
Loggan's view, at the west end of the north side of the old quadrangle, 
which was demolished c. 1728. Wood records several coats of arms in 
the windows of this 'lower chamber next to the hall doure' (Clark's 
Wood's City of Oxford, ii. 272). This room corresponded to the Cale- 
factorium, Pisalis, or Common House (Rites of Durham, p. 75) of 
a Benedictine monastery, and to the Common or Combination Room of 
a modern College. Other forms are parletorium, parletum, parlura, 
parloria ; and in the seventeenth century we hear of pocula parlia- 
mentaria (see Willis & Clark, vol. iii, pt. Ill, ch. vi). 

17 On the first floor at the west end of the north range ; in Loggan's 
view it has one large and two small windows, and there seems to be an 
indication of a newel staircase in the angle which this side of the quad- 
rangle makes with the entrance to the hall ; this might be a private 
stair for the warden, as at Corpus. 

18 Probably a form of the word ' dormond,' which appears to signify 
' part of the clothing of a bed ' in the Finchale Rolls. 


19 Formerly a bedroom in the president's lodgings, now an anteroom 
to the library ; it has been curtailed by staircase No. 9 and the adjacent 
bedroom. The heads of the eastern windows retain traces of old work, 
and there is a very ancient wooden doorway lately reopened between this 
room and the library. 

20 Formerly a sitting-room in the lodgings ; now the bursar's office. 

21 Probably the large first-floor room at the north end of the east (or 
library) side of the old quadrangle : it was ' ceeled ' at the date of the 
survey ; once the dining-room, then the drawing-room, of the president's 
lodgings ; since 1887 occupied by the present writer. 

22 The large ground-floor room, once the study and lately the dining- 
room of the lodgings. 

23 Probably the room in the middle of the north range ; in Loggan's 
view it has one large and one small window. 

24 The walls of this room still remain, though much disguised by suc- 
cessive alterations. Sir Thomas Pope ordered that the ' cubiculum 
angulare aulae ex parte boriali contiguum ' should be used ' pro domi- 
norum filiis,' if any were studying at the College (Trinity Statutes, c. xxvi). 
In the last century it was a ' Bachelors' Common Room.' 

25 Afterwards the gazophylacium or treasury of Trinity College ; seen 
in Loggan's view. 

26 Once the bedroom of the ' poor scholars ' at Trinity, now the Com- 
mon Room ; possibly used as an oratory by the monks till 1408 (see 
Introduction, p. 11). 

27 The original (1665) Common Room of Trinity College ; then the 
Bursary, now ' the old Bursary,' used as a lecture-room. The floor is 
now considerably below the level of the quadrangle. 

28 Either the three rooms unaccounted for in the north range (see Log- 
gan's view) ; or possibly the building NW. of the buttery, demolished 
about 1680. 

29 Cf. Comp. 1405. Pro mundacione communis latrine et seneuectorio 
ix s vij d ob. Comp. 1 43 1. Item pro scenouectorio xiiij d . 


Status Collegii, 1456. 

(This inventory is similar to the last, but contains a number of additional items, 
mostly presents from ex- Wardens or Fellows of the College : the Latinity is more 
ambitious, especially in the list of kitchen utensils. There is also a roll entitled 
' Status Collegii monachorum Dunelmensium dimissus per Magistrum Johannem 
Burnby in festo Sancti M ichaelis Anno Domini millesimo CCCC quinquagesimo ' ; 
three or four items which are neither in the 1428 roll nor in this are mentioned in 
the notes. This roll is docketed 1455, but it must belong to the following year, 
since Bishop Robert Nevill's confirmation of Burnby's election as Prior is dated 
25 Nov. 1456 (Hist. Dunelm. app. ccliv). The items printed in italics have been 
scored through in the MS., possibly to make this list serve again at another 
change of Warden. 



The roll consists of three pieces of parchment joined together by a narrow sli j > 
interwoven through slits cut at the bottom of the upper and the top of the lower 
pieces. It is well written and in good preservation, and measures 3 ft. by 7! 
inches ; I have not preserved the v's in vna, &a) 

Status Collcgij monachorum Dunelmensium Oxonie dimissus per 
venerabilem patrem magistrum Johannem Burnby 1 priorem Ecclesie 
Cathedralis Dunelmensis. 


In primis vestimentum blodium pro magnis principalibus festis 
videlicet casula cum ij bus dalmaticis una capa cum ij bus stolis et iij 
manipulis cum iij albis eiusdem secte. 

Item unum vestimentum rubium de cerico cum floribus de auro 
videlicet cum ij bu3 dalmaticis ij capis ij stolis iij manipulis cum iij 
albis eiusdem secte. 

Item unum vestimentum rubium de cerico cum ij dalmaticis ij capis 
cum iij albis ij stolis et iij manipulis eiusdem secte. 

Item vestimentum cericum cum pauonibus et grifinis cum ij dal- 
maticis j stola j manipula j alba eiusdem secte cum ij manipulis alterius 

Item unum vestimentum rubium de cerico cum aquilis et floribus de 
auro una stola una manipula una alba eiusdem secte cum singulo de 
blodio cerico. 

Item unum vestimentum album de cerico una stola una manipula 
cum una alba eiusdem secte. 

Item parure pro una alba de albo panno cerico. 

Item unum vestimentum de cerico cum crucibus una stola una 
manipula una alba eiusdem secte. 

Item unum vestimentum blodium de cerico cum paruis signis una 
stola una manipula eiusdem secte. 

Item aliud vestimentum blodium de cerico cum una stola una 
manipula cum alba eiusdem secte. 

Item aliud vestimentum blodium de cerico cum una alba una 
manipula una stola eiusdem secte. 

Item vestimentum rubium de cerico cum una alba j manipula una 

Item una casula rubia cum alba eiusdem secte cum stola et manipula 
a?itiqua eiusdem secte. 

Item una alba noua de cerico ex dono Roberti Crake. 

Item una casula rubia de cerico cum leonibus et floribus albis cum 
stola manipula et alba eiusdem secte. 

Item una alba pulcra cum lapidibus preciosis in paruris. 

Item una alba cum scutis in paruris. 


5 1 

Item una capa antiqua cum ymaginibus. 

Item unum vestimentum pro magno altari in ferialibus diebus cum 
alba stola et manipula eiusdem secte. 

Item ij vestimenta unius secte cum ij albis conuenientibus. 
Item una alba cum paruris ymaginibus episcoporum intextis. 
Item una alba cum paruris rubijs et viridibus variatis. 
Item xiij frontalia pro altaribus. 
Item xiij pallia bona pro altaribus. 

Item unum nouum pallium pro magno altari ex dono venerabilis 
patris magistri Johannis Burnby. 

Item ix manutergia pro altaribus. 

Item viij corporalia cum ix casulis. 

Item unus pannus viridis stragulatus de cerico. 

Item ornamenta alba rubijs crucibus intexta pro xl a (quadragesima) 
ex dono domini Willelmi Seton 2 . 

Item ix panni picti cum sex reddell pro altaribus. 

Item ij redell de cerico viridi pro magno altari. 

Item v panni pendentes ad cornua' magni altaris. 

Item sex panni depicti pro altaribus in principalibus cum panno 
pro lectrino eiusdem secte ex ordinacione magistri Ricardi Barton 3 . 

Item unus pannus cericus pro lectrino. 

Item iiij culcidre de cerico. 

Item unus pannus pro pauimento ante altar ia. 

Item unus pannus de cerico glauci coloris. 

Item iij panni ad tegenda altaria. 

Item superaltaria quorum unum canonici sancti Oswaldi. 
Item quinque calices. 

Item iiij fiale argentee quarum duo deaurata ponderis xxvj unc\ 
Item una crux cum ij cruciolis deauratis et lapidibus preciosis. 
Item iiij missalia. 
Item vj antiphonaria. 
Item ix gradalia. 
Item unum ordinate. 

Item unum psaltarium cum exequijs mortuorum. 
Item unum nouum antiphonarium. 

Item unum psaltarium ex dono magistri Roberti Burton \ 

Item iiij portiferia. 

Item una legenda pro matutinis. 

Item vij candelabra de auricalco. 

Item iiij fiale de stanno. 

[Here the parchment is roughly joined by a strip woven through slits.) 

Item una olla pro vino eiusdem metalli. 

E 2 



Item olla pro olco consimilis mctalli. 

Item iiij panic campane pro altaribus. 

Item ij specula pro altaribus. 

Item iiij tabule depicte pro altaribus. 

Item unum par turribulorum pro altaribus de auricalco. 

Item una nauis eiusdem metalli. 

Item una situla pro aqua benedicla et unum aspersorium eiusdem 

Item iiij ciste in revestiario. 

Item unum calefactorium pro magno altari deauratum. 

Item unum fronlale nouum pro magno altari. 

Item ij ma?iuiergia tweld ex dono magistri Johannis Burnby. 


In primis ij dorsare ij banquers iiij mense iij formule j par tristil- 
larum ij andyryns. 

Item unum vertibulum de ferro 5 . 

Item una tribula ferrea ex dono magistri Roberti Burton. 


In primis ij mappe tweld pro magna mensa pro principalibus. 
Item alia mappa honesta pro superiori mensa. 
Item ij manutergia pro superiori mensa pro locione post prandium. 
Item unum manutergium tweld pro principalibus. 
Item ij manutergia tweld pro locione ante prandium in princi- 

Item ij mappe pro superiori mensa. 

Item ij manutergia conrespondencia eisdem pro eadem mensa. 
Item unus pannus fere sex ulnaris (sic) ex dono magistri Johannis 

Item vij ulne panni linei pro stauro ex dono eiusdem. 
Item una mappa cum alijs vetustis et consumptis. 
Item unum vitrum bonum pro vino vel ceruisia ex dono domini 
Ricardi Shyrburn 6 . 


In primis ij mappe cum iiij sanoppis pro superiori mensa. 
Item iiij magna manutergia pro locione post prandium pro superiori 
mensa cum sex alijs manutergijs pro locione ante prandium. 
Item ij mappe pro inferiori mensa. 
Item quinque salaria de stanno cum uno coopertorio. 
Item quinque candelabra de auricalco et unum de ferro. 
Item decern cadi pro seruisia. 


Item unum doleum pro pane. 

Item unum Tub pro micis panum {scraps of loaves). 

Item iij cadi pro veriuto (verjuice). 

Item ij andene (andirons) ferree cum uno vertibulo ferreo. 
Item ij amphore lignie pro ceruisia. 

Item iij pelues de auricalco cum totidem lauacris eiusdem metalli. 

Item unus cultellus. 

Item unus tribulus ferreus. 

Item una olla pro lentibus (MS. letibus) 7 . 


In thesaurario una cista pro mappis et rebus conservandis. 

Item una cista pro monumentis. 

Item una pecies deaurata ponderis viij unc'. 

Item una magna pecies cooperta ex dono magistri Johannis Marchal 
ponderis xl unc'. 

Item una pecies cum pede cooperta ponderis xxvij unc' et di' et 

Item xxij coclearia ponderis xxviij unc'. 

Item sex pecies unius secte ponderis Iij unc' et di\ 

Item una pecies cooperta cum alia pecie ponderis xv unc'. 

Item unum salarium in parte deauratum ponderis v unc' di' et quart'. 

Item quinque murre. 

Item unum spiceplat (dessert- dish) ponderis xij unc' et di' ex dono 
magistri Willelmi Ebchester. 

Item ij salsaria de argento ex dono domini Stephani Howden 8 
quarum alterum est coopertum. 

Item unum coopertorium de argento cuius est ignoratur 9 . 

(Here the parchment is similarly joined.) 
In primis unum dorsare cum iij banquers cum auibus intextis. 
Item iij culcidre eiusdem secte. 
Item una cathedra. 
Item j langsedyll. 
Item unum copbord. 
Item una formula. 

Item ix skeppis (straw or rush hassocks) ad subponendum pedibus. 

Item ij mense. 

Item unum par tristyllarum. 

Item ij Andyryns. 

Item unum candelabrum ferreum in pariete. 



Camera Custodis. 
In primis duo lecti lignei. 

Item ij silura {bed-canopies) cum vj ryddellis (curtains). 

Item una cathedra. 

Item unum longum sedile. 

Item ij copbordys. 

Item una formula. 

Item ij Andyryns. 

Item unum vertibulum. 

Item unum peell (? peek, firepan or shovel) de ferro. 

Item una mensa. 

Item unum par tristyllarum. 

Item in studio custodis una cista. 

Item unum pressore pro pannis. 

Item iiij panni de sago ex dono magistri Johannis Burnby pendentes 
circa cameram. 

Item alij duo panni de sago ex dono eiusdem. 
Item iij alij panni blodij ex dono eiusdem. 

Item unus bonus lectus cum tapete cum stella et nominibus Jesu 
Christi intextus. 

Item una peluis de stanno cum lauacro de auricalco. 
Item vj culcidre de blodio sago. 
Item j gret meell (mell, mallet) 10 . 

Item una mappa cum ij manutergijs ex dono magistri Johannis 

Item unum manutergium pro pane deferendo. 


In primis ij magne olle et tres minores de ere cum uno lato chafor. 
Item quinque patule (pans). 

Item xx parapsides (dishes) cum xx discis et xij salsariis electri. 
Item una peluis plena foraminibus pro pisis. 
Item unum hausorium eneum. 
Item unum schomore. 

Item unum tridens. 

Item ij rakys (racks) ferri cum una trabe de ferro. 
Item iij hukys (hooks) ferri pendentes super trabem. 
Item iij clyppes ferri unius secte et ij alterius secte. 
Item unum mortarium eneum cum pila ferrea et ij mortaria lapidia 
cum ij pilis lignijs. 
Item j craticula. 
Item iij frixoria. 


Item unum calefactorium pro aqua. 

Item ij magna veruta (spits) cum ij minoribus. 

Item una securis cum ij cunijs ferrejs. 

Item j prong ferri pro faborihunibusf extripandis 11 . 

Item j vanga cum tribula. 

Item unum grate. 

Item unum strenore (strainer), 

Item ij charioris (chargers). 

Item j gret meel (great mallei). 

Item unum hausorium (ladle or bucket) ligneum. 

Item una serra. 

Item j limax (? KKipag, ladder). 

Vasa electri dimissa in cista in bursaria 12 . 

In primis in discis ..... xxvij disci. 

Item in salsarijs ...... xxiij salsaria. 

Item in plateris . . ... . v unius secte. 

Item in plateris ...... viij alterius secte. 

Item ........ ij chargoris. 

1 Warden 1442-1450 and 1453-1456. 

2 Frequently Bursar between 1436 and 1447 ; occurs as Chancellor of 
Durham and S. T. B. in 1455, and as S. T. P. in 1463 (Hist. Dun. 
pp. cccxxxi, cccxlix). 

3 Warden 1428 to 143 1. Cf. Comp. 1430. Item pro pinctura vestium 
pro altaribus in capella xxxviij 8 xj d . 

4 A Robert Burton was Archdeacon of Northumberland in 1421 and 
1427 (Hutchinson's Durham, ii. 223). 

5 Status 1450 adds ' Item j catasta.' 

6 Bursar 1444-5, I 449 - 5°> I 453 _ 4I B.Can. L. 145! (Boase, Reg. Univ. 
Oxf. p. 22). 

7 Oatmeal, cf. Finchale Rolls, glossary, s.v. Lentiscus. 

8 Occurs as Bursar 1402-3 ; sub-prior of Durham 1434 (Hist. Dun. 

9 Status 1450. 'Item una pecies cum coopertorio ponderis xix unc' 
et di' ex dono magistri Johannis Burnby. 

10 The name of Prior Richard Bell is frequently spelt Beel, Beell, or 
Bele in these rolls. 

11 I conjecture that this was a spud [hasta furcatci) for extirpating 
aborigines, i.e. not blackbeetles, but superflui frntices or suckers (see 
Ducange and Forcellini, s.v.). 

12 Probably identical with the vestry or treasury. 



Compotus, 1392-3. 

(This Compotus, of which there are two fairly well-preserved and well-written 
copies, each 2 ft. 3 in. long by 9 in. broad, is selected as a good specimen of the 
earlier form which the annual accounts soon assumed. It is specially remarkable 
for the fulness of the details with reference to the payments from the officers of 
Durham and the dependent cells, and for the non-appearance of both the church of 
Bossall and the manor of Cotgrave in the list of estates. The entries relating 
to Oxford are unfortunately very scanty. The inventory of property on the rectory 
glebe at Frampton often extends to a much greater length.) 

Compotus dominorum Roberti de Blaklaw 1 Walteri de Tesdale 2 et 
Willelmi de Kybellesworth 3 monachorum Dunelmensium a festo sancti 
Michaelis anno domini M mo ccc mo Lxxxxij° usque ad idem festum 
Michaelis anno domini M mo ccc mo Lxxxxiij° de bonis et catallis collegij 
monachorum Dunelmensium Oxonie studencium. 

Remanen- Idem respondent de viij 8 xjd ob. de remanentibus compoti prece- 
tia - dentis. 

Summa .... viij 8 xj d ob. 
Arreragia. Et de cxPji xj s iiij d remanentibus in bonis catallis et debitis ut patet 
per compotum precedentem (quorum nomina patent in dorso). 
Summa .... cxlj H xj s iiij d . 
Recepte. Et de iiij^xvjH vij 8 vij d receptis de omnibus proficuis ecclesie de 
Frampton 4 prouenientibus per tempus compoti. 

Et de xliiij 11 receptis de toto exitu proficuo ecclesie de Fhyslak 5 
assignate ad firmam. 

Et de iiij 8 ix d de meremio antiquo vendito. 

Et de xxx 1 * receptis de ecclesia de Rodyngton 6 sic dimissa ad 

Et de xl 8 receptis de redditu assiso in eadem villa. 

Et de xx 11 receptis de pensione de Alverton 7 . 

Et de lx e receptis de pensione camerarum Oxonie. 

Et de xiij 11 iij 8 iiij d receptis de pensione Officiariorum et cellarum 
preter Coldingham. 

Et de xiijK vj s viij d receptis de Officiarijs Dunelmie et cellarum pro 
contribucione debita scaccario. 

Et de iiij 11 xvj s receptis de Camerario pro oblacionibus et pannis 

Et de c 9 receptis de Cominario pro oblacionibus. 
Et de xl s receptis de Feretrario pro oblacionibus. 
Et de xxvj 8 viij d receptis de uno equo vendito. 
Et de x s receptis de pellibus lanutis de xlviij multons mortuis in 
morina duobus annis preteritis. 



Et de xiij 1 * vj s viij d receptis de lanis de Frampton de anno 

Summa .... ccxlix 1 * xx d 
Et de x li mutuatis 8 de domino Thoma de Midilton. Mutuata. 
Et de iiip mutuatis de domino Thoma Vlluesby. 

Summa .... xiiij 11 
Summa totalis recepte preter arreragia et mutuata . eclxiij 11 xx d 
Summa totalis recepte cum remanentibus arreragiis et mutu- 
atis . . . ccccv 11 xxiij d ob. 

De quibus in primis computant de pensione soluta vicario de Expense. 

Frampton . , xix 1 * vj s viij d Frampton. 

Item pro indempnitate eiusdem ecclesie episcopo archidiacono et 

capitulo Lincolniensi ...... liij 9 iiij d 

Item pro medietate decime solute domino Regi pro eadem ecclesia 

iipi iij s iiij d 

Item pro tonsione ouium ibidem cv xx ... x s ij d ob. 

Item pro expensis seruiencium et diuersorum laborancium ibidem 
circa husbandriam ...... xxvj 3 j d ob. 

Item in diuersis rebus emptis pro husbandria et remanentibus ibidem 

xliiij 9 

Item in ventilacione et trituracione et factura brasij ibidem iiij 1 * xix 9 
Item in expensis autumpnalibus .... iiij 11 xviij 3 vj d 

Item pro stipendijs seruiencium ibidem cum feno empto et in ferrura 
equorum . . . . . . . . liiij s xj d 

Item in v equis emptis pro curribus et equitatura nostra lxviij s viij d 
Item pro clausura et muracione vicarie .... xlj a 

Item pro uno amerciamento soluto in curia Regine pro fractura fossa- 
rum in les Fens ....... liij 9 iiij d 

Item Capellano de Wikys pro decimis garbarum ab eo emptis et 

cantarie sue pertinentibus liij 3 iiij d 

Item Johanni Bell de Botilston procuratori nostro . xiij 3 iiij d 

Item procuratori nostro respondenti pro nobis in sinodo apud Lincoln 

vj s viij d 

Item in reparacione fossarum in les Fens et domorum xj 3 viij d 

Item in expensis autumpnalibus anni precedentis ultra x 11 allocatos pro 

eisdem expensis . . ..... xx s 

Item in xiij multons expensis in autumpno et hospicio per annum 

receptis de instauro precium pecudis xvj d . . xvij 3 iiij d 

Item domino Thome Vlsby pro pensione sua . . xxvjl* xiij 3 iiij d Fyschelak. 
Item vicario pro pensione sua .... xiij 11 vj s viij d 
Item in duabus partibus oneris ipsius ecclesie . . cv 9 ix d ob. 

Item in diuersis expensis circa reparaciones ibidem viij 15 vij 3 iiij d ob. 





Item pro libcratura domini Thome Vlsby ... xj s 
Item domino Thome Midilton pro pens ; one sua . . xl 1 ' 
Item in reparacione rectorie et stralura ecclesie et alijs expensis 

xviij 8 iiij (J 

Item pro medietate decime solute domino Regi . xxxiij 9 iiijd 

Item pro indempnitate eiusdem ecclesie Episcopo et Capitulo Ebora- 

censi xxvj 8 viij d 

Item Hugoni Anslay pro pensione sua .... xx H 
Item Johanni Killyby pro pensione sua .... xl 8 
Item Receptori domini Episcopi Eboracensis pro excusacione prions 

a Sinodo et duabus acquietancijs 
Summa . 

nj H vnj 


clvij 11 vij 8 vij 1 

xliij 8 iiij d ob. 
ij 8 et canonicis 
xiij 8 vj d 

Item in reparacione murorum et camerarum Oxonie 
Item abbatisse de Godstow x 8 et canonicis Frydeswyde 
de Osnay xviij d 9 ...... 

Item pro secta Curie . . - xij d 

Item pro liberatura puerorum et seruiencium ibidem iiij 15 vij 8 viij d 
Item pro liberatura ad extra seruiencium .... xxx 8 xj d 
Item in ceia et alijs necessarijs emptis ad Capellam . v s v d ob. 
Item in Communis monachorum puerorum et stipendijs seruiencium 

xxxviij 11 iiij 8 x d ob. qu. 

Item in oblacionibus Prions et Sociorum . . . xxx li viij 8 

Item pro factura xij cocliarum vj 8 viij d 

Item in expensis Prioris et sociorum laborancium in patria et versus 

Dunelmiam . . . . . . . vij 1 * xvij d 

Item domino Radulfo de Lumley in partem solucionis summe eidem 

solute pro Simondset et Preston 10 viij s 
Summa .... iiijxx v li x 8 x d ob. qu. 
Item domino Waltero Petwardyn pro denarijs sibi debitis x ]i 
Item in solucione facta diuersis creditoribus pro mutuatis in compoto 

precedenti viij 1 * 

Item in solucione facta domino Johanni Port vicario de Fisshelake pro 

denarijs sibi debitis de tempore domini Johannis de Beryngton 

lxvj 8 viijd 


xxj ]i vj 8 viij c 

Summa expensarum cum solucionibus debitorum eclxiiij 1 * v s j d ob. qu. 
Et sic excedunt recepte expensas in cxl 1 * xvj 8 ix d ob. qu. 
{This is followed by a brief ''allocaa'o,' the details of which are given 
more fully on the back of the roll, as follows) 
De quibus petit allocacionem de xiiij 8 de decasu precij xxviij multons 

venditorum pro xxiij 8 iiij d qui appreciabantur ad xxxvij 8 iiij d 
Et de xxxvij 8 iiij d in precio xxviij multons mortuorum in morina. 


lj s iiij< 



Et de cxxj 11 iiij 8 viij d de remanentibus in bonis et catallis et debitis col- 

legij ut patet per nomina infrascripta. 
De executoribus domini de Neuell 
De Johanne Fleshewer de Colston 
De Willelmo Fabro de Colston . 
De magistro Roberto Manseld 
De magistro Johanne de Midilton 
De Priore insule sacre pro iij annis preteritis 
De magistro de Wermouth pro pensione de ij annis 

c 9 

iiij 11 xiij s iiij d 

XX s 

De officio Camerarii de tempore domini Johannis Beryngton lxxvj a 
De abbate et monachis de Swyneshened . . xxxvj 11 xiij s iiij d 
De precio xj xx multons remanentium apud Framton precium pecudis 

vje viij d 
ij 8 


De precio vnius olle ibidem manentis . 
De ij plumbis in bracia ibidem remanentibus 
De vno maschephat (mashiub) ibidem existente 
De vna scala ibidem remanente . 

xmj 1 

xnj a 
iij £ 
liij 8 


iiij d 
xvj d 


cxxj 11 iiij s viij ( 

Et de xii 11 x 8 v d ob. de arreragijs pensionum et contribucionum 11 debi- 

tarum infra hunc compotum viz. 
De Priore de Fenkhall de contribucione . . . liij 3 iiij d 

De Priore insule sacre de contribucione . . . xxx s 
De Priore de Coldyngham de contribucione . . . xxx s 
De Priore de Lethom de contribucione . . . xx s 
De Priore de Stamford de contribucione . . . xiij s " 
De magistro de Wermouth de contribucione . . xiij s 
De eodem de pensione ...... 

De Cominario de oblacionibus ad tumbum sancti Cuthberti 
De Feretrario pro oblacionibus ad eundem tumbum 
De pensione Camerarum Oxonie 
Et de pensione de Alverton de tempore vacacionis 

iiij d 

x 9 

XX s 

viij 8 
xiij s iiijd 
lix 9 j d ob. 


xiij 11 x s v d ob. 

Status rectorie ecclesie de Frampton anno domini M°ccc mo nona- 
gesimo tercio liberatus Johanni Smyth preposito ibidem per dominum 
Robertum de Blaklawe Priorem collegij monachorum Dunelmensium 
in Oxonia in festo sancti Michaelis anno domini supradicto. 

In primis remanent in granario vnum quart' frumenti puri et de Granarium. 

mixto iiij quart' j bus' et de brasio iiij quart' et de fabis et pisis 

xiiij quart' et de auenis ij quart'. 
Item remanent in stabulo v equi pro curribus viz. duo empti de Stabulum. 

Johanne Claymond vnus griseus emptus de Johanne Harpor vnus 

niger emptus de Johanne Smyth et vnus niger assignatus ibidem per 



priorcm 12 . Item remanent ij currus vnus ferro ligatus et alius fere 
nouus sine ferro cum apparatu sufficicnte pro eisdem ad v equos. 
Coquina. Item remanent in coquina ij plumbi magni Item v olle enee Item 
j masfatte Item dc vasis stagni vj parapsides vj disci vj salsaria 
Item j mappa cum manutergio Item alia mappa de Canuasso pro 
seruientibus cum duobus manutergijs curtis de simili panno Item iiij 
ciphi viij parapsides lignee xij disci lignei iiij candelabra ferri cum 
stipitibus ligneis. 

Item remanent in camera iij chalons de mortuarijs 13 . 

Item remanent in grangia j wyndocloth 14 ix sacci de quibus pro quinque 
nondum soluitur Item j modius ligneus Item j cribrum antiquum et 
ij wyndyls 14 Item j furca pro feno. 

Item remanent vj porci maiores Item x porci mediocres Item xiiij 
porouli de etate unius quartarie Item v porcelli sugentes Item x 
galline ij galli x capones Item xj xx bidentes. 

I Warden c. 1389- 1404. 2 See D, note I. 

3 Bursar also 1 398-1 400. 

4 On the Wash, $\ miles S. of Boston. This rectory was sold by the 
Dean and Chapter of Durham in the sixteenth century. 

5 Fishlake, 8^ miles N.E. of Doncaster ; there is a very fine church 
dedicated to St. Cuthbert. Still in the possession of the Dean and Chapter. 

6 Ruddington, 5 miles S. of Nottingham. Laxton, 11 miles N.E. of 
Southwell, also contributed for a year to the revenues ; Cotgrave too was 
in the same neighbourhood, being 11 miles N.E. of Nottingham. 

7 It is curious that there are no outgoings at Northallerton ; generally 
there was some small subscription to be deducted. 

8 It is probable that these loans were involuntary contributions on the 
part of the pensioned ex-rectors of Rodington and Fishlake. 

9 See Introduction, notes 15, 17, and 35. Trinity College still pays 
a quit-rent of $s. to Christ Church for these small sums due from Durham 
College to St. Frideswide's and Osney. 

10 Sir Ralph de Lumley, who married Eleanor da. of John third Lord 
Nevill of Raby, and was summoned as a Baron 1 384-1 399, was Lord of 
Simonside alias South Preston at this time, but there is no clue to the 
transaction recorded here. He and William de Blaykeston were the 
'firmarii' (lessees, perhaps as trustees) of the four Nevill advowsons. 
A William de Lumley frequently acted for Berington in legal matters. 

II See Introduction, note 36. 

12 The horses' names are often given ; e. g. in Berington's inventory 
of the stock on the estates in 1389 we find 'bayard porter, bayard pyn- 
hors, bayard cutte, gray Scot, bayard blind, gray Frampton, gray ambler, 
gryme, gray doxo, bay blind, gray bleb, gray Rougton, Scot, brune, gray 
lyard, Gyll, bird.' 

13 ' Shalloons for mortuaries,' i. e. blankets taken as a sort of heriot by 
the rector after the death of a parishioner. 

14 Wyndocloth, winnowing-cloth ; wyndyl, winnowing-fork. 




Compotus, 1462-3. 

(This document is selected as a good specimen of the form in which the accounts 
were made up annually during the greater part of the fifteenth century, though it 
does not contain any entries of special importance. It belongs to a period at 
which the rolls were very finely written on large pieces of parchment : this one 
measures 2ft. 1 in. by I2|in. and is docketed 'Pars Prioris.' The copy or 
counterpart is inferior in appearance.) 

Compotus Fratris Thome Caly 1 Custodis Thome Haluer 2 et 
Johannis Aukland 3 Bursariorum Collegij Monachorum Dunelmensium 
in Oxonia a Festo Sancti Michaelis Archangeli Anno Domini Mille- 
simo cccc mo Lxij° vsque Idem Festum Anno Domini revoluto. 

In primis Idem respondent de xx s vijd ob. remanentibus ultimi Remanen- 
compoti precedentis ut patet in pede eiusdem. * ia " 
Summa .... Patet. 

Et respondent de xlvjli xiij 8 iiij d receptis de ecclesia de Frampton Recepte. 
hoc anno. 

Et de xxvj!i xiij 8 iiij d receptis de ecclesia de Rodyngton sic dimissa. 

Et de xxxij 1 ' receptis de ecclesia de Fysshelake sic dimissa 4 . 

Et de xviij 11 receptis de ecclesia de Bossall sic dimissa. 

Et de xlv 1 * vj s viijd receptis de ecclesia de Brantyngham 5 videlicet 
de ecclesia de Brantyngham cum capella de Ellerkar xxv 11 vj s viij d et 
de capella de Blaktoft xx h \ 

Et de xx 1 * receptis de ecclesia Aluerton pro pensione eiusdem. 

Et de iij s iiij d receptis de prouisore et monachis ordinis Cisterciensis B. 
pro quadam parcella terre sic eis dimissa ad terminum octoginta 
annorum hoc anno vicesimo septimo 6 . 

Et de ij s receptis de firmis Camerarum hoc anno. A. 

Summa omnium / Preter Remanentia . . ciiij^viip xviij 8 viij d 
Receptarum ( Cum Remanentibus . . ciiij^ix 11 xix s iij d ob. 

In primis Episcopo Lincolniensi xvij s ix d Capitulo viij 9 x d ob. et Expense. 
Archidiacono Lincolniensi viij 8 x d ob. pro indempnitate ecclesie Ex trinsece 
parochialis de Frampton ultra viij 8 xj d solutos eidem Episcopo iiij 9 v d Frampton. 
ob. Capitulo iiij 8 v d ob. Archidiacono solutos per vicarium eo quod 
tenetur ad terciam partem omnium onerum per nouam ordina- 
cionem 7 ........ xxxv 3 vj d 

Item in pensione vicarij ecclesie predicte per nouam ordinacionem 

xx 1 * 

Item in medietate unius decime domino Regi soluta ultra xxj 8 j d qu. 
solutos per vicarium per dictam ordinacionem . . xiij 8 ij d ob. 







item in cera thure et oleo cum pane et vino ac alijs minutis oneribus 
ultra terciam partem solutam per vicarium 8 . . xvij 8 viij d 
Item in Amerciaments xij d , in firma de Balgrene iiij' 1 . xvj (1 
Item in denarijs sancti Petri iiij 8 v d in procuracionibus et sinodalibus 

x 3 v d 

iiij 1 ' 

vj 9 ultra iij 8 solutos per vicarium per nouam ordinacionem 
Item in stipendio Diaconi ultra vj 8 solutos per vicarium 
Item in colleccione et trituracione granorum . 
Item in stipendio Procuratoris 9 .... 
Item in Fossatis maris et marisci 10 . 
Item in alijs reparacionibus hoc anno ibidem factis . 
Item in expensis custodis et aliorum diuersis vicibus ibidem 
Item in expensis Procuratoris apud Stamfordiam tempore 

cionis Episcopi Lincolniensis ..... 
Item in condonatis parochianis ad fabricam ecclesie 
Item in solutis Willelmo Guddyng pro decimis Capelle de Wykes 

Summa. . . . xxxvj 1 * viijs vij d ob. n 
In primis Archiepiscopo Eboracensi xiij 8 iiij d Capitulo xiij 8 iiij d pro 

x 8 

xij 8 vj d 

XX s 

ij 8 



indempnitate ecclesie parochialis de Rodyngton . 
Item in medietate unius decime domino Regi soluta 
Item in reparacionibus hoc anno ibidem factis 
Item in perdonatis firmario ibidem . 

xxvj 8 vnj a 
xxxiij 8 iiij d 
cij 8 vj d 
lxx 9 x d 


xj 11 xiij 5 

inj c 

In primis Archiepiscopo Eboracensi viij 9 x d ob. Capitulo viij 8 x d ob. 
pro indempnitate ecclesie parochialis de Fysshelake una cum alijs 
expensis in quibus vicarius est contributarius in tercia parte 

xliij 8 x d 

Item in pensione vicarij ecclesie predicte 

xiij 11 vj f 

vnj c 

Item in medietate unius decime domino Regi soluta ultra xiij 8 iiij 

solutos per vicarium 
Item in libero redditu 

Parson medow . 


domino duci Eboracensi 

. xxvj 8 vnj a 
pro prato vocato 
ij s x d 


In primis Archiepiscopo Eboracensi xiij s iiij d Capitulo xiij 8 iiij c 
indempnitate ecclesie parochialis de Bossall . . xxvj 5 
Item in medietate unius decime domino Regi soluta 
Item in Reparacionibus factis circa cancellum ecclesie 

viij d 
xx 8 
xx 8 


lxvj 8 viij d 

In primis in solucione facta Capitulo Eboracensi secundum tenorem 

appropriacionis iij s iiij d 

Item in pensione vicarii ecclesie predicte . . xiij 11 vj 8 viijd 
Item in pensione capellani capelli de Blaktoft . . . cvj 8 viijd 
Item in solucione cuiusdam annue pensionis ecclesie collegiate sancti 
Johannis Beuerlaci ab antiquo debite et solui consuete c s 



Item in solucione cuiusdam annue pensionis Camerario ecclesie 
cathedralis Dunelmensis ab antiquo debite et solui consuete 

vj 1 * xiij 8 iiij d 

Item in medietate unius decime domino Regi soluta lxvj 9 viij d 

Item in elemosina data pauperibus parochianis ecclesie predicte 

secundum ordinacionem appropriacionis . . . iij 8 iiij d 
Item in reparacionibus factis apud Brantyngham . . lix s xj d 
Item in aliis reparacionibus factis circa unam clausuram in parochia 

de Blaktofte xv s vj d 

Summa .... xxxvij ]i xv 9 v d 
In condonatis vicario de Aluerton de pensione sua . . iiij 11 Aluerton. 

Item in medietate unius decime domino Regi soluta . xx s 

Summa . . . c s 

Summa omnium expensarum extrinsecarum . . cxj 11 iiij 8 ob. 

In primis in communis monachorum scolarium secularium et seruien- Expense 
cium per tempus compoti xl 11 ix 8 iij d ob. Intrinsece. 

Item in duobus festis Sancti Cuthberti cum recepcione extraneorum 
per idem tempus 12 ..... xlij 3 vj d ob. 

Item in oblacionibus 13 custodis et sex sociorum suorum ibidem 

xxx 11 

Item in Liberatura Custodis Bursariorum et seruiencium intra et 

extra viij 1 * v s 

Item in reparacionibus domorum et murorum . . . xviij s iiij d 
Item in donis datis diuersis causa collegij ... x s 
Item in reparacionibus factis in Aula Promptuario et Coquina vij s vj d 
Item in cirpis emptis pro Capella et Aula . . . xx d 
Item in expensis custodis et aliorum laborancium in negocijs 

Collegij c 9 

Item in cera empta pro capella et in factura eiusdem vj 8 viij d 

Item pro feno prebenda et medicinis equorum cum ferrura repara- 

cione sellarum et frenorum 
Item in libera firma et secta curie 14 
Item in stipendijs seruiencium 
Item pro vectura custodis 15 .... 
Item in pergameno et scriptura compoti 

Summa . . . iiij sx xvij li iiij s x ( 

xl 8 
xv s ij d 
cxiij 8 iiij d 
xiij 8 iiij d 
ij 8 

Item ijdem petunt allocacionem de iij s iiij d de isto anno debitis ultra Allocacio. 
xxxvj 9 viij d pro undecim annis elapsis debitos a prouisore et 
monachis ordinis cisterciensis quo quadam parcella terre eis dimissa 
ad terminum octoginta annorum hoc anno vicesimo septimo. 
Summa .... iij s iiij d 

6 4 


Summa omnium cxpcnsarum intrinsccarum extrinsecarum el allo- 
cacionis ....... ccviij 1 * xij H ij' 1 ob. 

Et sic in superplusagijs 10 . . xviij 11 xij 8 x d 

1 Warden 1457-c. 1463. 

2 Bursar 1457-63 ; occurs among those voting at the election of Prior 
Robert Ebchester in 1478 (Hist. Dun. p. ccclxii). 

3 Warden c. 1481-1484. 4 ' As leased.' 

5 The advowson of Brantingham in Howdenshire, a large parish on 
the north bank of the Humber, 11 miles west of Hull, was one of the most 
ancient possessions of the church of Durham. The Convent obtained 
a licence, Aug. 4, 1458, to appropriate the rectory to the College on condition 
that the vicar's stipend and other ancient charges (as stated among the 
outgoings) were regularly paid, and a further ' ordinacio ' framed by the 
Archbishop of York, Aug. 4, 1459, stipulated for payments to the poor 
and the York chapter. This property was granted, March 7, 1550, to 
Walter Jobson of Hull, the Crown reserving certain rentcharges, in- 
cluding one of £17 due to Durham College ; but the patronage and 
impropriation reverted to the Dean and Chapter in the seventeenth 
century. The chapelry of Blacktoft was less closely connected with the 
mother parish than that of Ellerkar (Hutchinson's Durham, iii. 478-80) ; 
it is 8 miles E. by S. of Howden and 20 miles from Hull. 

6 The northern part of the original garden or grove of the Durham 
Hall, as granted c. 1290, was leased at a nominal rent to the Provisor 
and Cistercian monks of Bernard College, founded by Archbishop Chichele 
in 1437. After the dissolution this land, for which the occupiers seldom 
paid the rent, was given to the Dean and Chapter of Christ Church 
on Dec. 11, 1546, and they sold it to Sir Thomas White. It is now 
covered by the second quadrangle and (possibly) the southern part of the 
garden of St. John's College. 

7 The new arrangements providing for the proper payment of the 
vicar and other parochial charges; cf. Comp. 1442-3, Item magistro 
Roberto Thornton officiali domini Lincolniensis episcopi pro labore suo 
in negocio noue ordinacionis vicarie de Frampton ex conuencione secum 
facta per magistrum Johannem Mody nuper custodem Oxonie xl s . 

8 Cf. Comp. 1442-3 (Exp. extr. Frampton), Item pro cera oleo thure 
et crismate cum pane et vino tarn in die pasche quam pro celebracione 
missarum ac in pane et ceruisia data capellanis pro locione altarium in 
cena domini ultra terciam partem, &c, v s viij d . 

9 The Warden was allowed to send a Proctor, in lieu of personal 
attendance, to the synods of the Archbishop of York and Bishop of 
Lincoln, for the appropriated rectories. The 'bulla indulgencie' of 
Boniface IX, printed by Wilkins (Cone. II. 618-19), cost 13s. 4d. in 1396. 
A licence from the Archbishop, dated Oct. 8, 1432, is printed in Hist. 
Dun., App. excix. 

10 A constant source of expense in the low-lying parishes of Frampton 
and Fishlake : e. g. Comp. 1437, Item in factura de le Fendyke cum aliis 
clausuris et fossatis factis ij s x d ; Comp. 1495, P r0 ^ e Dykyng duarum 


Clausurarum vj 8 viij d . Cf. Berington's Comp. 13S7-9, In valore vij xx viij 
bidencium dimersarum tempestate maris in pastura domini de Dakyr in 
Southholland {near Framftton) xiiij li. 

11 This total is \d. more than the sum of the items : possibly an i above 
should be altered to a v. 

12 Deposition of St. Cuthbert March 20 (687), Translation Sept. 4 

13 ' Offerings,' a polite term for stipend in Durham documents : 1 libera- 
tura,' livery, allowance of cloth, &c. 

14 ' Fee-farm and suit of court ' ; the small quit-rents to Godstow, 
Oseney, St. Frideswide's, and the payment at the court of Bullingdon 
(?Northgate) hundred as mentioned in the valuation of 1534. 

15 ' Travelling expenses ' are often allowed to fellows and scholars 
as well as to the warden; e.g. Comp. 1401, Item in vectura quinque 
sociorum veniencium de Oxonia viz. dominorum Johannis Heryll, 
Stephani Howeden, Johannis Wessyngton, Johannis Gysborne, Johannis 
Swynshede ac prioris eiusdem loci iiij 11 . 

G Deficit : a balance is often expressed by ' remanent.' 


Compotus, second quarter 1464. 

(The following is a good specimen of the short accounts rendered quarterly by 
the Warden or Bursars. Between fifty and sixty of these rolls have been preserved ; 
but some of them are extremely brief, and often written very illegibly on mere 
scraps of parchment, one of which seems to have been not rolled but folded into 
a small square, and is endorsed, ' Tradatur domino Ricardo barton monacho 
Dunelm.' A large majority bear dates between 1422 and 1425, or 1431 and 1438 ; 
in nine cases all four quarters of the academic year are represented and the com- 
potus for the whole year has also been preserved : there is only one duplicate. 
They are generally dated by reference to the usual quarter-days, but sometimes 
other saints-days are mentioned, such as the festivals of SS. Ambrose, Aydan, 
Oswald, Peter ad Vinculo,, Jerome, Margaret, and Euphemia. Occasionally these 
rolls are of great value as furnishing details of the payments roughly classified 
in the annual accounts. This document is clean and well written, and is 6| in. 
broad by 1 1 in. long ) 

Compotus Thome Haluer et Johannis Aukland bursariorum a die 
veneris proximo ante festum Anunciacionis beate Marie Anno Domini 
millesimo cccc°lxiij° usque ad diem veneris proximum ante festum 
natiuitatis sancti Johannis baptiste extunc proxime sequens \ 
In primis idem respondent de xlvj s viij d receptis de domino Willelmo Recepte. 
Law 2 . 

Item apud Aluerton de vjh vj s viij d receptis de custode. 
Item de iij 1 * receptis de custode in parlura 3 . 
Item de viij 11 xiiij 3 vjd receptis alias de eodem. 
Item de ix n " x s xj d receptis de custode. 




Item de x H rcccplis dc aula balioli. 
Item de iiij 1 ' x s viijd receptis de custode. 

Summa . . . xxxiiij 11 xix B v' 1 
In primis xvd ob. qu. in superplusagiis [utj patet in pede prccedentis 

In communis monachorum ..... cxiij 9 vjd ob. 

iij 1 * vij* xj (1 ob. 

In communis puerorum 
In batellis et iurnellis 4 . 
In oblacionibus sex sociorum . 

In secta curie 

In die obitus fundatoris 5 ... 
In reparacionibus murorum in primis in lapidibus emptis 
Item pro cariagio eorundem . 
Item pro factura muri .... 
Item pro luto et cariagio eiusdem . 
Item pro mundacione murorum et stramine 
Item pro calce ad murum 

Pro reparacionibus domorum in primis pro tegulis emptis 

Item in calce 

Item pro clauis ferreis .... 

Item pro clauis ligneis .... 

Item tegulatoribus .... 

Item pro cirpis emptis pro capella et aula 

Item pro duabus cordis emptis pro fonte 

Item pro ferrura prebenda et medicina equorum 

Item in expensis diminutis infra collegium 

Item in stipendijs seruiencium 

Item pro defencione iuris collegij in earn appellacionem rebellium 
scolarium eiusdem in donis feodis et regardis iurisperitorum ac 
expensis laborancium versus Dunelmiam et leuium onerum diuersis 

viij H iiij' 1 ob. qu. 


xvjd ob. qu. 
vjs vj d 
xviij 9 iijd 
xvj s viijd 
vjs vj d 
ijs x ( * 
liiijs vjd 
ix s jd 
X s viijd 
ijs viijd 
» xij* ijd 
xiij s iijd 
iiij 9 ijd 
xx s xd 

vicibus 6 . 
Item pro scriptura compoti . 

Summa . 
Et sic expense excedunt receptas 

vnj 1 

xxxv 1 ' xix s iiijd qu. 

xix 8 xjd qu. 

1 Easter Sunday fell on April i in 1464 ; hence the exact date of this 
roll is March 23, 146!, to June 22, 1464. 2 Warden c. 1478-c. 1481. 

3 Possibly the ' perloquitorium ' at Oxford ; but there was a ' Parler ' at 
Durham, ' a place for marchaunts to utter their waires, standing betwixt 
the Chapter house and the Church dour' (Rites of Durham, p. 44) ; it 
was converted into a Registry by Dean Matthew, and must not be con- 
fused with the ' Common House ' in the west cloister. 

4 Daily wages or allowances in food ; cf. Comp. 1423, Item in iurnellis 
duorum vitrariorum xj d ob. 8 Bishop Hatfield died May 8, 1381: 



0 The relations between the regular ' socii ' and the 1 scolares secu- 
lares ' seem to have been strained from time to time. Nothing more is 
known of this appeal ; but the ' ordinacio ' of John Hemmingburgh, 
Prior 1391-1416, 'inspected' by Prior John Wessington in 1431 ( Hist. 
Dun., app. ccviii), seems to define the duties of the boys to the monks in 
a judicial manner, and as the result of an appeal. 


Computus, 1541-2. 

(The importance of these documents lias been pointed out in the Introduction 
They consist of two sheets of paper, folded in half and then rolled together, 
and are written in an exceedingly difficult hand, with numerous contractions, many 
of which are so arbitrary that the expansion of them is rather conjectural. It 
will be noticed that in some points the Latin is more modern in character. The 
only other computus of this period, that of Edward Hyndmer, S. T. P (see list of 
Wardens), is similar in character, but the revenues were then got in direct from the 
appropriated churches. 

Computus Georgii Clyff 1 sacre Theologie bacularii Rectoris ibidem Collegium 
computante a Festo Sancti Michaelis Archangeli Anno Domini Oxonie. 
m^xlj 1110 usque Festum Sancti Michaelis Archangeli Anno Domini 

M^XLIJ^ 0 . 

Et de cxxviijb vj s viijd receptis de Hugone Whithed 2 sacre Theologie 
Professori et Decano Ecclesie Cathedralis Dunelmensis diuersis vicibus 
videlicet pro termino Natalis Domini per manus magistri Tayllor xx u 
et de Rectoria de Framton xiiij 1 * iij s iiijd ad Festum Annuntiationis 
beate Marie Virginis de predicto Decano per Thomam Whithed xxx 1 * 
ad festum Natiuitatis Sancti Johannis Baptiste de dicto Decano per 
Georgium Blunt xx 1J de Rectoria de Framton xiiij 1 ' iij s iiij d ad Festum 
Sancti Michaelis Archangeli per doctorem Bennett 3 et Stephanum 
Marley 4 xxx n * prout patet per billam manu dicti Georgii Clyff scriptam. 
Summa Totalis Recepte . . . cxxviij 1 * vj s viij cl 


E quibus solutum Georgio Clyff Thome Potter x 
Johanni Mathew Willelmo Tayllor Georgio Blunt 
Hugoni Winter et Antonio Todde Jacobo Greye cui- 
libet 0 eorum capienti pro termino Natalis Domini 
xlvijs yj d . 

Et solutum predictis octo baculariis pro terminis 
Annunciationis beate Marie virginis sancti Johannis 
Baptiste et sancti Michaelis Archangeli pro consimi- 
libus exhibitionibus pro predictis iij bus terminis. 

F 2 

\,sacre Theo- 
' logie 5 . 




Arcium 7 


xxij" x s 




EL solutum Cristofcro Ratclyff Johanni Pullen\ 
Johanni Hudson et Antonio Grenc cuilibet 8 eorum> 
capicnti pro tcrmino Natalis Domini xxxvij K vj d . ) 

Et solutum predictis iiij or uiris pro terminis Annuncia- 
tionis beate Marie virginis sancti Johannis Baptiste et 
sancti Michaelis Archangeli pro consimilibus exhibi- 
tionibus pro predictis iijl>us terminis. 

Summa .... cvj u 

Et allocata Francisco Claymond firmario Rectorie, 
de Framton pro diuersis Reparationibus et aliis ex- 
pensis per ipsum factis ut particulariter patet per duas 
billas de particulis inde super hunc Computum 
ostensas et examinatas videlicet prima billa lxxj 8 iij d , 
ij da billa iiij 1 * xiiij 8 x d ob. In toto 

(This computus appears to be unfinished, but wrapt up with it is 
another sheet of paper containing the particulars from which it was 
intended to compose the account for the whole year 1541-2.) 

Terminus a Festo Michaelis ad Natale Christi 1541 0 . 

1 vi s i d ob. 

vnj 1 Vj B j 






C In primis Recepi a magistro decano per manus magistri 
1 Talari. 

Deinde Recepi de Rectoria Framptoniensi . . xiiij 11 nj s mj 
, In primis Rectori, magistro Potter, magistro Mathew, sacre sophie 
Bacchalariis, Willelmo Talaro, artium magistro, Georgio Blountt, 
Hugoni Wynter, Antonio Toide Juris Civilis Bacchalario, Jacobo 
Graie, Artium Bacchalariis, dedi cuilibet horum divisim xlvij s vj d , nam 
^ hii omnes supremi stipendii erant. 

Deinde solvi etiam Christofero Radcliffe Johanni Pullanne Johanni 
Hudsoon, et Antonio Greynne, Artium Bacchalariis cuilibet horum 
v etiam seorsum xxxvij s vj d . 

Summa totalis Inter hos omnes . . xxvj ]i x s 

Reparationes seu allocationes de Frampton erant . iiij 11 xiiij 8 x d ob. 
Sumptus vel expense eorum sociorum qui equitarunt 
pro Ipsa firma ....... 

Summa . . . . . v 1 * xj s vj d ob. 

Quibusdam { Coquo vij s vj d subcoquo iij s iiij d Bib te . 8 qui tunc temporis per omnia 
niinistris > fungebatur turn vice quum officio mancipii v 9 . 9 

Collegii. <- T fo . . r» o ^ -a '"r\ 

_ . In primis pro Resartione antique Sere cum nova clave eidem vnj a 

Inexpensis r * . , . . * T . . . . 

necessariis P ro centum hgmolis vel laythes x d In Keparatione unius antiqui mun 

collegii &c. at in nihilum fere delapsi xvj d pro nova Sera cum clave x d In solita 

pensione 10 Collegio Fridiswide virginis debita ij s Doctori Smythe 11 pro 

Integro totius anni et lecture Regie Stipendio v 8 ix d In expensis 

xvj 9 viij d 


magistri Potteri et alterius socii usque Londinum circa Res Proficuas, 
ac In primis Isti Collegio vestro non Infrugiferas viij 9 x d . 

Summa . . . xxxvj 8 j d . Remanent v s viij d ob. 

[Second page of the sheet) 

Terminus a Natali Christi ad Annuntiationem beate Virginis etc. 1542 0 . 

Recepi a magistro decano Duresmie per Thomam Whitthede xxx 11 " Recepta. 

Rectori cum Sociis supremi stipendii quorum quilibet habuit Exhibi- 

xlvij 9 vj d tiones 

Summa Inter eos 7tem .... xix" sociorum. 
Deinde 4 0r aliis Inferioribus sociis quorum quilibet habuit xxxvij 9 vj d 

Summa Inter eos vij 11 ' x s 

Coquo vij 8 vj d . Subcoquo iij s iiij d . Bib te qui adhuc omnia exequi- Aliquibus 

batur munera que ad officium mancipii spectabant v 9 . pro Cibo ministris 

potuque 4 0r ministrorum Collegii In 2 a mensa xv s . collegii. 
Summa ...... xxx s x d 

Pro Reparatione 2 arum vetustissimarum domuncularum ex occi- i n Repara- 

dentali parte Aule et pro novo ostio cum sera nova eidem vij 3 vj d . tionibus 

In Expensis meis versus Londinum pro quietudine et pro decenti Intrinsecis 

T ■ ^ 11 .. u . . et expensis 

nonestoque statu ac ordme Istius Collegii xv 8 . pro 2 aDus novis sens necessariis 

etc. ij 8 . In Clavis xij d . extrinsecis. 

Summa . . . xxv 3 vj d . Remanent xiij 3 viij d . 

Terminus ab Annuntiatione beate Virginis ad Baptistam 1542 0 . 

Recepi a magistro decano per Georgium Blountt . . xx ]i Recepta. 

Rursus Recepi de Rectoria Framptoniensi . xiiij 11 iij 3 iiij d 

Rectori cum 7 tem sociis maximi stipendii ut supra xlvij 8 vj d 

Summa Inter eos 7 tem . . . . xix H 1 Exhibi- 

Deinde 4 or aliis posterioribus sociis, ut supra . xxxvij 8 vj d f J^JJS, 

Summa Inter eos 4 or ... vij 11 x 5 

{Third page of the sheet.) 
Reparationes etc. de Frampton erant . . . iij 11 xj 9 iiij d 

Sumptus ac Expense 2 orum qui equitarunt pro ipsa firma xviij 8 x d 

Summa iiij 11 x 8 ij d 

Mancipio x s , Superiori coquo vij 8 vj d , Subcoquo iij 8 iiij d Barbe- Famulis 
tonsori iiij 8 , Lotrici iii 8 iij d , pro cibo potuque 4 or ministrorum Collegii collegii 
In 2 a mensa xv 8 . omnibus. 

Summa xliij s ij d 

Pro excidendo dolando quadrando undecim arbores emortuas in Expense 
nemusculo nostro, ij 9 vj d , deinde 4 or operariis per 2 as fere Integras collegii 




tarn utiles 







summe ne- 

Scplimanas circa casdem cxcisas arborcs sarrando et id genus alia 
facicndo xv 8 , pro pane potuque eisdem viij (J , pro dealbationc unius 
inferioris cubiculi xx d , In expensis meis cum Iter arripiebam versus 
Woudstocke In res futuras domui nostre 12 de Ilandborrow ij 8 , In ex- 
pensis meis ab Oxonia In Durcsmiam et econtra, atque id solum hunc 
nimirum computum Reddendi gratia &c. xxx 9 , atque his omnibus 
annumeratis In debito est xxxj 8 x d . 

Terminus a festo Johannis Baptiste ad Michaelem, 1542 0 . 

Recepi a doctore Bennett et magistro Stephano Marlaie 

xxx 1 

Rectori cum sociis ut supra, xix 1 * Et 4 or aliis sociis ut supra vij 11 x s 
Summa ...... xxvj 11 x 8 

Lectori Regio pro dimidio sui stipendii ij 8 ix d &c, In consueta 
pensione Collegio de Frydiswide ij 8 , Johanni Singleton ut puto Ta- 
bellario Jamdudum apud vos existenti &c. preter omnem Remunera- 
tionem vestram vj 8 viij d , pro conpositura vestiarii antea pressaere 13 
xvj d pro reparatione sere Ipsius Janue que iuxta Capellam est cum 
nova clave vj d , pro Resartione turn sere quum clavis Illius etiam 
Janue que in oppidum 14 prodit ac prominet vj d , pro una clave ostiolo 
cubiculi nuper vocati capellani et pro alia clave ostio in nemusculum 
vertenti viij d , pro Redintegratione unius fenestre vitree xx d , pro 

cancellis lappideis in eadem fenestra affixis vj c 

Lectisternio vj d pro clavis iij d . 

Summa . . . xvij 3 ... . . . 

[Fourth page of the sheet.) 

Terminus a festo Michaelis ad Natale Christi. 1542 0 , 

Recepta. Recepi a magistro Decano per Thomam Whitthed 

pro composito 
Remanent iij 1 * 

xxx 1 




In Repara- 

xix 1 * 
vijii x 8 

Rectori cum 7 tem sociis Collegii ut supra . 
4 or aliis Inferioribus sociis ut supra . . . 

Summa xxvj ]i x 8 

In primis pro uno vestiario (antea presser) noviter fabricato xvj d pro 
duobus subselliis vel scamnis xiiij d pro uno novo Lectisternio (a bed- 
stede) ab Integro facto xviij d . 

Summa . . . iiij s ij d . . Remanent iij 1J v s x d 

1 Senior fellow in 1 540-1 ; supp. B.D. 1539 (Boase's Reg. Univ. Oxon. 
p. 195). See list of Wardens. 2 Warden 1512-c. 1524. 

3 Robert Bennett was Bursar of Durham Abbey at the Dissolution 
(Rites of Durham, p. 82) ; B.D. 1523, DD. 1527 (Boase, p. 131). He was 
made first Prebendary of the Eleventh Stall, and died 1558. 


4 Sub-prior of Durham (Rites, p. 78); B.D. 1530; first Prebendary of 
the Sixth Stall ; deprived 1572 (Hutchinson's Durham, ii. 190). 

5 Mathew, B.D. 1539; Taylor, B.A. 1533, M.A. 1 541; Blunt, B.A. 
1540, M.A. 1544 ; Todd, B.C.L. 1541 ; Grey/B.A. 1 541, M.A. 1544 (Boase, 
pp. 195, 173, 199, 201, 198 ; and Forster's Alum. Oxon.). 

6 MS. quilibet. 

7 Ratclyff, B.A. 1540, M.A. 1544; Pullen, ? B.A. 1540, M.A. 1544; 
Hudson, B.A. 1540, M.A. 1544; Green, B.A. 1542, M.A. 1544 (Boase, 
pp. 199, 198, 198, 200). In 1540 there were eight scholars, Chr. Ratclyff, 
J. Pullen, Ralph Coker, Cuthbert Hutchison, Edmund Wylie, Marmaduke 
Slingsby, William Taylor, and Ant. Green. 

8 I conjecture 'Bibliste,' bible-clerk, as ' Barbitonsori ' could hardly 
be contracted in this way. 

9 In 1540 the manciple, Lawrence Atkinson, was paid 25^.; the cook 
received 2os. y the sub-cook, 6^. Sd., the barber lis. Sd., the laundress 
6s. 8d., the 'equester' 12s. Sd., and John Hudson, 'servus collegii,' 
23s. 4d. 

J0 The ancient quit-rent ; cf. Cart, of St. Frid., ed. Wigram, pp. 372, 486. 
It was specially reserved ' Magistro Collegii de Fryswith in villa nostra 
Oxon.' (Christ Church) in Henry VI IPs charter endowing the Durham 
Chapter, May 12, 1541. 

11 Richard Smyth, D.D., Fellow of Merton ; Henry VIII's Reader in 
Divinity at Christ Church 1535-1548 and 1556-1558. 

12 In 1540 the College received 7s., ' de suo tenemento in Handbrow 
videlicet pro libera firma' ; see Introduction, p. 21. 

13 If this reading is correct it must mean that the term ' presser ' was 
formerly used for the piece of furniture here called a ' vestiarium.' 

14 The ancient gateway in Broad Street, for which see Comp. 1396-7, 
Item in expensis factis circa facturam nove porte, c s viij d ob. qu. ; Comp. 
1407, Item in reparacione facta circa nouam portam lxxj s j d : it was 
demolished in 1733. A drawing by Francis Wise, now in the Trinity 
library, is engraved in Skelton's Oxonia Antiqua Restaurata, vol. ii. 


Edificacio Capelle, 1406-8. 

(This short summary of the expense of building (or rebuilding) the chapel is the 
only document of the kind among the College rolls ; there are entries referring to 
the same work in the Compotus of 1404-5 and 1405-6. A Bull of John XXIII, 
licensing interments within the chapel, is printed in Hist. Dun. Scr. Tres., app. 
clxxxvii : cf. Comp. 141 1-2, Item in 2 bU8 bullis s. sepulture et indulgencie, vij 1 ' 
xvij s viij d . There are two copies of this roll, both 8 inches by 6|.) 

Compotus Willelmi de Appelby 1 de edificacione nove capelle Oxonie 
a festo Assumpcionis beate Marie anno domini M°cccc rao sexto usque 
ad idem festum anno domini &c. cccc mo octavo. 


cia. Varie 


In primis idem respondet nichil de remanentibus ultimi compoti. 
Et de x 11 receptis de executoribus domini Waited Dunelmensis 
Episcopi a . 

Et de xx R receptis de Johanne Fyscheburn juniori. 
Et de xvj fl viij d receptis ex dono prioris de pensione aule Balliolensis 
pro ij annis 3 . 

Et de vrp ij 8 receptis de debitis domini Roberti Blaklow 4 ex dono 

eiusdem domini prioris, 
Et de lxxviij 9 iiij d receptis de debitis collegij eidem domino priori de 

dono eiusdem ad id opus. 
Et de viij 11 datis ex officio Elemosinarij ad idem opus. 
Et de xxij 1 * datis eidem operi ex eodem officio ut patet in ultimo 
compoto eiusdem. 

Summa Receptarum . . . lij 11 xvij 
In primis in primo anno per manus Willelmi Appelby 
Item eodem anno per manus Johannis Fyscheburn junioris et Johannis 

Kirkland xxx 11 ix d ob. 

Item secundo anno pro ferreo opere ad fenestras . x\x ]i xij d ob. 
Item in eodem anno pro lapidibus calce cariagio et lapicidis et alijs 
expensis per manus eiusdem Willelmi Appilby . xxv 1 * x d ob. 
Item pro expensis circa meremium per manus eiusdem Willelmi 
Appilby . . , , . . . x 11 xiij 8 ix d ob. 


viip xxij d 

xxvj 8 vnj d 
xlix 1 * viij 8 

Item per manus Johannis Herl et Johannis Fysheburn junioris 
Item tegulatori in parte solucionis de xx d marcis 

Summa expensarum . . . cij 1 
Et sic superexpendit ...... 

{On the back of the roll) 
Memorandum quod ante istum compotum recipiebantur xxiij 1 * iiij 8 j d 

ad edificacionem capelle infrascripte 5 
Item expendebantur ante istum compotum circa edificacionem eius- 
dem capelle xxxiij 1 * xiij 9 6 . 

Summa totalis receptarum 

lxvjl" 1 x jd 7 

Summa omnium expensarum 


xvnj s 

1 Warden 1404-1409 ; his arms were still to be seen in a window in the 
seventeenth century. 

2 Walter Skirlaw, Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, 1386, of Bath and 
Wells 1386, of Durham 1389, a liberal benefactor to Durham Abbey, 
York Minster, University College, &c, died March 24, l4of, leaving to 
the College 'xx 1 saltern in aliquale relevamen fabricae seu reparacionis 
capellae suae ibidem, ut ipsi in suis missis et devocionibus orent Deum 
pro anima mea' (Test. Ebor. p. 308). That sum is included in the 
^23 y. id. mentioned below ; in Comp. 141 7 there is a further sum of 
£6 13s. 4d. received ' de executoribus domini Walteri Episcopi.' 


3 This was a charge on the Balliol rectory of Mickle Benton, assigned 
by the Convent to the Warden of the College for the chapel lights : cf. 
Feodarium Prioratus Dunelmensis (Surt. Soc. 1871), p. 77 (Inventarium ; 
Pensiones), ' Et nichil de x s quondam debitis de magistro aule de 
Balliolo in Oxonia, quia assignantur ad luminaria capelle collegii mona- 
chorum Dunelm. ibidem ' ; and p. 328 (Rentale ; Pensiones), ' De ecclesia 
de Mekyl Benton nichil, quia assignatur fratribus nostris studentibus in 
Oxonia, tamen reddere solebat x 3 .' 

4 Warden c. 1 389-1 404. He seems to have owed money to his suc- 
cessor. 5 Skirlaw's legacy £20, six fellows or ex-fellows £3 4.?. id. 

6 Comp. 1405-6. ' Item in reparacione facta circa capellam primo per 
custodem et postea per dominum Stephanum [Howden] ut patet per 
parcellas in papiris eorundem xxxiij li xiij 3 .' 

7 This should be lxxvj li j (l ; probably the calculator has misplaced an x. 


My Introduction was beyond the possibility of alteration when I paid 
a flying visit to Durham and was agreeably surprised at learning from 
Dr. Greenwell that the whole of the title deeds of the Oxford site 
acquired by Richard de Hoton and his successors were still extant 
in the Treasury. The collection (i ma 5 te Ebor.) consists of fifty-two 
documents, including several duplicates, nearly all of which are in 
splendid preservation and retain their seals ; among these are excel- 
lent impressions of the seals of Godstow (see p. 7, no. 1), St. Frides- 
wide's (p. 7, no. 3), Oseney (p. n, n. 35), the Hospital of St. John near 
the East Gate, the Parish of St. Mary Magdalen, and the Deanery of 
Oxford ; these form my frontispiece. All the documents which I cited 
in support of the statement of Graystanes are in this collection, except 
the petition of c. 1300 (p. 8); but Stevenson has misdated the warrant 
(p. 7, no. 2), which is really of 17 Edw. II (132I), and his summary of 
the Inquisition of 1291 (p. 7, no. 4) is not very correct ; the real date 
is 3 April, 1292. However, I am now able with less reluctance to post- 
pone the investigation of the question of the site, as I find that my 
short account is confirmed as far as it goes. 

I discovered also that a few documents relating to the internal affairs 
of the College were unfortunately misplaced in the sixteenth century 
by being classed with the title deeds of the appropriated rectories. 
Of these the most valuable is a ' Catalogus librorum pertinencium 
Collegio Monachorum Dunelm. Oxon.,' which, though undated, is 
clearly after 1380. It contains the books in B, and about as many 
more, including several works of the English schoolmen Hales, Burley, 
&c. ; and by corroborating the negative evidence (Introd. p. 10) finally 
disposes of the tradition about the Aungerville Library in Durham 



College. Another deed is endorsed ' Privilegia monaehis concessa per 
academiam Oxon.,' and has the old seals of the University and of 
the Chancellor. 

Two other documents I have decided to insert now, since the second 
goes far to explain the origin of A, and the first suggests several new 
ideas as to the position of the Hall early in the fourteenth century. 
M (no. 52 in i ma 5 t9 Ebor.) is an undated letter from Gilbert (Elwyk), 
Prior of the Hall, to G(alfridus de Burdon), Prior of Durham; the 
circumstances are not given very clearly ; but it seems that the Chancellor 
and his suite were occupying part of the Hall ; that the ' socii' refused 
to subscribe when asked, and moved off to another hostel; that the 
Chancellor on his return to Oxford wished to regain his rooms, and 
attempted to claim them by depositing a 'caucio' with the Commissary, 
the procedure usually employed by a would-be principal of a vacant hall 
(see Rev. H. Rashdall's Universities of Europe, vol. ii, pp. 464-8). N (no. 
10 in 4 ta 5 te Ebor.) is of little interest in itself, but it is probably a large 
part, if not the whole, of the 'aggression' on the part of Thomas 
Ledbury which was resisted by Prior Wessington on behalf of Warden 
William Ebchester. 


Letter, c. 1316. 

Venerabili Patri Domino G. Priori Dunullmensi per suos filios 
Oxonie commorantes. 

Venerabili in Christo Patri ac Domino suo Domino G. 1 Priori 
Ecclesie Dunullmensis sui cleuoti filij Oxonie commorantes cum 
recommendacione humili et deuota obbedienciam reuerenciam et 
honorem. Inter loca alia solicitudini vestre paterne subiecta, 
Oxoniam non credimus cordi vestro remocius insidere; et, ut 
speramus, hiis qui in eius tendunt preiudicium, eo citius et virilius 
occurretis, quod ibi nomen et memoriale vestrum specialius cele- 
bratur. Sane quidam quos non tantum illius loci sed tocius 
professionis Dunullmensis amicos et defensores habuisse firmiter 
sperabamus, Cancellarius scilicet et alii qui in eius comitiua nobiscum 
ante ista tempora morabantur, facti sunt hostes nostri in capite, 
id modicum quod habemus lete consumere et locum nostrum et 
gentem tollere machinantes. Huius autem machinacionis et discordie 
occasio uel materia extat talis. Agente Cancellario cum Archi- 
episcopo in visitacione sua, expositis que sociis Oxoniensibus 2 inuentis 

1 Geoffrey de Burdon, Prior of Durham 1313-1322 ; there is an excellent account 
of him, almost entirely omitted by Wharton, in the Chronicle of his contemporary 
Robert de Graystanes (Hist. Dun., pp. 95-6"). 

2 MS. Oxon., possibly for Oxonie ; the ' Socii ' seem to be other members of the 
University, the 'comitiva' or suite of the Chancellor, and not the resident monks. 


in sumptibus vires nostras excedentibus, deuastacione nostra per Scotos 
et debitis quibus pro incepcione mea eram multipliciter obligatus, 
ego Gilbertus 3 supplicaui eis vt nobis condescenderent in expensis 
ut conuiuere sic possemus, vel curialitatem aliquam eis non grauem 
facerent pro reparacione domorum, vnde possent facilius domus onera 
sustineri; deliberatoque usque mane respondit vnus pro omnibus, 
Prouisum est Cancellario et nobis de hospicio; de domo vestra 
prout volueritis, poteritis ordinare ; sicque recesserunt secum libros 
et bona Cancellarii asportantes. Cancellarius ergo motus nimium ex 
predictis, factum aliorum non asserens esse suum, veniens ad villam 
in principio quadragesime dixit me eum de domo nostra expulisse. 
Vnde conuenit me in iudicio dicens se spoliatum per me a possessione 
inhabitandi aulam cum cameris singulis, dormitorio 4 dumtaxat 
excepto, eo colore quia ipse solus mihi pro aliis sociis loquebatur, 
et sic alii eo mediante admittebantur. Vnde ex hoc disposicionem 
camerarum predictarum pretendit se habuisse, et hanc petit sibi 
iudicialiter reformari. Creditur vero quod si sic fuerit restitutus, alias 
non poterit faciliter eici, quia iam pro domo nostra sicut pro domo 
vacante, eo quod dominus, vos scilicet et conventus, non inhabitatis, 
nec ego sum principalis, exposuit suo Commissario caucionem, 
vnde si prima via optinuerit, hac secunda via speratur ipsum velle 
se defendere introductum. Pacem obtulimus suis ut ipsi omnes 
ad nos redirent pro anno presenti, dum tamen ipse solo uerbo pro- 
mitteret se non vendicaturum ius ibi inhabitandi ulterius ; et minime 
admiserunt. Quia vero vniversitatis capud est, et oculus Archi- 
episcopi, nullus audet nobis patrocinari publice in hac parte, vno 
dumtaxat excepto iuuene gracioso, Magistro Symone de Stanes 5 , 
in iure ciuili inceptore ; qui mauult odium Cancellarii sustinere, quam 
monasterium Dunullmense depressionem uel iacturam, vbi ipse posset 
occurrere, pateretur. Vnde omnes ei tenemur ; et pro omnibus satis- 
facere vobis honorificum et vtile ecclesie nostre foret. Hec est grossa 
materia, sed multa circumstant que vobis plenius intimari non 
poterunt per scripturam ; et ideo latorem presencium instruximus. 
et eum vobis mittimus, pro dictis negociis magis ydoneum non 
habentes. Ei ergo, si placet, fidem credulam adhibentes, deliberetis 

3 See list of Wardens. It is very probable that the inventory of 131 5 (B) marks 
some reestablishment of the Hall under Elwyk after a period during which it had 
been disused. 

4 I should suppose that the ' dormitory ' was the room over the Buttery (see E, 
note 24), as it was rather larger than the present Common Room (E, note 27), and 
nearer to the back premises of the College. 

5 One Simon de Stanes is mentioned in Rymer's Foedera, iv. pp. 582, 589, 590, 
606, and in the Calendar of Patent Rolls 1330-4, pp. 479, 510, 513, as having 
been sent by Edward III in Feb. 133I to Bruges to conclude a mercantile treaty 
with Count Lewis of Flanders : he was rewarded with a gratuity of 50 marks in 
addition to all his expenses. 

7 r> 


cum consilio vcstro quomodo hiis et aliis, que vobis cx parte nostra 
jntimabit, potcrit obuiari, ct ad obuiandum consilium nobis et 
auxilium transmittals, aduertentes quod locum tarn egregie per vos 
inchoatum tempore vestro tante desolacioni occumbere, nec vobis in 
honorem cedere poterit nec ecclesie Dunullmensi. Conseruet vos 
Altissimus ad ecclesie sue regimen et profectum scolarium et dirigat 
in honore. 


Querela Prioris Studentium, c. 1422. 

Querela Prioris Studencium contra W. E. custodem collegii 

Prima querela Prioris Studencium contra Willelmum Ebchestre 6 . 

Quod contra statuta nostri generalis capituli renuit quod materia 
litis exorta inter ipsum et graduatos pro ordine incedendi in pro- 
cessionibus esset determinata per patres, sed adimit pocius seculares 
pro defensione sue cause. Hoc falsum est 1 . 

Quod contra consilium et mandatum Prioris Studencium intrauit 
processiones diuersas quando per, sui subtracionem discordie materias 
potuit euitasse ad honorem dei et monastice religionis. 

Quod vocatus ad capituium in virtute sacre obediencie nolebat 
venire, sed citantibus respondebat quod nec ipse nec aliquis confrater 
suus veniret ad vocacionem prioris, eo quod nullam sibi (ut asseruit) 
debebat obedienciam. Verum est 1 . 

Quod per tractatus beneuolos dicti prioris et amicabiles instancias 
noluit committere et reseruare determinacionem dicte litis discre- 
cionibus patrum nostri ordinis, sed continue instabat pro declaracione 
fienda per seculares. Falsum est 1 . 

Querela graduatorum quod contra consuetudinem laudabilem 
Oxonie antiquitus vsitatam gradum incedendi in processionibus, 
supra omnes bacallarios sibi vendicat celsiorem. Falsum est 1 . 

Promissio Prioris Studencium. 
In causa quo dictus Willelmus renueret obedire religioni propter 
odium seu rancorem conceptum contra prefatum Priorem, Idem 
Prior in verbis sacerdocij paratum se reddit ad renunciandum officio 
Prioratus pro perpetuo, ad effectum quod dictus Willelmus satisfaciat 
ordini in persona alterius Prioris sibi per dei graciam succedentis; 
et ad hoc iurauit per sancta dei evangelia. 

6 Warden 1419-1428; see list, and A passim. 

7 These remarks are written in a different hand in the margin. 

7 r, 


cum consilio vcstro quomodo hiis et aliis, que vobis cx parte nostra 
intimabit, poterit obuiari, et ad obuiandum consilium nobis et 
auxilium transmittatis, aduertentes quod locum tarn egregie per vos 
inchoatum tempore vestro tante desolacioni occumbere, nec vobis in 
honorem ccdere poterit nec ccclesie Dunullmensi. Conseruet vos 
Altissimus ad ecclesie sue regimen et profcctum scolarium et dirigat 
in honore. 


Querela Prioris Studentium, c. 1422. 

Querela Prioris Studencium contra W. E. custodem collegii 

Prima querela Prioris Studencium contra Willelmum Ebchestre 6 . 

Quod contra statuta nostri generalis capituli renuit quod materia 
litis exorta inter ipsum et graduatos pro ordine incedendi in pro- 
cessionibus esset determinata per patres, sed adimit pocius seculares 
pro defensione sue cause. Hoc falsum est 1 . 

Quod contra consilium et mandatum Prioris Studencium intrauit 
processiones diuersas quando per, sui subtracionem discordie materias 
potuit euitasse ad honorem dei et monastice religionis. 

Quod vocatus ad capituium in virtute sacre obediencie nolebat 
venire, sed citantibus respondebat quod nec ipse nec aliquis confrater 
suus veniret ad vocacionem prioris, eo quod nullam sibi (ut asseruit) 
debebat obedienciam. Verum est 1 . 

Quod per tractatus beneuolos dicti prioris et amicabiles instancias 
noluit committere et reseruare determinacionem dicte litis discre- 
cionibus patrum nostri ordinis, sed continue instabat pro declaracione 
fienda per seculares. Falsum est 1 . 

Querela graduatorum quod contra consuetudinem laudabilem 
Oxonie antiquitus vsitatam gradum incedendi in processionibus, 
supra omnes bacallarios sibi vendicat celsiorem. Falsum est 1 . 

Promissio Prioris Studencium. 
In causa quo dictus Willelmus renueret obedire religioni propter 
odium seu rancorem conceptum contra prefatum Priorem, Idem 
Prior in verbis sacerdocij paratum se reddit ad renunciandum officio 
Prioratus pro perpetuo, ad effectum quod dictus Willelmus satisfaciat 
ordini in persona alterius Prioris sibi per dei graciam succedentis ; 
et ad hoc iurauit per sancta dei evangelia. 

6 Warden 1419-1428; see list, and A passim. 

7 These remarks are written in a different hand in the margin. 








In the Public Record Office in London is preserved a 
collection of documents of high interest, more than 16,500 
in number, termed ' Ancient Petitions.' These documents, 
gathered together from the records of the Chancery and the 
Exchequer, where they have been anciently kept, have within 
recent years been arranged and indexed according to the 
name of the place or person preferring the petition, and are 
thus made available to the inquirer. They consist for the 
most part of narrow strips of parchment varying from two 
to six inches wide, and from twelve to fifteen inches long 
(though a small proportion fill large sheets), which are num- 
bered and stitched into small books or ' files.' Some of them 
have suffered from damp, wear and tear, and other ill-usage, 
rendering them partly illegible, but the greater number of 
those here printed are in good condition. 

The 'Ancient Petitions' represent the link between the 
governed and the governors, between individuals or com- 
munities and their highest representatives, appealed to as the 
fountain of justice ; for they are the very documents sent up 
by the people to the king, or to the king and his council 
in parliament, or to the chancellor, during the thirteenth, 
fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries, preserved and handed 
down to our time. And thus from their origin they deal 
with all sorts of subjects of mediaeval life, many of which might 
now seem too local or too personal to be treated in council or 
in parliament, which were settled at once, or directed into the 


way of justice, inquiry, or grant in the courts, by regular legal 
means. Sometimes it was a private man who had been 
wrongfully outlawed, and he could not get into the king's 
law again so as to defend his right without a special pardon. 
Or it might be that the Thames highway was so choked by 
the enclosing of spaces for fish-preserves or the building 
of weirs, &c, that the free passage of merchant-boats was 
endangered, and a public survey and remedy were desired. 
Or an ancient town, with its recognized institutions for 
responsible self-government as in other towns, found its rights 
infringed, its powers beaten down, or its sources of income 
taken away while still required to pay its dues to the State. 
Or a young university, growing into life under the wing of 
the Church, begged for one privilege after another, as its 
needs required, either invoking the aid of its neighbour of the 
secular arm, or, heedless of the injuries done to the town, 
claiming to stand independently. And not seldom help was 
appealed for to appease dissensions not only between town 
and university, but within the university itself. 

It is thus apparent that the petition of those centuries was 
not merely, like the petition to parliament of the present 
day, an expression of opinion and desire in order to influence 
particular and general legislation, but was expected to have 
a definite result in each individual case. The petition 
might become the bill in parliament which should give birth 
to the statute or to the private act ; but besides these more 
general or special instances, with which we have not to do 
here, there was the far more numerous class of cases that 
required simpler treatment, each on its merits, according to 
the judgement of the council, or of the officers appointed to 
examine the petitions. Many of these were sent by the 
king's writ (or letter) to be inquired into or otherwise dealt 
with in one of the great offices of state, principally in the 
Chancery or the Exchequer, sometimes in one of the Courts 
of Law. Accordingly it will be found that the vast majority 
of these documents bear on the reverse side a reply or 
responsio by way of endorsement, which was by no means 
a formality, but was intended to carry the matter to further 
issue. It was in the nature of a judgement directing what 


must be done. By means of these endorsements it is pos- 
sible in some cases to trace the further action recorded in 
other sets of documents, such as the Close and Patent Rolls, 
Inquisitiones ad quod dampnum, &c. 

The printed edition of the Rolls of Parliament (in six 
volumes folio, 1767-1777), from 6 Edward I, 1278, to 19 
Henry VII, 1503, includes many of these petitions; Prof. 
Maitland estimates however that of the 16,000 'no more than 
some 1,600 were used either at first or at second hand by the 
editors.' And here two things must be noted in regard to 
these documents ; one, that they are all undated, with rare 
exceptions \ so that, again to quote Prof. Maitland, there 
are £ no means of arranging them save the laborious and 
hazardous process of taking each one by itself and endeavour- 
ing to discover its date from internal evidence.' This 
hazardous process, rightly indeed so described, has been, 
perhaps rashly, attempted with the section of the petitions 
printed in the following pages ; in which much assistance 
however was found in the dates given by the editors of the 
Rolls of Parliament. The second point is that the greater 
part of the petitions — at least of those here treated— are in 
French, and that not infrequently we find the same petition 
on the Parliament Roll in Latin, generally in a shortened 
form. More often however the full French is there printed. 

This again gave valuable help as to dates. For the 
strips of parchment must have been sent up written in the 
vernacular French (until the beginning of Henry VI) ; and 
in the earlier reigns, as it appears, an abstract in Latin was 
entered on the record of proceedings in parliament. Yet this 
was not done, as said before, in every case, and it is difficult 
without further knowledge to show the reason why. The 
whole manner of ancient petitioning, who took charge of 
them, what was done by the receivers and ' triers ' of petitions 
appointed at the beginning of each parliament, how they 
were treated by the council or the parliament, and how they 

1 In the few cases where a date occurs, it is that, not of the petition itself, but of 
some other document recited or referred to in it. Dr. S. R. Gardiner tells me that 
it is the rule not to date Parliamentary Petitions, a practice which gave him much 
trouble with those of the seventeenth century. 




took final effect in various ways, with the growth of different 
usages from reign to reign, would form the subject of an 
historic and constitutional study of much value. The founda- 
tion of such a treatise has been written by Prof. F. W. Mait- 
land in his Introduction to ' Records of the Parliament holden 
at Westminster, 33 Edward I, 1305 V having careful regard 
to the customs and rules of petitioning in use at that date. 
But, though its principal aim is to elucidate the parliamentary 
usage of Edward I, a flood of light is thrown upon the further 
study of this difficult subject by the skilful yet cautious 
focussing of details, and the indications of points where later 
changes took place. For the purpose of understanding the 
documents here printed I cannot do better than refer my 
readers to this masterly essay, principally pp. Iv-lxxvi, xcii. 

Another peculiarity to be noticed in the early part of the 
fourteenth century (and perhaps sooner) is that the petitions 
of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge were sometimes 
sent in groups 2 (see for example Nos. 24-34 in 1305, and Nos. 
56-62 in 1320). Each petition was separate in itself; the 
form of the separate parchment (in such of the French Oxford 
originals as still exist) is quite entire, and the first words 
of the petition point to its connexion with others ; see Nos. 
43, 58, 59. The Latin abstract of the whole set entered 
upon the roll explains this phraseology, and further shows 
that certainly some, perhaps many 5 originals are lost. It is 
tempting to suggest that in each of these groups of petitions 
so entered we see an incipient statute with its different 
sections, but the fact that the definite reply to each petition 
succeeds it on the roll, and was written on the back of the 
French original, tells a different tale. 

In the following pages have been gathered together 
abstracts or texts of all the known parliamentary petitions 

1 Published in the Rolls Series, 1893. Referred to herein as ' Mem. Pari. 1305.' 

2 For groups of petitions from the burgesses of Cambridge and from the Uni- 
versity, in 1330, see Rot. Pari., vol. ii. 47 a, 48 a. I only give the illustrations 
known to me, there are doubtless others. I had written the above before observing 
that Prof. Maitland has noticed the same fact ; he suggests that all the prayers of 
such a petitioner were written on one sheet, which, after coming to the hands of 
the receivers, was cut up into separate strips. I cannot say that the appearance of 
all those which I had to examine suggested this explanation, but it is probable ; 
the face of No. 43 bears it out (Mem. Pari. 1305 ; Introduction, p. xci). 


relating to or sent up from the burgesses, town, or University, 
of Oxford, or from different members of the University ; 
places too that have a close connexion with the city, as 
Oseney, Godstow, Rewley, and the North Hundred, have been 
included, with a few other petitions touching on matters 
concerning Oxford, such as those relating to the Thames as 
a highway thither, &c. The history of the place which they 
illustrate thus gives a unity to this section of the documents, 
while a study of that history gives the means, more or less 
sure, of dating most of them. Half of the number have never 
been printed in any form (I believe), the other half will be 
found either in the printed edition of the Rolls of Parliament 
or in 'Memoranda de Parliamento, 1305,' before referred to; 
one only, taken from a MS. in the British Museum, and 
the original of which appears to be lost, is printed by Mr. 
Henson in Collectanea, vol. i. (Oxford Hist. Soc). The 
following table shows the proportions and details of sources : 

From ' Ancient Petitions ' (Public Record Offiee), 84 1 — 

Of which are printed in Rolls of Parliament . . . .16 

(Two of these are in duplicate) 
Printed in Mem. de Parliamento, 1305 ..... 2 

Now first printed 66 

- 84 

From the Rolls of Parliament a , not found among ' Ancient Peti- 
tions ' (but two are also in Mem. Par. 1305) .... 38 
From Mem. de Parliamento, 1305, not found elsewhere . . 11 
From Roy. MS. 12 D. xi. (printed in Collectanea, vol. i. p. 12) 1 


A few others may be scattered here and there ; copied into 
early collections like the Royal MS. 12 D. xi, and may 
doubtless have escaped research, but these are all I have been 
able to find. With a place like Oxford, which has a long 
and remarkable history, there was hope that some of the 
known incidents and events might be recognized in the 
matter of some at least of the ' Ancient Petitions,' and thus 
lead to placing them in due chronological order. Of a con- 
siderable number the dates are indicated with some degree of 

1 Eighty-six ' Ancient Petitions ' in all are treated here, but two, as noted, are 
duplicates. Two or three of them are not, strictly speaking, petitions, but, having 
found their way among those concerning Oxford affairs, they are here included. 

2 Five ethers are noted under Nos. 52, 108, 114, 120. 


certainty; others can only be assigned within the limits of 
a reign, or to an approximate date, to which either the note 
of warning (?) or the word circa is affixed 1 ; no clue at all has 
been found to the dates of the first four, which are simply 
placed together unrecognized at the head of the series. It is 
probable that further research and a more minute knowledge 
of the local history and records may rectify some of the dates 
here assigned ; more was not possible for the present editor 
than to place them tentatively. 

With these reservations, after the study of every piece, 
they are placed in the best chronological order attainable 2 , 
only one slight departure being allowed, where it seemed best 
to place the three documents relating to the law-suit between 
University Hall and Edmund Francis together (Nos. 1 01-103). 

It was not deemed necessary to print the text of the whole 
number ; a few have been selected (about a third) which 
seemed of special interest, or were too fragmentary or too 
short to analyze. The rest are given in abstract by way 
of calendar, translated from the French of the 4 Ancient 
Petitions,' from the French or Latin of those in the Rolls. 
But with the endorsements it has often seemed best to print 
the whole original (the word reply or responsio is rarely on 
the document, though sometimes found ; it was adopted as 
a general indication by the editors of the printed Rolls). 
A very few have no endorsement or reply. With the bulk 
of the petitions the endorsement is Latin, which seems to 
have been the official language, yet we find it not seldom 

In the notes, references from one petition to another on the 
same subject may be found useful ; and some indications of 
other records, chiefly on the Patent and Close Rolls 3 , will 
show where a further step in the history of many an incident 

1 The editors of the Rolls of Parliament were uncertain of the dates of many of 
the petitions which they used, beyond assigning them to the different reigns (and 
even for this they must have had some guide not now existing) ; to these they 
cautiously affixed the words minis incerlis, which I have preserved in extracting 
those relating to Oxford. 

2 I rectified the date of No. 91 too late to place it, more truly, near No. 40. 

3 For many of these references I have relied upon the official list of records 
relating to Oxford in the State Paper Office, contained at the end of vol. hi. of 
' Statutes of the Colleges of Oxford ,' published in 1853. 



may be traced, or where an identification may be tested ; but 
these do not in any way claim to be exhaustive. 

The illustrations of the history of Oxford and its neigh- 
bourhood found in the subject-matter of these petitions are 
very diverse. A considerable number deal with matters that 
were formal, however important at the time, such as the leave 
to elect an abbess, the confirmation of charters, the numerous 
requests for licences in mortmain — which show that the 
Church, as represented by colleges no less than by convents 
and nunneries, could not touch an acre of land even as a gift 
or in exchange without the leave of the State, and which 
often contain facts of much interest — and, lastly, those praying 
for certain properties to be excepted from Acts of Resumption 
under Henry VI and Edward IV. Setting aside these, the 
rest naturally fall into three classes: those relating to the 
borough of Oxford ; those concerning the University and the 
colleges ; and those from the neighbouring religious houses 
such as Oseney, Godstow, Rewley, St. Frideswide and Little- 
more, and St. Bartholomew's Hospital, the men of the North 
Hundred, &c. 

The borough of Oxford, more ancient than the University, 
dating back before King John, had its mayor and bailiffs 
who were responsible for 'the king's peace' within its limits, 
for the arrest of evil-doers, for the holding of pleas in the 
mayor's court, and for the payment to the Exchequer of the 
fee-farm of the town (see Nos. 124, 128), which they drew 
from various local fines and payments due to them. One of 
the principal sources of the fee-farm was their right to the 
assize of bread, wine, and ale (Nos. 67, 72, 8i), by which they 
periodically set the prices of all, the size of the loaves of 
bread, and the quality of the ale, punishing those who broke 
the assize. Another duty was the oversight of weights and 
measures (Nos. 55, 98). They claimed to have the same 
franchises as London, which indeed had been granted in their 
early charters, and asserted these claims several times (see 
Nos. 45, 79, 99) ; at the king's coronation it was the office of 
the Mayor of Oxford to serve with the Lord Mayor of 



London as Butler of the feast (No. 85). From ancient days 
there had been a merchant gild, of that we do not hear ; but 
we read of the difficulty of the merchants attending to their 
municipal business at the same time as their own (No. 3), and 
find allusion to the old laws of ' marchancic ' (No. 55). They 
had had a flourishing company of weavers, but by 1290 these 
had dwindled to seven, and in 1323 there were none at all 
left (Nos. 19, 67, 124). The company of cordwainers and 
corvisors fared better (No. 64). The mischievous effects later 
of a restrictive statute upon the crafts and industries of the 
town are shown by a petition in 1455 for freedom in taking 
apprentices (No. 128), with a curious provision as to appren- 
ticing scholars. The burgesses had their troubles with the 
paving of and keeping clean the streets (Nos. 32, 77, 81), and the 
slaughter of beasts and other unhealthy trades (Nos. 33, 86). 
Some petitions show the gradual loss by the borough of their 
rights and responsibilities, for instance with the criminal 
jurisdiction and the assize of bread and ale (Nos. 72, 73, 131) ; 
while others show no less clearly the rapidly usurping powers 
of the University, opposed on the ground of their illegality 
(Nos. 66, 73, 75, 114). 

The difficulty was that two communities, cleric and lay, 
lived in one place. A large body of turbulent young spirits 
dwelling together presented elements, especially in those 
days of hot temper and quick action, apt to break out into 
misdemeanors, for the control over which the University 
authorities long looked to the Borough officers to help them. 
It was their duty to arrest offenders and to imprison and 
keep them till punishment was adjudged. Several instances 
of appeal to this duty occur, and an allusion which seems to 
show that occasionally the bailiffs — maybe tender-hearted, or 
open to bribery or fear — did not keep their prisoners too 
carefully (Nos. 25, 46, 57, 81, 83). On the other hand the 
University resented interference with its rights of punishing 
scholars (Nos. 10, 62), and were persistent in demanding 
periodical powers of sending the names of excommunicated 
persons to the Chancellor of England (Nos. 12, 61, 65, 90). 

From the University some of the earliest petitions are 
a group (in 1305), some of which are already referred to, 


seeking to secure improved regulations against Immoral 
persons and malefactors, — one desires that the burgesses 
should provide a separate prison for women (Nos. 24-27) ; 
and concerning regrators, and the better provision of food, 
including the punishment of brewers and bakers (Nos. 28-32, 
see also 66). These were followed within a few years by- 
others on similar matters (Nos. 47, 54-62), desiring facilities 
for trade (No. 56 ; a writ on the same subject has found its 
way among them, No. 87), and the sale of fish and other 
food ; and a curious complaint showing that there was some 
difference customary in the method of selling ale in a city 
and in a borough (No. 58), the doubt as to which caused much 
strife. Arms were forbidden to the clerks, and they desired 
that the lay community also should not wear them (No. 59). 
Again, not many years later, comes another list of complaints, 
touching the jurisdiction of the Chancellor over causes, the 
price of wine, the taking and imprisonment of malefactors; 
there was much difficulty in keeping the peace, and the 
Chancellor wished power to commit not only to Bocardo but 
to the Castle (No. Hi), greatly to the trouble of the Sheriff of 
Oxford, who was Warden of the Castle (No. 84). This was 
about the time of the ' Stamford schism,' in 1334-35, towards 
the history of which the ' Ancient Petitions ' furnish a fresh 
document (No. 82). The plague, which impoverished and 
enfeebled the University, gave them occasion for another 
complaint against the burgesses (No. 90), and it was about 
this time that they applied for leave to purchase papal 
provisions to benefices (No. 88 : see also concerning the 
Statute of Provisors, Nos. 113, 117). Under Richard II the 
University obtained release from paying their share of subsidy 
as due from unbeneficed clerks (Nos. 105, 109) ; but they 
excited the opposition of the Commons in Parliament, both 
in 1389 and in 1410, by endeavouring to get their numerous 
lands and possessions in Oxford exempted from assessment 
to the tenths and fifteenths (Nos. 111, 112, 115). They 
obtained this exemption however in 1496 (No. 134). Under 
Henry IV the Commons also petitioned, on behalf of the 
counties of Oxford and Berks and the town of Oxford, against 
an illegal privilege granted to the University regarding the 



trial of any of its members guilty of treason, felony, or 
mahem (No. 114). 

The quarrels or disturbances between the University and 
the burgesses give occasion for several petitions from one 
side or the other (Nos. 46, 92) ; between the doctors and 
students of canon and civil law on the one hand and the Chan- 
cellor, proctors, and regents of the University on the other 
(No. 94) ; between the Prior of St. Frideswide's and the Uni- 
versity about the annual fair in Oxford (No. no). The 
disturbances about the time of the ' Stamford schism ' appear 
to be referred to in several numbers (81-84), while a few 
years earlier the University were engaged in their long suit 
with the absentee Cardinal de Mota, to which the c Ancient 
Petitions ' contribute a new, though perhaps not very im- 
portant, document (No. 76). The bailiffs of the Hundred 
outside the North gate laid a great complaint against the 
University and clerks for their wrongful distress and cruel 
incursion upon them (No. 89) ; they would submit to the 
king's officers but not to these unlawful clerks! The great 
town and gown fight of the feast of St. Scholastica in 1354 
may have led to the petition by the town for a special 
pardon (No. 92), but this requires more examination. Lastly, 
riotous and murderous proceedings by armed scholars and 
clerks in the counties of Oxford, Berks, and Bucks, especially 
by the Irish students or ' wylde Irisshmen,' form the subject 
of two petitions in 1421 and 1422 (Nos. 119, 3 20). 

About Edward IPs reign, of uncertain date, is the well- 
known petition of the Masters and Scholars for a piece of 
ground in the parish of St. Peter's in the East on which to 
build new schools (No. 43). Of the Colleges, Merton is con- 
cerned with the larger number as well as with the earliest of 
these documents ; a house in Oxford, land in Kibworth 
Harcourt, rent in London, Battes Inn in Oxford given by 
John Wiliot, and lands in Cambridge being the subject of 
some (Nos. 21, 22, 99, 106, 126), the right of presentation to 
the church of Emeldon (No. 74), and an attempt to prevent 
a new ditch being made round the town for its defence 
(No. 107), being treated in others. Balliol complains, in 1305, 
of Hugh le Despencer, who hinders the executors of William 



Burnel from carrying out his will in favour of that College 
(No. 35). Property of Oriel College is dealt with in Nos. 71, 
125 ; the great case between Edmund Francis and University 
Hall touching some of the College endowments gives occasion 
for three petitions (Nos. 101-3), including that which Mr. 
Parker says ' is known as the French petition.' A dispute 
between the Archbishop of York and Queen's Hall, and his 
right of visitation there, occupy two others (Nos. 104, 116). 
Acts of resumption touching property of St. Mary's and All 
Souls are referred to in Nos. 129, 130, 133. 

Among several petitions from religious orders, the Minorites 
desire a piece of ground in Oxford of small value (No. 53), 
and with the Friar Preachers are anxious not to lose annuities 
formerly granted to them (Nos. 96, 121); a piece of land 
given to the latter is described (No. 97). As to the Car- 
melites, by a vow on Stirling battle-field, Edward II had 
granted them an annuity which is sadly in arrear (No. 78) ; 
while the disputes of the four mendicant orders with the 
two Universities and with one another have to be settled by 
arbitration in Parliament in 1366 (No. 93). The petition of 
the Augustinians in 1421 to be allowed to establish their 
college on the Candiche is of considerable interest (No. 118). 

One early petition, and a second much later, are from the 
ancient Hospital of St. John, outside the East gate of the town 
(Nos. 17, 95) ; another, with an attendant return to the king's 
mandate by the Chancellor of the University, and the 
depositions of witnesses on inquest, tell the story of the 
troubles of the Hospital of St. Bartholomew with their new 
Master, Peter de Luffenham 1 (Nos. 50-52 and note). Coming 
to St. Frideswide's, two petitions relate to the church of 
Oakley and Brill, in which the Prior had rights (Nos. 68, 80), 
and two others to the difficulties experienced by Prior John 
of Dodeford with his rebellious canons, who, in his absence, 
ordained John of Wallingford instead ; the first of these may 
give some facts hitherto obscure (Nos. 100, 108). It was the 

1 From the documents recently published by the Oxford City Council relating 
to this Hospital, it appears that Luffenham quickly followed in the steps of Adam 
de Weston, Warden in 1312, as a maladministrator. Weston's name appears in 
our document No. 50, but the words after it are unfortunately illegible. 

9 o 


same Prior John of Dodcford whose fair suffered from the 
affray and attacks of the scholars (No. no). 

Going outside the town, several points in the history of the 
rich house of Oseney, with its church of St. George in the 
Castle (No. 7), are represented, touching loss of wax and rent 
(No. 16), the rent from Headington manor (No. 23), and two 
financial transactions for providing the king with money 
(Nos. 36-39). An extract, from the Act of Supply for 1485 
shows how the property of the Abbey continued to be drawn 
upon by the Crown (No. 132). The contemporary convent of 
Godstow furnishes several early petitions ; as to election of an 
abbess (No. 8), asking for leave to receive gifts of certain lands 
(Nos. 13, 14), or, through their abbess Mabilla Wafre, and 
her successor (probably Mabilla Upton), complaining of the 
encroachments on their rights by Sir John of London (No. 
1 5), and loss of property through Hugh Despencer the father 
(Nos. 44, 48, 70), whose malpractices were also shown in 
No. 35. The abbot of Rewley contributes but two petitions, 
about 1287 and 1321 ; they refer to the same property, and 
are of interest as giving an instance how the seizure of alien 
lands by the Crown affected these great houses, and as 
containing reference to Peter Gaveston, Earl of Cornwall 
(Nos. 18, 63). It is curious that no more remains as to the 
house of Littlemore than a petition, in 1433, tna ^ the abbess 
may exchange certain lands and houses in the county of 
Cambridge for others in Oxford (No. 123). 

The state of the Thames, the great water-way between 
London and Oxford, especially for food and merchandise, was 
a source of frequent trouble in early days to the merchants, 
whose boats were often hindered by the setting up of local 
uses and dues ; we find here four petitions on the subject 
(Nos. 40-42, 91). 

Many more incidental matters of interest may be readily 
found in these petitions, such as records of personal wrongs 
(Nos. 5, 6, 20, 75) ; contributions from Oxford to the royal 
household (Nos. 124 and note, 132) ; local names in properties 
(for which see Index), and a few names of some early officers 
of the town or University (Nos. 66, 109). With this sketch 
indicative of their contents I now leave them to further study 


by the reader. Further openings out of the interest they offer 
to the student of early legal history must fall to a pen much 
better versed and able to make use of the rich materials of 
which here a section is pointed out. 

In conclusion, it is a pleasure to thank the Rev. Hastings 
Rashdall and Mr. Falconer Madan of the Bodleian Library 
for many kind suggestions. 


To King and Parliament relating to Oxford 

In the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Centuries. 

Note. — For these first nine documents I have been unable to suggest any 
dates but those afforded in some cases by the handxvriting. 


Anc. Pet., File 260, No. 12953. 
// is lawful for a layman to give his debt and action to 
a poor scholar for his commons, if no one is defrauded thereby. 

A nostre seignur le Roi e a son consail monstre lour vniuersite de 
Oxonford, qe depuis qil ont eu e vse du temps dount memore ne court 
qe list a chescun homme lai en la dite vniuersite doner sa dette e sa 
action a vn poure escoler pur ses comunes issint, qe meisme cesti lai 
afferme deuant le Chaunceler par serment qil ne fait pur fausine ne en 
froude de nuly, queu priuilege e vsage est conferme par nostre seignur 
le Roy qore est ensemblement oue tous nos autres priuileges ; prie le 
vniuersite qe de ceo priuilege ne soit oste par nuly suggestion. 

Endorsement. Si laicus implicet laicum coram Cancellario univer- 
sitatis locum habet prohibicio Regis. 


Anc. Pet., File 65, No. 3225. 
Apparently relates to a sum raised for reparation of tlie 

Ad instanciam vniuersitatis Oxonie. 
Item pleyse a nostre seignour le Roy comander bref au make 
e Borgeis doxenf . . . 



a poy tint aunz a moult grant summe dauer. de quoy ne vnt geres 
en les murs . . . 

-mager de clers et de lays iloeqes demoraunz. Ou sur coe assigner 
auditours de . . . 

\The end of the strip torn off. On the torn end was the endorsement ; 
of the few words that remain only ' petitio' is legible.} 


Anc. Pet., File 133, No. 6614. 

Abstract. To the King : the Burgesses and commonalty of Oxford 
show, that by charter they have cognisance of all manner of pleas, and 
hold pleas by writ before the Mayor and bailiffs, but if it happen that 
the Mayor or any of the bailiffs are absent (and they cannot do their 
merchant's business while a plea is before them) the pleas are stayed, 
to the great mischief of the suit; — they pray that if either of the 
bailiffs or the Mayor be ill or absent an alderman may be appointed 
lieutenant for the holding of pleas. Also pray that they may take 
felons outside their franchise for felonies done in the town and commit 
them to their prison of Bocardo. 

Fragmentary, the right edge torn. 


Anc. Pet., File 132, No. 6561. 

To the King and Council: 'qe le' Chancellor of the University; 
the petitioners seem to be the burgesses — 1 son poeple ' of Oxford ; 
the subject is the assize of bread and ale, weights and measures, but 
so much of the document is gone that we cannot tell more exactly 
the contents of this short petition. 

Much mutilated. 


Anc. Pet., File 97, No. 4813. 
John Brozvn, scholar of Oxford, during absence at Rome has 
been falsely appealed by a Jewess for a Christian child, and 
pursued from county to county and outlawed ; wherefore 011 his 
return, being imprisoned, he prays the king's mercy, as he cannot 
go to the common law without it. 

Sire ce wus mustre Joan brun escoler de Oxonford, ke cum il fu ale ? Early 
a la Curt de Rome pur se bosungnis e vne Amic (?), Jue de Oxonford, Edw * I " 



furma vn faus apel sur luy cn sa absence pur vn enfaunt ke fu 
crcstcicnc, c cle 1c fit apeler de robcrie de Cuntc en Cunte dekes au 
quint Cunte, ou il aparcr ne pout pur sa absence, kar il ne fus pas en 
engeltere, ne rien sauoit de la apel, par quei il fut hutlage e il pus 
(puis) est venu en engeltere. E par la resun de la hutlagrie est il mis 
en prisun ... a Oxonford, e par douns de la Jue auaunt dite en prisun 
est dur mene, ne ne put ester a la commune ley sauns voster grace ; 
pur quei le auaunt dit Jon wus prie Sire, pur la sauuaciun de Tame 
voster cher pere, e pur la amour de Seynt Nicolas ki membre il est, 
voster grace e voster graunt ke il puse ester a la commune ley si cum 
il ne fu entere kaunt la apel fu fet. Estre ce la Jue ke fit la apel 
est desuz lauerge sun baroun. Estre ce wus trouerez si deu plese 
lapel faus, par quey le auaunt dit Jon prie voster grace. 

Endorsement. Habet litteras de pardonne utlagarie . . . Mandetur 
Justiciariis assignatis in partibus illis quod faciant ei Justiciam quia 
dominus Rex pardonaret . . . vtlagariam . . . petit. 

Damaged, especially the endorsement. 


Anc. Pet., File 132, No. 6573. 
? Early in A hstract. To the King : John Brun, scholar of Oxford, on behalf 
Edw. I. o ^ M ar i e Brun his mother and Geffray Brun his brother ; the said 
Geffray had been twice wrongfully imprisoned in the castle of Haver- 
ford ; — prays that right be done to Geffray in the Court of Pembroke. 


Anc. Pet., File 329, E. 904. 

? Temp. Abstract. To the King and his Council : the Abbot and Convent 
Edw. I. 0 f Oseneye which are of the king s avowery, showing that from the 
foundation of their Abbey there has been a free Chapel of St. George 
in the Castle of Oxford for which the Abbot finds thirteen ministers 
and two canons for daily service, for whose sustenance divers parcels of 
tithes were given, under royal confirmation, to the said chantry; and that 
now certain malicious persons are disturbing them, and gather in the 
said tithes, so that the Abbot and Convent aforesaid cannot maintain 
the ministers ; they therefore pray the king to receive the tithes in his 
special protection, so that the chantry may not be withdrawn or 
minished from default of help. Pray that the king's writ be sent to 
the Sheriff of Oxford to defend them. 



Endorsement. Defendant decimas suas si sibi videtur expedire, et 
si spolienlur prosequantur in Curia christianitatis. 

The church of St. George in Oxford Castle was founded in 1074 by 
Robert D'Oilgi, with a college of secular canons, for whose maintenance 
he gave the church of St. Mary Magdalen in the suburbs of Oxford, with 
land and tithes belonging to the same. Oseney Abbey was founded in 
1 129, and the church and college of St. George were given to it in 1149 
(Parker's 'Early History of Oxford,' O. H. S. pp. 206-208, 211). The 
tithes mentioned in the petition may have been these tithes, though the 
convent of course possessed others. In the year 1200 a suit was happily 
ended that had been carried on between the canons of St. Frideswide and 
of Oseney over the church of St. Mary Magdalen and the tithes of Norham 
and Beechcroft ; and the right of Oseney to the church of St. George itself 
seems to have been challenged, for we find it recorded that, in 1258, this 
was officially examined into and confirmed (' Annales de Oseneia,' Rolls 
Series, pp. 50, 120). No tithes are mentioned here, however. 


Anc. Pet., File 225, No. 11 249. 

The convent of Gods tow ask leave to elect a new Abbess. 

Plese a notre tresgracieux seigneur le Roy graunter a voz poeures ? Temp, 
oratrices la prioresse & couent de votre maison de Godestowe qest Rictl ' 11 
de votre fundacion, qe come lour Abbesse de votre dicte maison a dieu 
soit eommandez, quils purront franchement aler a esleccion dune 
nouelle a nous faire Abbesse, en oeuere de charitee. Oxon. 

The house of Godstow was founded in 1 138 by Henry I. 


Anc. Pet., File 133, No. 6606. 

Abstract. To King and Council : the Chancellor, Masters, and ? Temp. 
Scholars of the University of Oxford pray that their previous charters Ricl1 ' 111 
and other royal muniments may be ratified and confirmed, with the 
clause de licet. 


Anc. Pet, File 156, No. 7762. 

Abstract. To the King : your University of Oxford (doxenforth), ? Temp, 
showing that the lay people of the town have bought writs out of the Edw ' L 

9 6 


Chancery against the privileges granted to the University by your pro- 
genitors, and have arrested scholars and done other rebellions against 
it;— pray that letters be granted . . . (illegible) . . . and that hence- 
forth no writ be allowed to pass against their privileges, and that 
scholars arrested [be put] out of prison and be at the correction of the 
University according to their statutes. 


Anc. Pet., File 132, No. 6579. 
? Temp. Abstract. To the King: the Chancellor and scholars of your 
University of Oxford pray [confirmation] of their charter of liberties 
and franchises with clause de licet [without] paying fee. 

Ista billa concessa fuit per Regem absque fine et feodo. — At the top, 
in another hand, H. II a vous grante. 


Anc. Pet., File 132, No. 6581. 

? Temp. Abstract. To the King: the Chancellor and scholars of the 
Edw. I. University pray that a warrant be directed to the clerk of the hanaper 
to deliver them without fee [the charter or certificate] of a privilege 
recently granted, viz. that they may for the next twenty years certify 
to the Chancellor of England all the names of those excommunicated 
within the jurisdiction of the Chancellor of Oxford. 
Concessa est per Regem. 

Compare this with § 6 of the petitions of 14 Edw. II (No. 61). On the 
Patent Rolls of Edw. Ill are several writs granted in Chancery for the 
taking, at the signification of the Chancellor of the University, of persons 
excommunicated for offences committed under his jurisdiction in Oxford. 
The terms of these powers were limited to two, three, or five years (Pat. 
9 Edw. Ill, pt. 1, m. 10; 12 Edw. Ill, pt. 2, m. 8; 14 Edw. Ill, pt. 2, 
m. 47 ; 43 Edw. Ill, pt. 1, m. 4 ; 46 Edw. Ill, m. 17). See also No. 65. 


Anc. Pet., File 114, No. 5667. 
The Abbess of Gods tow desires a licence in mortmain for 
certain lands proposed to be given to her. 

Abbatissa de Godestowe petit graciam domini Regis quod licencia 
detur Rogero de Wrytele ad dandum eidem Abbatisse quasdam terras 


in Heyewrth et Bluntesdene vsque ad imam carucatam terre, quam ? Temp. 

idem Rogerus de diuersis dominis adquisiuit et nichil de domino ^J"^' D 

rege. I2 79> anc * 


Dugdale (' Monasticon,' iv. 367) has a grant by Abbess Mabilia, 1284. 
12 Edw. I, referring to the land given by Roger de Wrytele in Broad 


Anc. Pet., File 1 14, No. 5660. 

The nuns of Godstozv desire permissioji to enclose land near 
the Forest of Bernwood, assigned to tlicni in lieti of a right of 
fuel in Shotover Wood. 

A nostre seyngnur le Rey priunt ses pouere nonaynes de Gode- ? Temp, 
stouwe qe eles puisent enclore vne petite place ioynaunt a la forest de after ad 
Bernwode qe est tote voide, e qe lour fut assingne pur ij charettez de 1279. 
buche qe eles auoient checun jour a fouail en le bois de Shothore 
pres de Oxenford, de doun le Rey Henri qe deuz assoille, e ore nul 
manere de bois ne vnt entour eles a xx lue de voie pur lour viaunde : 
e de coe priont la grace le Rey. Oxon. 

Note on the lower margin. Que vocatur Hildesdoil continentur 
cc ac? in Stodleye. 

Endorsed. Oxon. Impetret prius inquisitionem ad quod dampnum. 


Anc. Pet., File 264, No. 13175. 

Abstract. To the King and his Council : the nuns of Godstow Temp, 
show that they were enfeoffed by King Henry, father of the present Edw ' 1 
king, of a place called Burgwele near Wodestoke, of which Sir John 
of London having disseised them the said nuns attested an assise of 
novel disseisin before Sir Henry de Eue ; but Sir John would not 
answer for this without the king's authority as he had entered into the 
Manor of Bladene, to which this wood belonged, on behalf of the 
king ; thus the assise was delayed, for which they pray remedy. 

At the bottom, disseis. Joh. de London. Oxon. Johes le Wodeward 
& Wilts, le Heyward (Wills, le Messer being crossed through). 

Abb. Mabill. Wafre. Mabill. de Upton, xl acras bosci in Bladone. 

According to the note at foot of the document the 'place' (so in 
original) called Burgwele consisted of forty acres of wood in Bladone. 



By Charter Roll, 51 Hen. Ill, m. 10, Henry granted to the house of 
Godstow wood in 'Burgh well in the forest of Whichwood. Mabilla Wafre 
was Abbess in 1284 and in 1298, and Mabilla de Upton of the same house 
became Abbess about 1307 (Dugdale, ' Monasticon,' iv. 359, 361). A docu- 
ment cited by Wood ('Collectanea,' II. p. 16) mentions Mabilla Wafrey 
as Abbess in 1286. She is mentioned again in petition No. 70. 

There may have been several of the name, but it is worth mention that 
John of London, a mathematician praised by Roger Bacon, was a master 
of the University of Oxford in 1274. See H. Rashdall, 'Universities of 
Europe,' vol. ii. pt. II. p. 363 note. 


Anc. Pet., File 232, No. 11 595. 
? Soon after Abstract. To the King and Council: the Abbot and Convent of 
of Edw D I • Oseneye, they have lost much both in wax and rent, to the amount of 
thirty pounds and more, and pray that certain men (vns gens) who 
would like to relieve the house may have leave to purchase out of 
their fee, or another, twenty pounds of wax or [of rent] to sustain the 
alms and good deeds of the house. 
Endorsement. Ad cancellariam. 


Anc. Pet., File 326, E. 718. 
Tem Abstract. To the King, pray the Master and brethren of the Hos- 
after'12'79. pital °f St. John without the east gate of Oxford; that for the souls 
of his father and mother, founders of the house, and for the queen's 
soul, he would grant and confirm three gifts, one a messuage with 
apurtenaunces from Robert of Wynebroke and Juliana his wife to 
maintain a chaplain in the town of Oxford, another a house from 
Robert Bodyn, and the third from Agneys Punchard of our fee in the 
town of Wyleby, purchased after the statute. 

Endorseriient. Mittetur ad Scaccarium. — Compertum est per recog- 
nicionem fratris Henrici quod predicta tenementa perquisita fuerunt 
post statutum, et ideo post annum sunt Regi forisfactura., Et idcirco 
nulla fiet eis confirmacio absque nouo dono Regis et speciali precepto 

The statute referred to is the Statute of Mortmain, passed 1279. 
Evidently no licences had been procured for these gifts. This is one of 
the petitions sent to the Exchequer (E. 718), instead of being replied to 
in Parliament. 




Anc. Pet., File 68, No. 3381. 

Abstract. To the King and his council ; the Abbot of Realleu Circa 
without Oxford, shows that he holds the church of Saham in fee ferm *4 Ec 

A.D. ] 

from the Abbot of Pyn an alien, having agreed with the Abbot 1286. 
a year before the king seised into his hands the lands and tenements 
of aliens for four years, and now a summons from the Exchequer 
demands the said ferm for the King's use ; prays a remedy be 
ordained, for no man knew that the King would lay his hand on the 
lands and tenements of the aliens, and it would be destruction to his 
House if he should pay it again. 

Translation of French Endorsement. [Send to the Exchequer] a 
Writ of the great seal containing the effect of this petition, that the 
Abbot's plaint be heard and his acquittance seen, and let inquiry be 
made if need be into the truth of the matter ; and if they find that 
he paid the said ferm before-hand in good faith, and not to defraud 
the King, then let him be discharged of what he has so paid. 

The contract between the Abbots of Rewley and Pynne in Poictou was 
made by charter dated at London, May, 1285 (13 Edw. I) ; it was con- 
firmed by an inspeximus charter of 14 Edw. II, 1321 (Pat. Roll, 14 
Edw. II, pt. 1, m. 7). The charter of 1285 is printed by Dugdale, 
* Monasticon,' v. 700. Rewley Abbey was founded in 1281 by Edmund, 
seventh earl of Cornwall, whence the invocation in 1320 of the late earl, 
Peter de Gaveston, as their ' avowe ' or protector. He was beheaded 
in June, 1312, but many royalists were devoted to his memory, hence the 
care for his soul as seen in No. 63. 

This appears to be an early example of the practice, so frequent in 
the fourteenth century, of the seizure of the lands of aliens into the King's 


Rot. Pari. I, 50 a. 

The Weavers of Oxford, who were fifteen but nozv are only 
seven, pray that they may pay half a mark to the King 
annually instead of 42s. 

Telarii Oxonii qui quindecim esse solebant ad reddendum domino 18 Edw. I, 
Regi 42s. per annum, modo non sunt nisi septem, et mendici ; petunt A - D - 12 9°- 
quod propter paupertatem eorum reddant domino Regi dimidiam 

H 2 



marcam per annum, vcl parali sunt rcddere domino Regi cartam suam 
quam habcnt, et alibi commorari, et domos suas ibidem dimittere. 
Rcsponsio. Reddant firmam, vel recedant. 

See note to No. 67. 


Rot. Pari. I, 62 b. 

Ralphs a clerk ', son of Adam de Claghton, imprisoned at 
Oxford for killing Benedict Attemore in self-defence ; prays the 
Kings pardon. 

18 Edw. I, Radulphus fllius Ade de Claghton, clericus, qui fuit captus et 
a.d. 1290. ^etentus [ n p r i SO na Oxonie pro morte Benedicti Attemore, quern 
idem Radulphus interfecit se defendendo, quia mortem propriam aliter 
evadere non potuit, sicut inquisitio inde facta testatur, supplicat 
Domino Regi quod ipse velit ei condonare mortem illam, et sibi 
concedere pacem suam, et quod stet recto si quis alius versus eum 
inde loqui voluerit. 

Responsum est per Regem, tradatur per ballivos. 


Rot. Pari. I, 63 b. 

Peter de Lakynge asks licence to give a messuage in Oxford 
to the Warden, &c, of Merton. 

18 Edw. I, Magister Petrus de Lakynge petit quod ipse dare possit custodi 
a.d. 1290. d omus et sco i ar ibus de Merton unum mesuagium cum pertinentiis in 
Oxonia. Unde inquisitio. 

Responsio. Habeat Inquisitio secundum novam formam. 


Anc. Pet., File 61, No. 3008. 

Circa Abstract. To the King and Council; the Warden and Scholars of 

a 9 d E ^qq' the house of Merton pray that Master Henry of Fodryngeye and 
Master Robert of Candeur may give, and that they may hold, a 
messuage (vnt mes), six yards and two acres of land, and four marks 
of rent in the town of Kybburth Harcurt [i. e. they desire a licence in 

Endorsement. Habeant inquisitionem. 


Addressed. Custodi scolaribus et fratribus domus de Merton in 

Henry of Fodryngeye is found as Fellow of Merton College in 1284, 
and died in 131 5. Robert of Candeur or Candever was Fellow of the 
same college in 1297. The licence in accordance with the above petition 
was granted Feb. 16, 29 Edw. I (Pat. 29 Edw. I, m. 28), but it 
mentions eight messuages instead of one. The Close Roll, June 22, 
19 Edw. II, 1326, refers to the same endowment. 


Rot. Pari. I, No. 161. 
The Abbot of Oseney prays that twelve shillings of rent from 
the Manor of Headington, given to the convent by the Empress 
Matilda , may be paid as usual. 

Ad petitionem Abbatis et Conventus de Oseneye petentium quod 33 Edw. I, 
cum ipsi et praedecessores sui habuerunt xij solidatas redditus in A,D * I3 ° 5 ' 
liberam 1 elemosinam in manerio de Hedindone de dono Matillidis 
Imperatricis, unde seisiti fuerunt quousque dominus Rex praedictum 
manerium dedit dominae Reginae quae nunc est, quod Rex praecipere 
velit quod eis solvantur : — 

Ita responsum est : coram Rege : Solvantur prout solvi consuevit. 
Et super hoc habeant breve Thesaurario et baronibus de Scaccario 
[ut ponantur] in statum quern habuerunt tempore collationis factae 
dominae reginae. 

Printed by Prof. Maitland, p. 37. He also prints after it the document 
from L. T. R. ' Memoranda of the Exchequer,' 32-33 Edw. I, m. 23, by 
which the above reply was ordered to be carried into effect, dated 
March 16, 33 Edw. I. 


Maitland, Mem. Pari. 1305, p. 44. 
Praying for a separate prison for women in the town. 

(66) Ad petitionem Universitatis Oxoniae petentis remedium de 33 Edw. I, 
hoc quod cum alias concessum fuit per Regem quod separalis prisona A,D * I3 ° 5 ' 
[facienda] fuisset pro feminabus in villa Oxoniae ita quod non simul 
essent cum hominibus, burgenses ejusdem villae nichil inde faciunt : — 

Ita responsum est : Mandetur eis per breve de Cancellaria quod 
statim fiat sub gravi forisfactura et inde certificent Regem. 

1 Perpetuam in Maitland' s copy. 




Praying that the burgesses take malefactors promptly on the 
denunciation of the Chancellor. 

(67) Ad petitionem ejusdem Universitatis petentis quod burgenses 
ejusdcm villae prompti sint et parati ad denuntiationem Cancellarii 
ad capiendum malefactores et impeditores pacis, et quod super hoc 
mandetur eisdem : — 

Ita responsum est : Mandetur [eis] in forma prius facta per breve 
de Cancellaria, et si ballivi negligentes fuerint, sequatur aliquis pro eis 
ad Scaccarium [et] fiat ibi justitia. 


As to the imprisonment of convicted harlots. 

(68) Ad petitionem ejusdem Universitatis petentis remedium de eo 
quod meretrices convictae coram Cancellario et adjudicatae prisonae 
[de] gentes ultra peti-pount in parochia S. Clementis de die, et de 
noctibus redeuntes infra muros et [peccatum 1 hujusmodi contijnuantes 
quod dictus Cancellarius ipsas meretrices capere possit et imprisonare 
sicut illas infra villam : — 

Ita responsum [est] : Cum venerint hujusmodi feminae in villam 
capiantur et imprisonentur per Cancellarium prout est eis concessum 


As to providing closure of posterns into the suburbs against 
men of ill-fame. 

(69) Ad petitionem ejusdem Universitatis petentis quod Rex 
praecipere velit quod pro eo quod homines make famae receptantur 
extra muros [reme]dium ordinetur ad posternas clausturas 2 et introitus 
suburbii contra hujusmodi pericula : — 

Ita responsum est : Modo quo [melius] Cancellarius pro Univer- 
sitate et burgenses et communitas concordare poterint pro hujusmodi 
clausturis pro securitate villae et Universitatis [Rex] bene permittet. 

1 The words between brackets are uncertain ; peccatum may possibly be potes- 
tatem, M. 

2 postern" 1 claustur 1 in MS. 



Rot. Pari. I, 163 a. 

For the restriction of the number of regrators ; and to pre- 
vent tctverners harboziring clerks. 

(70) Ad petitionem ejusdem Universitatis petentis remedium quod 33 Edw. I, 
cum compositio facta sit inter Universitatem et homines ejusdem ville, A-D * I3 ° 5 ' 
quod regratia[rii] non debent esse in villa nisi ad numerum xxxn, et 
burgenses ejusdem ville nunc numerum ilium vehementer augmenta- 

runt ad dampnum populi : et etiam quod Rex praecipere velit, quod 
nullus regratiarius seu tabernarius vinorum permittat quod clerici 
sedeant seu hospitent noctanter in tabernis suis. 

Ita responsum est, quoad compositionem, si facta sit inter Universi- 
tatem et burgenses et rationabilis fuerit, Rex vult quod observetur. 
Ad alium articulum, Cancellarius castiget clericos suos prout melius 
viderit expedire. 

Printed by Maitland, p. 45, No. 70. 


Maitland, Mem. Pari. 1305, p. 45. 

For the punishment of delinquent bakers and brewers by the 
bailiffs in presence of University officers. 

(71) Ad petitionem ejusdem Universitatis petentis remedium, quod 
ballivi qui custodiunt assisam panis et cervisiae, ad denuntiationem 
Cancellarii vel aliorum ex parte sua assignatorum in praesentia 
aliquorum assignatorum ex parte Universitatis, castigent et distringant 
pistores et bracifatores] quos inveniri continget deliquisse contra 
assisam : — 

Ita responsum est : concessio et ordinatio prius factae teneantur, et 
si ballivi negligentes fuerint, conquerantur de eis ad Scaccarium. 


Maitland, Mem. Pari. 1305, p. 46. 

That outsiders may sell their fish and other victuals in the 
town tmimpeded. 

(72) Ad petitionem ejusdem Universitatis petentis quod extranei 
venientes cum pisce et aliis victualibus ad villam Oxoniae [per seipsos] 


hujusmodi victualia vendere possint in villa absque impedimcnto seu 
advocatione Burgensium, etc. : — 

Ita responsum est : Prohibeatur per breve de Cancellaria quod non 
fiat ibi nec in aliis villis Angliae, set quod permittant hujusmodi 
mercatores vendere mercirnonia sua praedicta per manus proprias 
dum tamen non vendant ad retallium sub gravi forisfactura, etc. et 
imprisonamenti etc. in curia Regis ubi sequi volucrint, etc. 

A writ of Nov. 7, 1305, to the Mayor and Bailiffs of Oxford, to carry 
this reply as to outside traders into effect, is printed in Ogle's ' Royal 
Letters,' &c, p. 17. 


Against millers taking too high toll for grinding wheat. 

(73) Ad petitionem ejusdem Universitatis petentis remedium de hoc 
quod molendinarii molendinorum de Oxonia et circa . . . capiunt 
superflua tolneta pro moltura bladorum, plus quam alibi infra regnum, 
etc. : — 

Ita responsum est : [Mandetur] firmariis molendinorum quod non 
capiant contra antiquas consuetudines debitas et usitatas, etc. 


For the performance of certain articles lapsed through the 
removal of the Sheriff. 

(74) Ad petitionem ejusdem Universitatis petentis quod cum Rex 
alias per brevia sua clausa mandaverit vicecomiti et aliis ministris 
[praedictae] villae super certis articulis, videlicet assisa vinorum, villa 
mundanda et pavanda et porcis afmovendis, qui quidem artijculi 
propter remotionem vicecomitis non sunt executi, quod Rex inde 
ordinet remedium per literas suas patentes, etc. : — 

Ita responsum est : Mandetur per breve de Cancellaria sicut alias 
mandatum fuit, etc. 


Maitland, Mem. Pari. 1305, p. 47. 

For the zvorking of parchment and skins outside the walls on 
account of the stench. 

(75) Ad petitionem ejusdem Universitatis petentis quod operarii 
percameni et pellium operentur extra muros propter corruptionem 



[Ita responsum] est : Faciant operarii opera sua prout temporibus 
retroactis facere consueverunt honestiori modo quo [fieri] poterit. 


Anc. Pet., File 276, No. 13760. 

(76) A nostre seignur le Roy prient le Chaunceler e le Universete 33 Edw. r, 
de Oxenford quil voille graunter quil puissent [aver] general attorne A ' D ' 
en toutz pointz. 

Endorsement. Fiat duraturus per tres 1 annos. 

This is printed by Prof. Maitland ('Memoranda de Parliamento,' 1305, 
Rolls Series, p. 47), with the Latin form found on the Roll of 1305. It is 
the last of a group of the eleven foregoing petitions sent up to that 
Parliament from the University of Oxford, and embodied on the Roll, 
from Prof. Maitland's print of which they are here given (pp. 44-47, 
numbered 66-76). Of these eleven only one has thus survived in its 
French form, and but one (No. 28, Latin) found its way into the old 
printed edition of the Rolls. 


Maitland, Mem. Pari. 1305, p. 161, No. 256. 

The executors of William Bumel and scholars of Balliol com- 
plain of the obstruction by Hugh le Despencer to carrying out 
BurneVs will. 

Ad petitionem executorum testamenti Magistri Willelmi Burnel 33 Eclw - !» 
defuncti et scolarium aulae de Balliolo in Oxonia petentium remedium A ' D ' I3 ° 5 * 
super eo, quod, cum dictus defunctus legasset executoribus suis domos 
quas perquisivit in villa Oxoniae ad donandum scolaribus praedictis, 
si licentiam et assensum Regis ad hoc habere possint, sin autem, quod 
domos illas venderent et denarios inde provenientes darent dictis 
scolaribus, etc., Hugo le Despencer dictos executores post mortem 
dicti Willelmi de domibus illis vi et armis ejecit, impediendo dictam 
legationem compleri juxta voluntatem testatoris, etc. 

Ita responsum est : coram Justitiariis de utroque Banco et vocetur 
Hugo le Despencer. Si tenementa in villa ilia sint legabilia et testator 
legare potuit secundum consuetudinem burgi Oxoniae, fiat breve de 
Cancellaria Majori et ballivis Oxoniae in forma usitata de hujusmodi 

William Burnel was Dean of Wells from 1292 till his death in 1295. 
For an account of his gifts to Balliol, completed in 1307, see Wood's 

1 Substituted for quinque. 



c City of Oxford,' ed. A. Clark, vol. i. p. 157. By letters patent of Jan. 16, 
and close letter of Nov. 10, 33 Edw. I, Burnel's executors had licence to give, 
and the Mayor and bailiffs of Oxford were ordered to deliver, the nine 
shops and messuage bequeathed to the Master and Scholars of Balliol, 
and on Feb. 1, 34 Ed. I, the Escheator received his order to give them up 
(Pat. 33 Edw. I, pt. 1, m. 19; Close Roll, 33 Edw. I, m. 2 ; 34 Edw. I, 
m. 19). The above petition seems to have been made previously to all 
these definite steps, and it thus appears there was some obstruction to 
Burnel's will being carried out. (As to Hugh le Despencer, see note 
to No. 44.) A few years later Edw. II confirmed in detail the title 
to Burnel's bequest (Pat. 7 Edw. II, pt. 2, m. 2). 


Anc. Pet., File 264, No. 131 54. 
The Abbot and Convent of Oseney pray that the tenth which 
they owe at Westminster may be allowed them on the king's 
debt to the Pope, to acquit which they paid the money. 

33 Edw. I, A nostre seigntir le Roy et a son conseil prient ses chapeleyns le 
a.d. 1305. ^be et le Convent de Oseneye qe les deners qe il deverent sur lour 
1 [sic] acounte rendu devaunt Sire Johan del Idle 1 et ses compaignouns 
a Wemoustier de la disme, les queus il ount payes la 011 il les avoient 
aprompte pur aquiter la dette nostre seignur le Roy vers 1'Apostoille, 
lour soient allowez en lavauntdite dette et il renderount suys les fermes 
qe lour sount baillez. 

Endorsement. Rex vult quod allocentur per breve de Cancellaria. 

This petition is printed by Prof. Maitland ('Mem. de Par.' 1305, p. 55), 
together with the Latin form of the same found on the Parliament Roll of 
1305. The Latin may be also repeated here to show how the text some- 
times varied : — 

Ad petitionem Abbatis et Conventus de Oseneye petentium quod 
denarii, quos debent super compotum suum de decima redditum coram 
Johanne de Insula et sociis suis, quos solverunt ubi eos mutuati fuerunt 
pro debito in quo tenentur domino Papae pro Rege inde acquietando, eis 
allocentur in eodem debito : — Ita responsum est : Rex vult quod allo- 
centur per breve de Cancellaria. 


Maitland, Mem. Pari. 1305, p. 302, No. 467. 
33 Edw. I, Abstract. Petition of Abbot and Convent of Oseneye showing that 
a.d. 1305. they p a id to the Pope for the King £500, which they had borrowed, 



and they had an allowance by royal precept on the money which they 
owed to tbe King's Exchequer in part satisfaction of the said £500, 
and for the rest certain ferms were assigned to them. And as those 
from whom they borrowed could not wait till they raised the money 
from these ferms they paid it out of the monies from the tenth 
imposed on the clergy for three years by Pope Boniface VIII, of which 
they were sub-collectors, deputed by the Bishop of London and 
Master Bartholomew de Feretino, chief collectors. They pray that 
this remainder of the £500 so paid may be allowed to them on their 
account of the said tenth rendered before John de Insula and his 
companions, that the ferms be taken back into the King's hands, and 
that they may have letters of indemnity thereon. 

Reply. The king wills that what they ask shall be allowed to them. 
Therefore a writ was ordered from the Chancery to the Exchequer to 
search the rolls as to the truth of these points. And another from the 
Chancery to John de Insula and his companions, auditors of the said 
account, to allow the said arrears upon the aforesaid certificate, but no 
more. The ferms to be taken into the king's hands, and letters patent 
of indemnity under the great seal to be given to the Abbot and 
Convent. Latin, abstract. 

The petition, of which the above is an abstract, is not found elsewhere 
than on the Roll printed by Prof. Maitland. See the two next petitions. 


Anc. Pet., File 10, No. 479 and No. 481. 

Abstract. The Abbot and Convent of Oseney pray the king for Edw. I or 
a letter under his great seal by which he and his heirs will acquit Edw- n * 
them and their successors against the Pope and all his ministers of 
£2,996 i*js. Sd., from the tenth for the Holy Land, which they paid 
to the Exchequer. 

No. 481 is nearly a duplicate. A nostre seignur le Roy prient ses 
chapeleins le Abbe et le convent de Oseneye q'il voelle graunter sa 
lettre pur li et pur ses heirs de son graunt seal qe li et ses heirs 
acqiteront eaux et lour successours vers l'Apostoille et touz ses 


ministres de mmdcccc iiii xvili. xv'iis. uid. de la dyme grauntee a li 
en eide de la terre seinte, la quele summe d'argent il payerent a sa 

Reply to both verbatim. Cancellarius videat litteras regales quas 



habent de indempnitate, et si non sint sufficientes, facial eis litteras 
regales de magno sigillo quod Rex et heredes sui teneantur ipsos 
indempnes conservare. Et alie littere dampnentur et custodiantur in 
Thesauro. — Irrotulatur. 


Anc. Pet., File 10, No. 480. 
?Edw. I or Abstract. The Abbot and Convent of Oseney to the king; that, as 
Edw. II. were ^ e co u cctors Q f tne t en ths granted by the Pope in aid of 

the Holy Land, they paid to the king's Exchequer £2,996 17*. 8d., for 
which they need a good acquittance for safety hereafter ; they pray 
for God's sake he will give them a detailed acquittance [as in the petition 
above], for that which they have only mentions the king, and not his 

Reply is the same as the last. 

These two petitions, Nos. 38 and 39, with a notice of the difference in 
No. 481, are printed in Rot. Pari. I. p. 475 b. (No. 481 has 3^. instead of 
Sd. in the sum of money, apparently a clerical error, the v in viii having 
been omitted.) The words added in the last lines of No. 481 give 
important precision to the statement made. 

Though they do not appear to refer to the same transaction as Nos. 36 
and 37, the four petitions illustrate one another as well as the methods of 
finance at this period. 


Anc. Pet., File 86, No. 4300. 
The men of Oxford and of the county pray that the gors 
obstructing the Thames may be removed. 

A nostre seigneur le Roy et a soen conseil prient ses homes de 
Oxoneford et de tut le Counte, q'il pleyse faire oster les Gors qe sunt 
si nusaunz en Thamise entre Loundres et Oxoneford qe vitaille et 
marchandise i puisse venir cum il soleit en temps nostre seigneur le 
Roy qe mort est, qe deux assoille, pur graunt profit le Roy et de soen 

Endorsement. Assignentur Justiciarii in Cancellaria ad inquirendum 
super hiis nocumentis et ad supervidendum gurgites, etc., et ad 
amouendum nocumenta, ita quod victualia transire poterunt absque 
impedimenta, sicut pro vtilitate Regis et populi fuerit facienda. 

? Temp. 
Edw. I or 
Edw. IL 

From the terms of this petition (and its short simplicity), it seems to 
have preceded by some years the next following. The increasing obstruc- 


tions to navigation of the Thames were often complained of, see Nos. 41, 
42,91 ; till those made since Edw. I's time were ordered to be abated and 
quelled down by Statute 3 of 25 Edw. Ill, § 4. Gors, gortz, were dams 
inclosing or narrowing the waters in order to build mills or make fish 
preserves, and were often a source of profit. (No. 91 should come here.) 


Anc. Pet., File 10, No. 477. 

Abstract. To the King and Council : The merchants who frequent ? Edw. I 
(hauntent) the water between London and Oxford show, that their or Edw " 
common passage by the Thames with their ships of merchandise 
is obstructed by gors, locks, and mills often to their great peril, and 
the king's damage. And whereas the king was used to assign justices 
every seven years to survey the dangers of the water, but they have 
not done it for twenty years past, — the commonalty pray that 
special justices may be appointed to survey the obstructions and to 
inquire into the accidents (perils) that have happened in consequence. 
£ E sire nous entendoms qe en vostre domisday serra troue la manere 
coment le ewe de Tamise doit auer son cours sanz desturbance.' 
Also they complain of fishermen with nets so fine (estraytz) that they 
entirely destroy the fry of the fish, in impoverishment of the people. 

Endorsement. Coram toto consilio. Assignentur ad hoc Justiciarii 
dominus W. de Bereford et dominus R. de Heyham. 


Anc. Pet., File 10, No. 474. 

Abstract. To the King and Council : the merchants who frequent ? Edw. I or 
the water between London and Oxford show, that their common < ann j s ^_ 
passage by the Thames with their ships of merchandise is obstructed eertis.' 
by gors, locks, and mills, often to their great peril, also by fishers who? 
with their nets beyond the assise, take more small fish than they ought 
by right. And whereas the king was used to assign justices every 
seven years to survey the dangers of the water, but it had not been 
done for twenty years past, and on prayer of the commonalty William 
de Bereford and Sir Roger de Hegham were appointed, but were too 
much occupied in the king's service to undertake it, — they pray 
that others may be appointed who can undertake it, suggesting three 
by name. 



Reply. A patent like that made to Hereford and Jlcgham shall be 
made out to Bercford and three others (named), so that he may act 
with two or one. Latin, abstract. 

Printed in Rot. Pari. I. 475 a. 


Anc. Pet, File 10, No. 475. 
The Masters and Scholars ask leave to have a piece of land 
in St. Peters in the East, near Smithgate, on which to build 
new schools. 

Edw. II. § Dautre part prient les mestres et les escolers d'Oxenford, qe nostre 
seigneor le Roi leur voille graunter une veaude place q'est en la 
paroche de Seint Pere en le Est, en Oxenford, joinant a les murs 
dedeintz Smethegate, qe content xii perches en longure et ii perches 
en laure, ou il pussent faire escoles ; qar les escoles qe la sunt, ne 
suffisent point a les mestres q'il i sount ; et si crest la multitude des 
mestres et des escolers de jour en jour. 

Endorsement. Sequatur breve de Cancellaria si sit ad dampnum, 
etc. Et Thesaurarius per Consilium Regis faciat quod viderit ad 

commodum Regis. 

Printed in Rot. Pari. I. 475 a, under ' annis incertis Edw. I and II.' It 
is there given as a fragment, but the slip of the 'Ancient Petition ' is quite 
entire, beginning as above, with a flourish and a capital D, the upper 
margin being very narrow. The commencement shows that it was 
probably one of a group of petitions presented together. 


Anc. Pet., File 50, No. 2473. 
Temp. Abstract. To the King and Council : the Abbess of Godstowe 

Edw. II. showing, that the king's ancestors had granted to the house of 
Godstowe by charter the cow-house of Panchehale with separate 
pasture, that Sir Hugh le Despencer, pere, when warden of the king's 
forest on this side Trent seized the pasture into the king's hand 
without cause ; it was then surveyed at a low value for Sir Hugh and 
delivered to Sir John de Handlo his sub-warden, to be held at the 
king's will. From which separate pasture, which is called Lacchemede, 
her predecessor was thus wrongfully ousted in the time of King 
Edward the father [i. e. Edw. I] and prays remedy. 
Endorsement. Sequatur ad communem legem. 

Hugh le Despencer, senior, was born in 1262, and was thus ten years 


old at the accession of Edw. I ; he was banished with his son in 1321 
(14 Edw. II), and died in 1326. As he is not spoken of as 'the late,' 
this petition may be dated before 1326. See another complaint against 
him, No. 70. Sir John de Handlo, his sub-warden of the forests this 
side Trent, was himself Warden of Shotover forest in 1331. Wood's 
« City of Oxford,' i. 275 (Oxford Hist. Soc). 


Anc. Pet., File 200, No. 9994. 

Abstract. To the King and Council : the Burgesses of Oxford show ? Circa 
that by their charters they are of the same franchises, customs, and J ^^314 
laws as the citizens of London, quit of toll and all other dues by land and 131 5. 
and water throughout the king's realm (par tot le power le Rois), 
which charters were confirmed by King Edward, father to the present 
king ; — pray the king to confirm them, and to declare distinctly and 
in express words the points in them that are general, so that they can 
be shown to the Council or in Parliament. The said points were 
defined and examined by Sire William de Ayrmynne and Sire Johan 
de Foxlee, but have been delayed. And if none of the points be 
rejected [pray] that they may henceforth use them. 

Endorsement. Agreed by the Council that those who ask that their 
charters may be confirmed without new clauses shall come to the 
Chancery and show their charters, and they will be confirmed in 
the due manner, by fine, &c. ; and, as to the new liberties, nothing at 
present. Lathi, abstract. 

Sir William de Ayrmynne was a clerk who several times appears on the 
Rolls of Parliament from 1306 to 13 15 in positions of trust; he was made 
Chancellor by Edw. II during his absence in 1320 (Rymer, iii. 839). 
John de Foxle (or Foxley), according to the Rolls, served his country 
from 1306 till his death in 1324 ; he was Baron of the Exchequer in 1308, 
and one of the King's Justices in 1315 and 1321. He had a grandson 
of the same name, also named on the Rolls, who died 1377. For some of 
these facts see Prof. M. Burrows' 'Hist, of the Family of Brocas of 
Beaurepaire, &c.,' pp. 282, 284. See No. 79, on the subject of this petition. 


Anc. Pet., File 169, No. 8444. 
Abstract. To the King and Council : the Chancellor and scholars 8 Edw. II, 
of the University. Whereas there was formerly a quarrel between the £^'J 3 J 4 
Chancellor, &c, on one hand, and the burgesses of the town on 
the other, which was brought before Parliament after Easter in the 
tenth year of King Edward, father of the present king, and a composi- 



tion was made, — ihcy pray that the said composition, which is still in 
the Treasury, may be sealed. 

And as many debates happen with men of ill fame who flee into 
franchises outside the walls of the town and then re-enter and continue 
their evil ways, and laymen outside the walls have no power to take 
them, the said Chancellor, &c. pray that the mayor and bailiffs be 
required to pursue and take them in the suburbs and chastise them. 
[The third clause is nearly illegible ; from some of the words 
readable, ' pur les prises le Roi qe se fuist en la dite vile . . . de 
sa universite de Oxenford qil sesa . . .,' it appears to be the same 
petition the Latin enrolment of which is found separately in Rot. 
Pari. I. 327 b, see No. 47.] 

Endorsement. The Mayor of Oxford is enjoined to have a ratifica- 
tion before the council next Monday. To the second petition is 
replied, that the mayor and bailiffs are ordered to pursue and arrest 
transgressors in the town and suburbs within and without the liberties, 
in order to maintain the peace of the University, as often as is 
necessary, when [they are informed] by the chancellor and proctor. 
[Endorsement on the third clause illegible.] Latin, abstract. 

We can date this document by the second clause, the matter of which 
is found as a substantive petition (in Latin, the one above is French), with 
the same reply, printed in Rot. Pari. I. p. 327 a, under the year 8 Edw. II. 

In 18 Edw. I (1290) three copies of a roll containing an agreement of 
peace between the University and the burgesses were ordered to be made, 
one each for the King, for the Chancellor of the University, and for the 
Mayor (Rot. Pari. I. 33) ; perhaps that agreement referred to the quarrel 
of 10 Edward I (1282), the 'composition' of which, now thirty-three 
years after it was made, still remained unsealed in the Treasury. 


Rot. Pari. I. 327 b. 

Against the royal dties on victuals coming to the city. 

8 Edw. II, Item, quia plures homines pro prisis Regis ad ducendum victualia 
and'i^ 4 "sque civitatem predictam se elongant, supplicant prefati Cancellarius 

et scolares, quod hujusmodi prise super ipsos in eadem villa faciende 

omnino cessent, etc. 

Responsum est per ordinationes. 

The above on the printed Roll follows on as a second petition to that 
on p. 327 a, mentioned in the last note. 



Anc. Pet., File 280, No. 13973. 

Abstract. To the King pray the Abbess and Convent of Godstowe : 8 Edw. II, 
showing that they owe the foundation of their house to the king's "1315* 
ancestors, who granted them the tenth of everything that encreased in 
the manor and in the park of Woodstock, whereby they have always 
had foals from the king's mares ; but the present warden withholds 
that tithe, and only delivers every year one of the weakest foals, and 
there remain therefore, for almost these two years past, fourteen foals 
which are not tithed. Whereof they pray remedy, and that the 
arrears be given up to them according to the law of holy church. 

Endorsement. Videtur consilio quod si huiusmodi decima debeatur 
et moniales sint in possessione recipiendi decimam illam, quod man- 
dandum est ballivo Regis quod solvat decimam debitam annuatim et 
etiam si quid a retro fuerit inde reddi faciat. 

Original in French ; a Latin copy is printed Rot. Pari. I. 331 b. Was 
the ' present Warden ' Despencer ? Cf. Nos. 44 and 70. 


Rot. Pari. I. 318 a. 

Thomas Danvers, late Sheriff of Oxford and Berks, says he 
has not received £2,0 asked for in respect of Oxford Castle on 
his account sent into the Exchequer. 

Ad petitionem Thome Danvers, nuper Vicecomitis Oxon' et Berk', 8 Edw. II, 
suggerentis Regi, quod cum ipse super compoto suo coram Thesaurario ^nd 1315 4 
et baronibus Regis de Scaccario allocationem viginti libri petivisset, 
pro diversis proflcuis et aisiamentis domorum in Castro Oxon', et de 
districtionibus factis pro debitis Regis, et aliis proficuis percipiendis 
pro dicta custodia, in auxilium firme; unde nichil percepit, pro eo 
quod Castrum predictum toto tempore suo fuit in custodia Ricardi 
Damory ex commissione Regis : unde petit, etc. 

Responsum est per Consilium : Mandetur Thesaurario et baronibus 
de Scaccario, quod audita querela Thome super contends in petitione, 
sibi faciant quod justum fuerit, etc. 



ii 4 



Anc. Pet, File 297, No. 148 13. 
Circa Abstract. To the King and to his Chancellor Sir John de Sendale : 

a D^Tii? tne l )0 ° r brethren of the Hospital of St. Bartholomew near Oxford 
complain, with great grievances against Sir Peter de Luffenham : — 

First. Whereas when William of Westbury, formerly their master, 
had to receive the king's alms granted to them issuing from the town 
of Oxford, he received it in presence of one or two brethren ; 
assembling the brethren in their chapel, he shared the alms among 
them all by equal (owel) portions, retaining nothing for himself : — the 
said Peter de Luffenham, to whom the wardenship is now delivered, 
receives the money in the absence of any brethren, and spends it how 
he pleases, retaining for himself the portions of two brethren, for his 
chapeleyn the same, and for his clerk, his valet, and his palfrey each 
the portion of a brother, — against all previous custom of the said 
house. Second. The brethren hitherto in winter-time have been used 
to thresh their corn, sow their lands, feed their cattle, and cover their 
houses, &c. ; now, the said Peter [has taken the corn into] his own 
garner, to his own profit ; and, the brethren taking the corn against 
his will and sharing it, he thereupon made plaint to the Exchequer, to 
the damage of our house, so that the brethren can neither sow their 
lands, pasture their beasts, nor cover their houses, and he has sent 
away our carters (chariers) and other servants. Third. Whereas our 
former masters were used every week to visit, comfort, and counsel 
the sick brethren, the said Peter de Luffenham will not come near 
them, but in great despite disturbs them. Out of the dove-cote 
common to all the brethren with three or four dozen pigeons 
(pyiouns) he orders to every brother one (vyn) pyioun and takes 
the rest for himself. Fourth. The bailiffs of Oxford were bound 
to the brethren in £40 of arrears for the past year, in the absence 
[of any brethren] he received the money, spent it on wine or 
as he pleased, and the bailiffs gave Peter the tally. The brethren 
pray that a remedy be ordained before the house be quite impoverished, 
for it grows daily worse and worse, and worse than ever was. Adam 
de Weston [MS. very bad here] . . . Brother William de Westbury in 
his life-time was bound to Sir Geffery de Castre in £7, and assigned 
certain goods to make payment ; the said Peter has appropriated the 
said goods to himself, — whereof the brethren pray remedy, for they 
have not wherewith to make payment. 

{Injured by damp, &c, part nearly illegible^ 



Anc. Pet., File 297, No. 14814. 

Abstract. To the King Edward [II] : the Chancellor of the University 9 Edw - H, 
of Oxford and the Master of the Hospital of St. John of the same, {315. 13 ' 
acknowledging the king's mandate, under letters patent dated Don- 
caster, December 19, ninth year of reign, to inquire into the grievances 
of the brethren and sisters of the Hospital of St. Bartholomew extra 
Oxon against Peter de Luffenham their warden, and empowering 
them to take testimony, — stating that they had taken the inquisition. 
Dated Oxford on the day of St. Hilary the bishop. 

Endorsement. To our lord the King of England : by the Chancellor 
of the University of Oxford, and the Master of the Hospital of St. John, 
of the same. Latin. 


Anc. Pet., File 297, No. 14815. 

Abstract. The Depositions of the witnesses in the aforesaid inqui- 

1. Petrus de Luffenham, custos Hospitalis Sancti Bartholomei. 9 Edw. II, 
Acknowledges that he received money for the hospital twice, as said, A,D ' Io15 ' 
and retained four portions, but denies the second article, except that 

he acted for better care [of the harvest] ; he had not placed it in his 
own house. He sent away the servants because it seemed to him that 
two were sufficient. Asked why he did not visit the sick, he said he 
had visited them as far as he could ; that he had retained the pigeons 
by consent of the brothers as his portion. On the fourth point, asked 
why he received £10 without the consent of the brethren, he said 
he was ready to give an account of what he had received, and that 
the brethren had received some, and had forbidden the bailiffs to 
deliver it to the warden, and that the brethren have the tallies of 
the said portion themselves. He had received some goods from his 
predecessors and was ready to account for them. 

2. Brethren of the house : William de Frileford answers to six 
points seriatim, the last relating to Geoffry de Caustre. All the 
brethren being sworn with one consent also make short answers, — 
that William of Westbury who was master and lately died had leave 
from all the brethren to make a will, and they say that the money 
which brother William borrowed from Geoffry de Caustre was borrowed 
for his own necessity. Other replies relate to the alms or money 

I 1 



given to healthy and to leper brethren, and what they were accustomed 
to receive. 

Endorsement. Inquisitio facta de magistro et fratribus hospitalis 
sancti Bartholomei extra Oxoniam per Cancellarium Vniversitatis 
Oxonie et magistrum Hospitalis Sancti Johannis de Oxonia de 
precepto domini Regis. 

[Latin, irregular hand, partly illegible^ 

The troubles of the Hospital of St. Bartholomew with Sir Peter de 
Luffenham apparently lasted several years ; in the 14 Edw. II, a.d. 1320, 
he himself petitioned with regard to the Hospital, and was told to go 
before the Chancellor, 'who by reason of his office has to do with the 
state, of hospitals' (Rot. Pari. I. 380 b). It will be noticed that the 
brethren had been aware of this, and addressed themselves to the King 
and his Chancellor. Sir John de Sendale was made Chancellor, Sept. 26, 
1 31 4, and was Treasurer from Nov. 1317 till he died, 13 19 (Stubbs, ii. 


Anc. Pet, File 86, No. 4299. 
The Friars Minor ask for a licence in mortmain for a place 
in Oxford worth is. a year. 

? 9 Edw. II, A nostre seigneur le Roi si luy plest prient les poures freres 
a.d. 1 31 5. men0 urs de Oxenford qil lour voille graunter la mortiflcacioun de vne 

place en Oxenford qe ne vaut qe deux souz par an, auxicome retorne 

est en la Chauncellrie, et qe est a nuly preiudice. 

Endorsement. Soit veue l'enqueste et le Roi en dirra sa volunte. — 

Coram Rege. — Lymberghe. 


Anc. Pet., File 86, No. 4297. 

? Temp. Abstract. To the King : his clerks of his University of Oxford ; 

Edw. II. ag ^ Tj n i vers jt.y was founded by the bounty of the kings of England 
alone, for the common profit of the people, and the king is therefore 
their only refuge and help in trouble, they pray. Inprimis, that 
inquests for death and maiming should be impartially taken, the 
matter touching clerks and their servants on one hand, ' foreigners ' 
and denizens of the city on the other. A note added to end of this 
paragraph : — ' Soient appellez les Burgeis et monstrent [leur 



The next item dealt with a grievance about false measures and 
weights. {Fragment only, a large piece gone. Endorsement partly 

This petition was probably sent with the next. 


Anc. Pet., File 86, No. 4298. 

Abstract. Begins 'Item monstrent ses auantditz clers' that the Circa 9 1 
' marchancie ' provides that measures must agree with the king's ^rf ^131 
measures and be marked with the town mark, but the wine and ale or 1320. 
measures of Oxford are out of assise and are not marked except by 
the marks of the four aldermen, each in his ward, whereby they 
favour their neighbours; and they pray the king to grant that the 
Chancellor may at the proper hour affix his mark on the measures 
jointly either with the aldermen or with those who ought to mark 
them : ' for the commune of the clerks is greater than the commune 
of the town/ They pray also that the measures may be of the same 
form as those of London, and that weights may be sealed. 

Endorsement. Respondu est par la commune ordenaunce. Re- 
spondu est par comen acord et assent en parlement. Coram Rege 
et magno consilio. Lymberghe. 

Adam de Lymbergh, clerk, who signed, perhaps wrote, the endorse- 
ment, was one of the Receivers of Petitions to the Parliaments of 13 15 
and 1320. His name is attached also to another of these Oxford 
petitions (No. 53). By Pat. 1 Edw. Ill (pt. 1, m. 27), the assise of 
weights and measures was granted to the Chancellor and Mayor together, 
during pleasure; the following year (Pat. 2 Edw. Ill, pt. 1, m. 15) this 
was continued, and if the Mayor were not present after due warning to 
supervise them the Chancellor should do it alone. Another patent was 
issued 20 Edw. Ill (pt. 1, m. 30, dor so) to the same effect. 


Rot. Pari. I. 373. 

The University pray that stranger merchants coming to the 
town may be allowed to sell their goods free from obstruction 
by the burgesses^ and that they may have fixed places zvhere 
they may sell. 

§ 1. Ad petitionem Cancellarii, magistrorum et scolarium Univer- 14 Edw. : 
sitatis Oxon, petentium remedium, quod cum dominus Rex per A,D * I32< 



divcrsa brevia sua precepisset, quod mercatores cxlranei qui veniunt 
ad villam Oxon possint libcre vcndere bona sua per proprias manus, 
absque impedimento inde faciendo per burgenses ejusdem ville ; et 
similiter quod ipsi mereatores extranei habeant certa loca per se ubi 
mercimonia sua vendere possint, de quibus brevibus nulla fit executio 
post ultimum Parliamentum ultimo apud Eboracum convocatum, ad 
dampnum, etc. Supplicant dicti Cancellarius et magistri et scolares, 
quod ipsi possint assignare, in defectum dictorum maioris et balli- 
vorum, loca et diversitatem locorum pro venditione, etc. facienda ; 

Ita responsum est : Quia processus super contends in petitione 
incoatur in Cancellaria ponatur ista petitio in eadem placea, et ibi 
teneatur inde processus usque decisionem negocii, etc. 


Against malefactors imprisoned by the Chancellor escaping 
by connivance of the bailiffs. 

§ 2. Ad petitionem eorundem, petencium remedium de eo, quod 
aliqui malefactores et pacis Regis perturbatores in Universitate 
Oxonie sint imprisonati per eundem Cancellarium, sepe evenit quod 
hujusmodi imprisonati sunt evasi per falsitatem et negligenciam 
ballivorum : unde dicti scolares petunt remedium, etc. 

Ita responsum est : Mandetur [? maiori] Oxon' quod non permit- 
tant hujusmodi imprisonatos deliberari nisi modo debito et consueto, 
presertim cum hujusmodi deliberacio sit ad minus per bonam custodiam 
domini Regis, et fiat processus versus ballivos si necesse fuerit. 


§ 3. Item ad petitionem eorundem, petentium remedium de eo, 
quod cervisia vendi debet in villa Oxonie sicut in civitate vel in burgo, 
et super hoc breve suum mandaverit vicecomiti Oxon et idem 
vicecomes retornum suum fecerit maiori et ballivis, etc., qui nichil inde 
hactenus facere curaverunt, etc. 

Ita responsum est : Habeant breve sicut alias, et postmodum prose- 
quantur ulterius negocium, ut ponatur coram rege si necesse fuerit. 

{The French original of\^in ' Ancient Petitions', File 3, No. 132, 
is longer ; here abstracted?) 

Begins ' Item monstrent vos avantditz clers.' The clerks show — 
that often great strife arises between the University and laymen of the 


town of Oxford over the sale of ale, as to whether it ought to be sold 
in the town as in a city or as in a borough ; that the king in his 
charter to the burgesses declared the article, and by the sheriff's writ 
the bailiffs of Oxford were ordered to publish and proclaim that the 
sale of ale thenceforward should be made in the town as in a borough ; 
but the bailiffs have done nothing. The said clerks pray remedy of 
this grievance. 


Rot. Pari. I. 373. 

§ 4. Ad petitionem eorundem querentium quod cum ordinatum sit i4Edw. II, 
per Cancellarium quod nullus clericus in eadem universitate deferat A,D# I32a 
anna in eadem villa, etc., petunt quod illud idem observetur de laicis 
in eadem villa, etc. 

Ita responsum est : Habeant breve Maiori quod inhibeat ex parte 
Regis ne aliquis laicus preter ministros ville deferat arma in eadem 

{French original of % 4 in 1 Ancient Petitions] File 3, No. 133, 
here abstracted.) 

Begins 1 Item monstrent ses ditz clers.' The said clerks show — 
whereas there are two communities in Oxford, one of the clerks, the 
other of the lay, the Chancellor has forbidden, the clerks on pain of 
imprisonment or excommunication to bear arms in the town, but the 
laymen do so, killing and wounding unarmed scholars, and for the 
wrongs committed by them are too often acquitted by their neigh- 
bours ; — pray that men taken for such offences — foreigners or 
denizens — may be tried before Justices, and that all, clerks and lay, be 
forbidden to wear arms, and that in default of the Mayor the Chan- 
cellor may punish where need may be. 

Endorsement. Let them have a writ to the Mayor that he forbid 
any layman except town officials to wear arms in the town. 


Rot. Pari. I. 373. 

Against the traders of the town complaining against strangers 
who come selling victuals, &*c, to the convenience of the scholars. 

§5. Item ad petitionem eorundem petentium remedium de eo, i4Edw. II, 
quod cum extranei venerint ad villain Oxonie cum victualibus, etc., ad A,D- 1 ^ >20 ° 
maximum commodum scolarium ibidem commorancium, mercatores 



cjusdcm villc fingunt querelas versus cosdem cxtraneos quo minus 
iidem extranei veniunt ad dictam villam cum mcrcandisis et victualibus, 
etc., in maximum detrimentum ville et dampnum scolarium ; 

Ita responsum est : Habeant breve quod de cetero caveant, nec talia 
faciant seu attemptent, etc. 


That the Chancellor's certificate of excommunications be 
accepted in the Kings court. 

§ 6. Item ad petitionem eorundem, petentium quod certificatio 
Cancellarii Oxonie de excommunicatis infra jurisdictionem ejusdem 
universitatis acceptetur in Curiam domini Regis, et quod captiones 
super hujusmodi certification es concedantur, etc. 

Ita responsum est : Quod fiat sicut antiquitus fieri consuevit. 


Against the burgesses maliciously indicting scholars and 

§ 7. Item ad querelam eorundem, de eo quod burgenses et ballivi 
Oxonie frequenter indictari faciant scolares et magistros magni status 
maliciose : unde petunt remedium ; 

Responsum est : Si quis se senserit lesum sequatur in Cancellariam, 
quia remedium ordinatur ibi sufficiens in hoc casu. 


Anc. Pet., File 137, No. 6801. 

14Edw.II, Abstract. To the King: the Abbot and Convent of Rewley 
a.d. 1320. ^ ea j near Oxford pray, for the soul of sire Peter de Gaueston 
formerly Earl of Cornwaille, their avowe, that he will hold good and 
confirm by charter the contract and perpetual ferm that they have 
made with the Abbot and Convent of Pyn in Poytou of the church of 
Saham. What they may have beyond the ferm (enferme) of the said 
church may aid in the support of Sir Peter's chaplain. 

Endorsed. Soit veue la chartre et confermee en due manere. 

The confirmation here asked for was made by inspeximus charter, 
which is found 011 the Patent Roll, 14 Edw. II, pt. 1, m. 7. See note 
to No. 18. 




Anc. Pet., File 133, No. 6607. 

Abstract. The cordwainers and corvisers of Oxford pray the king Temp, 
to confirm their charter from King Henry [III] and to grant further Edw. II, 
that they may use their franchises in the suburbs of the town, with or 1322, 
a specific declaration that none shall cut leather tanned or of Cordova, 
nor sell them in the town nor suburbs unless he be of their gild. 

Endorsement. Prosequantur versus Cancellariam. 

See special Royal writs to the Bailiffs enforcing the above privileges of 
the gild, printed by Ogle, ' Royal Letters,' &c, pp. 28, 29. 


Anc. Pet., File 132, No. 6594. 
Letters patent granting for five years the privilege that the 
Chancellor of the University may certify to the Chancellor of 
England the names of persons excommunicated for offences in 
Oxford, so that they may be taken for due punishment. 

Edwardus dei gratia Rex Anglie et Francie et dominus Hibernie Between 
omnibus ad quos presentes littere pervenerint salutem, Ut magistri et 
scolares universitatis nostre Oxonie suis studiis et scolasticis actibus 
vacent transquillius et intendant et ipsi ac alii sub jurisdictione Can- 
cellarii dicte universitatis existentes eo vigilancius ab excessibus 
offensis, contumaciis, et injuriis se abstineant committere quo com- 
missa noverint proponimus punienda, de gratia nostra concessimus 
speciali quod Cancellarius vniversitatis predicte qui pro tempore 
fuerit, a die confectionis presentium per quinquennium proximo 
sequens continue numerandum, per litteras suas patentes Cancel- 
larie nostre Anglie pro tempore existenti significare possit et certificare 
de nominibus singlorum de jurisdictione prefati Cancellarii Oxonie 
qui majoris Oxonie excommunicationis vinculo fuerint innodati, et 
quod dictus Cancellarius noster Anglie qui fuerit pro tempore brevia 
nostra in Cancellaria nostra fieri et sub magno sigillo nostro con- 
signari faciat pro capcione illorum de jurisdictione predicta qui sic 
per dictum Cancellarium Oxonie fuerint excommunicati et per 
quadraginta dies perseverarint in eadem, ad significationem et 
certificationem proximi supradicti prout ad significationem et certi- 
ficationem Episcoporum Anglie predicto Cancellarfio Anglie] . . 4 



capiendum sit et fieri consucvit. In cujus rci testimonium has 
littcras nostras fieri fecimus patentcs per . . . Teste me . . . apud 
Wcst r , etc. 

/;/ bad condition. 

This copy of a grant seems to have crept in among the Petitions 
by mistake, but I print it here as an example showing the meaning of 
a privilege frequently asked for and insisted on by the University (see 
Nos. 12, 6x, 90, and notes thereto). The King thus gave power, always 
carefully limited, for handing over offenders for punishment from the 
clerical to the secular arm. For the abuse of excommunication itself, see 
Nos. 66, 73. 


Anc. Pet., File 63, No. 3146. 
Temp. Abstract. To the King and Council : the Burgesses of Oxford 

Tr W " a^d P ra y reme( ty f° r tne wron g s an d trespass done against them by the 
1320-1*322. Chancellor and the University: — Whereas by custom and royal grant 
sixty-two burgesses yearly make oath to them to sell lawful mer- 
chandize (de leals darreys vendre), by colour of that oath they have 
those burgesses brought up before them, and pronounce excommuni- 
cate and perjured those whom they wish to oppress, thus as judge and 
party taking fines (raunceuns) at will. 

Also they attract royal pleas, — as where a clerk is indicted of 
felony, or attached for an offence against the peace, they issue 
process before themselves against the indictors and the bailiffs of the 
town, and through many simple witnesses fine (reyment) them at will, 
as they did to Richard Cary £20, Robert de Wormenhale 12 marks, 
Philipp de Euw iooj. (soutz), Esteuen de Adyngton iooj., Andreu de 
Wormenhale 50^. ; and thus by extortion many are empoverished and 
some leave the town. 

Also they proceed against the brewers of the town by colour of 
their privileges, so that these have no peace till they have made a fine ; 
and they extort money from sellers of wines, as from Henry Jolyf, iooj 1 ., 
Johan Stene, 40J., Wauter le Taverner, a mark. 

Also if the bailiffs do not their will they oust them from their 
bailiwicks, and thus the King's peace is often ill-guarded ; as they did 
to Roger Mymkan, bailiff in the thirteenth year. 

If any complain in the King's Court they proceed against them 
with feigned reasons as against their privileges, and excommunicate 
and imprison them at will against the King's writ, till these agree and 
lose their health, as was done to Johan le Peyntour and many others. 


Also Sire [we complain] of grants which are repugnant to law, by 
which many townsmen are empoverished, and which formerly were 

From the Wood MS. D 7 (5), in the Bodleian Library (a list of Mayors 
and Bailiffs of Oxford from 1122 to 1695, kindly pointed out to me by 
Rev. A. Clark), we learn that Roger Mimekan was Bailiff in 1319, 
13 Edw. II, we may therefore place the date of this woful petition a year 
or two later. He and Richard Cary had also been bailiffs in 13 13. 
Robert de Wormenhale was Mayor in 1298 and Bailiff in 1300. The 
names of Andrew de Wormenhale, Philip de Eu, and Richard Cary, 
occur pretty frequently in one or other of these offices from 1287 onwards. 
Step. Adington first appears, as Bailiff, in 1322 ; he is named too in 
a bond from R. Cary about 1330-40 (' Cartulary of St. Frideswide's,' 
O.H.S. p. 450)- 


Anc. Pet, File 132, No. 6569. 

Abstract. To the King and Council: the Burgesses of Oxford. 17 Edw. II, 
Whereas they hold the town of the King in fee ferm, to which the A ' D ' 13230 
assise of bread and ale belongs, as in the City of London ; and in the 
reign of Edward father of the present King, on a suggestion of the 
University, [the King] took this [i. e. assize] and delivered it to the Con- 
stable of Oxford who still holds it ; it greatly helped [to pay] the 
ferm, — pray that the King will either allow for this or will restore it, as 
they were not ousted by judgement but only by £ suggestion/ Also the 
weavers in Oxford in the time of King Richard [i. e. Rich. I] bought 
a charter that no one should use their office in Oxford if he were not 
of their gild, paying 40J. annually to the Exchequer ; the weavers are 
all dead and have no successors in the town, but the Barons of the 
Exchequer still charge the burgesses with the 40,?. though the 
burgesses do not claim or wish to have or to keep this gild of weavers. 
They pray that they be discharged of this. 

Endorsement. On the first point send a writ to the Exchequer that 
they search for what reason and how this came into the King's 
hands, and certify the King of it, and let the constable be summoned. 
On the second, let them go to the said Exchequer. French, abstract. 

Irrotulatur. Coram rege. — Herlastone [receiver of petitions]. 

On the first subject of this petition see note to No. 72. 
The Weavers' gild, for which the burgesses were still charged, were 
a decaying company in 1275 (3 Edw. I), when they obtained a reduction 

I2 4 


of their fee-farm rent from one golden mark annually to 42^. on account 
of their small number, scarcely fifteen, though they had been more than 
sixty in King John's time (see Ogle's 1 Royal Letters addressed to Oxford,' 
p. 14). Their decline proceeded rapidly, for in 1290 (18 Edw. I) they 
petitioned that, on account of their further reduced numbers, they might 
pay only half a mark instead of the 42s. to the King, or give up their charter 
and house (see No. 19). Then comes the above petition of 1323 showing 
that no weavers are left in Oxford ; but nevertheless the burgesses did not 
get rid of the empty charge, although they do not seem actually to have 
paid it, being allowed remission of ^63 10s. for arrears on it in 1352 
(26 Edw. Ill, Ogle, ib. p. 49). A hundred years later, in 1450 (28 Hen. VI), 
the annual 42J. due for the Weavers' gild of Oxford was among the sums 
assigned by Parliament to meet the expenses of the King's household 
(Rot. Pari. V. 174 b). Herlastone is named in Rot. Pari. I, 365. 


Rot. Pari. I. 439. 

19 Edw. II, Abstract. To the King and his Council: the Prior of St. Fredes- 
a.d. 1325. w i t h G f Oxford showing, that he petitioned Parliament in 9 Edw. II, 
setting forth his right to the advowson of the church of Akeley, 
co. Buckingham, on behalf of the church of St. Fretheswide, where- 
upon a writ was made to the Justices of the King's pleas to discuss 
the matter but not to come to judgement without certifying the King. 
And it has been discussed, and various steps taken, but the Prior 
cannot obtain judgement although he sues the King and Council from 
day to day for reply. Prays an order for judgement to be given. 

Reply. A writ is ordered to Sir Geffrey le Scrop and his 
companions [justices] that in view of the process before them they 
shall give judgement according to law and reason. French, abstract. 


Anc. Pet., File 65, No. 3226. 
Temp. Abstract. To the King's Council : the Scholars of the University 

Edw. III. Q f Oxford, whereas the clerk who wrote the charter of their franchises 
negligently wrote ' Inspeximus quandam confirmacionem quam 
dominus E. quondam Rex Anglie auus noster,' and it ought to be 
' pater noster,' which gravely harms the said scholars, — they pray that 
the said defect may be amended and put in due form. 

Endorsement. Let the charter be returned to the Chancery, and, if 
the defect be found to be of the clerk's negligence and not otherwise, 
let it be corrected. French, abstract. 



Anc. Pet., File 16, No. 774. 

Abstract. To the King and his Council : the Abbess of Godstow, Edw. Ill, 
showing that the King's ancestors granted to the house of Godstow jj^° t0 
the tenth of all venison that might be taken in Whichwood Forest, 
but that Hugh le Despencer, the father, when Warden of the Forest, 
hindered Mabille Wafre, predecessor of the present Abbess, from 
taking the said tenth, and she prays remedy. 

Reply. Show the charter in the Chancery, and there let a writ be 
sent to the Justice of the Forest to inquire if the predecessors of the 
Abbess were seised of the tenth, which of them was first ousted, by 
whom, and why, &c, and let return be made to the Chancery and 
shown to the King. French, abstract. 

Printed in Rot. Pari. II. 402 b, where the editors place it among 'annis 
incertis ' of Edw. III. It is the second complaint from the abbesses of 
Godstow against Despencer the father, and was probably made early in 
the reign of Edw. Ill (see No. 44), if not in the time of Edw. II. If 
Mabilla de Upton were the Abbess of this petition, she would have had 
much experience by 1327-8, the first year of Edward III. As to her and 
Mabil Wafre see No. 15. 


Anc. Pet., File 133, No. 6604. 
The Scholars of St. Mary {Oriel) ask for licence to acquire 
property to the value of £zo a year. 

Dautre part prient les escolers par le Roi foundez en lonor de notre Circa 
dame en la vniversite Doxenford a nostre seigneur le Roi, qil pleise de * ^"['^g' 
sa grace granter qe eux peussent purchacer terres tenementz et 
auouesones des eglises a la value de xxli. par an, et celes eglises 
approprier, en eyde de lour sustenance et de la sustenance des quatre 
chapeleins auant nomez. 

Endorsement. The Council agrees, saving lands in chief (French, 
abstract). Let them have licence to acquire ten pounds of land 
and rent in the form which they ask, lands in capite excepted. 

This is evidently one of several related documents, but the proposal as 
to the 'four chaplains before named' is apparently lost. The licence 
was granted in accordance with the endorsement, for ^10 value, on 
March 14, 1327 (Pat. 1 Edw. Ill, pt. 1, m. 15). The College of the 
House of St. Mary (afterwards called Oriel) was founded in 1324. 




Anc. Pet., File 259, No. 12938. 

iEdw.III, Abstract. To the King and Council: the burgesses of Oxford 
a.d. 1328. p e ^j t j on relative to the assise of bread and ale taken away from them 
on ' suggestion ' by King Edward [I] ; asserting that the said assise, 
which rents 100s. to the King, ought to be annexed to the ferm of the 
town. They tried to have right and remedy in the Parliament at 
Westminster in the tenth year of Edward, father of the present King. 

Endorsement. Veniat certificatio coram Concilio. A writ ordered 
to the Exchequer to make inquiry how and why the assise was 
seised, whether the burgesses had the fines in aid of their ferm, 
how much it was worth to the burgesses and to the King; and if they 
find that it did help the burgesses and paid the King 100s. they must 
make allowance according to discretion. French, abstract. 

The assise of bread and ale was seised as above stated, about 20 Edw. I, 
into the King's hands, and so remained till the burgesses petitioned 
Parliament in 17 Edw. II (tenth year according to the above petition, 
which — unless there were two petitions — is wrong, see No. 67) when, 
inquiry being made in the Exchequer as to the facts, it was found that 
under Henry Ill's charter the fines were incurred to the King, but that, 
the Mayor and bailiffs not having duly punished offenders nor answered 
for the fines, Edw. I and his council had ordered that the fines should be 
paid to the Constable of Oxford Castle, who should be answerable. But 
the burgesses were still charged with the value of the fines, viz. iooj-., 
which they paid into the Exchequer; therefore in 1 Edw. Ill the bur- 
gesses petitioned again (as above, No. 72). The writ to the Exchequer 
ordered in the endorsement to this petition is on the Close Roll, 1 Edw. Ill, 
pt. 1, m. 23, and is printed in full (Rolls of Pari., vol. II. p. 424, whence the 
above facts have been taken). The final discharge of the burgesses from 
the ioo.y. must have taken effect from that writ, which ordered it. The 
assise of bread and ale was granted to the Chancellor of the University 
by patent, 2 Edw. Ill (pt. 1, m. 19), also for 100s. annually to the 
Exchequer. In 33 Edw. I the University petitioned for the punishment 
of bakers and brewers (No. 29), but were accused of excess of privilege in 
the matter a few years later (No. 66). 


Anc. Pet., File 133, No. 6615. 

Abstract. To the King and Council : The burgesses of Oxford 
complain, — whereas the Chancellor and University of Oxford have 

? 2 Edw. 



cognizance of contracts, covenants, and trespass between clerk and 
clerk, or clerk and lay, they encroach on the franchise of the town and 
draw to them these contracts, &c., between laymen, especially in 
certain cases of gifts and actions between laymen brought before the 
Chancellor wherein a clerk has some concern, who by covine are made 
to incur large sums which were not due, and thus the defendants are 
condemned and afterwards excommunicated in all the churches of the 
town unless they agree thereto ; and if they are not absolved of the 
sentence before the Chancellor they are despoiled even to their arms 
(se despoillera tanke a ses brais) and must give all their goods to the 
clerk. In the same way a plea of trespass, in which there has been 
a cession to a clerk, is made to terminate as in plea of debt, and 
thus charges of rent upon free tenements are proved, against law, and 
in great burden to the tenements of the town. Thus the Chancellor 
encroaches on the franchises of the town, to the damage of the King's 
profits on writs and issues on pleas of debt, &c, pleadable before his 
Justices, or before the Mayor and bailiffs of the town. And with 
such proceedings taken before the Chancellor concerning merchants 
and other strangers passing through, as well as residents, the merchants 
will not repair thither on account of such evil doings, and the town is 
thereby greatly impoverished. Pray a remedy. 

Endorsed. Let a writ be sent to the Chancellor showing the 
contents of the petition, that if it be so he do not repeat it. But if 
any one feel himself aggrieved let him come to the Chancery and he 
shall there have remedy. Latin, abstract. 

Compare this petition with the actual grievances expressed by Walter 
de Harewell in the document No. 75. 


Rot. Pari. II. 22 a. 

Thomas de Baumburgk, whose presentation to the church of 
Emeldon has been adjudged against the master of the house 
of scholars of Morton of Oxford, prays remedy against farther 

A nostre seigneur le Roi e a son Conseil monstre son clerk, 2 Edw. Ill, 
Thomas de Baumburgh, qe come nostre seigneur le Roi lui ad A,u * I328 ' 
presente a la eglise de Emeldon, e il ad suy pur le Roi en sa Court 



devcrs lc Mcstrc dc la meson d'escolcrs dc Merton dc Oxenford, qe 
nostrc seigneur le Roi ad rccovere son prcsentement a la dite eglisc, 
par juggement rendu devant Monsr. Geffrey le Scrop e ses com- 
paignons. E ore ascuns gentz se afforceanz de anientir le juggement 
avantdite, font apels, provocacions, citacions, et autres empediments, 
en prejudice du Roi. Dont il prie remedie. 

Responsio. Habeat prohibiciones et attachiamenta generalia et 
specialia in Cancellaria, quociens voluerit. 


Rot. Pari. II. 16& 

2 Edw. Ill, Abstract. To the King and his Council: Walter de Harewell 
a. d. 1328. b ur g ess and inheritor in Oxford showing, that whereas the Chan- 
cellor of the University has cognizance of offences and contracts 
between clerk and clerk, and clerk and lay, in the town but nowhere 
else, one William de Wyneye, clerk, impleaded him before the Chan- 
cellor for offences done out of his jurisdiction in a foreign county : 
the said Walter justified himself before the Chancellor, but the said 
Chancellor notwithstanding condemned him to prison, and kept him 
in prison, in Oxford till he contented the said William with a large sum 
of money, and made an obligation of £20 to be at the will of the 
University, and still he had to find mainprise before he could be set 
free. And because, when he was taken and led to prison by the 
beadles of the University, he entered his house to shut his coffers 
and chests and the door of his room for the safety of his goods and 
chattels, the said Chancellor banished him out of the town, and had it 
proclaimed everywhere as though he were an outlaw, and sequestered 
all his goods and chattels, threatening if he entered the town to 
imprison him again for six days. No one ever had such franchise or 
power thus to outlaw, destroy and banish the King's burgesses in the 
said town. Prays a remedy for charity. 

Reply. Let it be inquired what was done, and he shall have a writ 
of trespass in the form for his case, and meantime let a writ be 
ordered to the Chancellor not so to aggrieve the said Walter, but to 
let him enter the town and use his merchandise. French. 



Anc. Pet., File 194, No. 9673. 

The Chancellor and masters of the University pray the King s 
letters to the Cardinal de la Mote asking for further delay in 
the cause between tJiem, as the Bishops of Winchester and 
Worcester cannot now hear it. 

A nostre seignor le Roi, prient ses clercs horribles le Chaunceler et Temp, 
la compaignie des mestres de sa vniversite doxenford, qil voille ses J^^g* 1 ' 
lettres de priere grauntier al Cardinal de la Mote, pur delai en la 1327 and 
cause quele est entre le dit Cardinal et sa dite vniuersite, quele cause I345- 
est commis al leuesqes de Wyncestre & de Wyrcestre a terminer 
deuaunt la Pascn proscheyn, ou apres, estre plede en la Court de 
Rome en lestat quel fuist deuaunt. Enpriaunt al dit Cardinal qil 
voille le dit delai continuer iesqes a la seint Michel proschein, puis qe 
les ditz euesqes sount en vostre seruice occupeez qil ne puissent a la 
dite cause entendre. 

Gaillard de Mota, Cardinal Deacon of St. Lucia in Cilicia, was as 
Archdeacon of Oxford an absentee, and consequently he and his officers 
came into collision with the University. The dispute extended over 
many years in the Papal Curia. The above petition is not among the 
documents on the matter printed by Mr. Henson in ' Collectanea,' vol. i. 
pp. 16-26 (O. H. S.). See also Letters Patent for the years 1325-1345 
in the first calendar of Public Records, at the end of Statutes of Colleges 
of Oxford, 1853, vol. iii. 

Anc. Pet., File 132, No. 6554. 

The Burgesses of Oxford desire that, as the town is suitably 
paved, dung-carts with iron iv heels shall be forbidden, as in 
London, for they destroy the causeway. 

A nostre seignur le Roi e a soen consail monstrunt les Burgeis de ? Temp. 
Oxneford qe desicome les mestres del Universite de Oxneford souent Edw ' 11 
vnt porte brefes nostre seignur le Roi a bien pauer la vile, et la dit vile 
couenablement est paue, carettes ferres carians fyens oue lur tribles 
ferres la cauce de la dite vile debrusent e destruent dunt ele ne put 
durer, dunt les dites burgeis prient de ceo remedie. E qe defendu 
soit qe il carient oue carettes desferres e ne mye ferres come il funt 
a Londres. 



Endorsement. Mandetur per breve ballivis oxonie quod non per- 
mittant talia extrahi nisi per carectas deferraratas secundum quod fit 

The tribles seem to have been the spiked instruments or dung-forks 
used to fill the carts, the iron wheels of which did so much to destroy the 
pavement. In the fourteenth century there does not appear to have been 
much wheel-traffic, and probably the pavements were not made to resist 
heavy loads. By Patent 8 Edw. Ill (pt. 2, m. 20), and again in 12 Edw. Ill 
(pt. 2, m. 6), and 3 Rich. II, the Chancellor of the University and the 
Mayor could compel all householders in the town and suburbs to repair 
the pavements. 


Anc. Pet., File 11, No. 512. 

The Carmelites of Oxford pray for the fulfilment of an 
annual grant of 120 marks made to them by Edward II on 
a vow made at Stirling, the payment of which is several years 
in arrear. 

4 Edw. Ill, A nostre seigneur le Roi et a soun conseil prient ses poveres 
a.d. 1330. c h a p e i evnSj freres de l'ordre nostre dame de Carme, de Oxenford, qe 
cum son piere nostre seigneur le Roy qe fust les avoit graunte de sa 
almone la sustenance de xxiiii. freres, ceo fest acquere pur chescun 
frere .v. marz, a prendre a l'escheker de an en an, a deus termis, par 
un wou qe il fist en sa gere d'Escoce a Estrivelin, qant il fust en 
graunt peril, cum temoyne nostre sent pere l'Apostoyle par sa bulle ; e 
de cele almoyne lour fist *ses lettres patentes pur prier pur ly et ses 
heires et pur coes devantcestres, de quele* almoyne il furunt serviz 
long temps, et ore lour est detenuz, et aad este plusours aunz, icy qe 
renz ne ressurunt. Qe ly pleise, pur 1' amour de Dieux et de nostre 
dame, et l'ame soun pere *qe deus assoile, graunter et de sa grace 
comaunder qe le auantdist wou soun pere* seit comply icy qe les freres 
pussent estre edefiez, et mieutz en lour len deu server, e Tame de 
l'avaundist wou devaunt deu descharge. 

Endorsement. S'avisent coment et en quele manere le Roi purra 
parfaire lour priere, et enforment le Roi, et le sur lour informacion 
nostre seignur le Roi par son bon Conseil ordeinera ceo qe fait a faire 
par reson. Coram Rege. 

Printed in Rot. Pari. II. 35 b, but incorrectly (or from an incorrect 
copy), the passages between *-* being partially or wholly omitted. 



Anc. Pet., File 160, No. 7973. 

Abstract. To King and Council: the burgesses of Oxford claim 4 Edw 
that they ought to have the same franchises, laws, and customs as the A,D ' 1 
citizens of London and to marchander with them in London and 
without, in all places, quit of all customs, as appears by their charters 
which the present King confirmed, and by writ to the Mayor and 
Sheriffs of London commanded that they should permit them to 
enjoy the said franchises, &c, in the city of London, which writs were 
received in full hustings and were allowed and enrolled ; but never- 
theless the said Mayor and Sheriffs disturb and molest the said 
burgesses and make them pay divers heavy customs ;— whereof they 
pray remedy. 

Endorsement. Suent proces et puis attachement deuant le Roi, et la 
il aueront droit. 

Printed in Rot. Pari. II. 51 a. Peshall (' Hist. City of Oxford,' p. 343) 
gives an extract from the Lib. E of the Guildhall, London (fo. 283), on which 
are recorded the agreements, in 4 and 5 Edw. Ill, of the Mayor and alder- 
men, &c, of London, to the King's writ ordering that the burgesses of 
Oxford should have the same liberties as London, with customs excepted 
as agreed upon in 1 Edw. I. The charter of 1 Edw. Ill to Oxford, which 
specified what the liberties of London were, while confirming them, is 
printed in Ogle's ' Royal Letters,' &c, p. 35. See also petition, No. 45. 


Anc. Pet., File 310, No. 15455. 

Abstract. To the King and his Council : the Prior and convent of 4 Edw 
St. Fredeswyde in Oxoneford show that they are parsons of Acle and A,D " 1 
of Brehulle, wherein lies great part of the forest of Bernwode ; that 
Sir John Mautravers, late Warden of the Forests this side of Trent, 
sold Southboys, in the said forest, of which as parsons they ought to 
have the tithe, by right of holy church ; and they sued Sir John for it, 
but he has done nothing. Pray the King order that they have their 

Endorsement. Let the Warden be desired to have the tithe paid as 
it has been heretofore. French. 

Fragmentary, much damaged. Printed in full in Rot. Pari. II. 50 & 

K % 

1 3 2 



Anc. Pet, File 267, No. 13300. 
? 5 Edw. Abstract. To the King (? and Council): the clerks of the Univer- 
i?3i A D * s ^y °f Oxford, showing that certain causes may be recognized and 
terminated before the Chancellor, as granted by Henry the King's 
progenitor ; — Pray that the King will grant to the clerks aforesaid and 
their successors that all ' causes de contrair ' aforesaid which belong 
to the cognizance of the Chancellor and other judges of the University 
may be recognized and terminated by them, notwithstanding the 
prohibition of the King or his heirs. 

Also they show that Edward, grandfather of the present King, 
granted to the Chancellor of the University cognizance of all trespasses 
made in the town or suburbs except pleas of . . . and mahem, and 

also that the bailiffs of the King might which grant Edward, 

father of the present King, confirmed and the present King also . . . 
The clerks now pray that he will grant to the said Chancellor the 
cognizance . . . and that the said Chancellor by the presence of the 
King be not disturbed in any point of his jurisdiction . . . 

Also they show that from the time of Edward I it has been the use 
that the gallon of wine should not be sold more than a half-penny (forqe 
vne maile) dearer than in London, which has been granted by the 
letters patent of the present King ; against which assise and grant some 
taverners have sold new wines and white wines at their will, and others 
different wines, to the great hurt of all dwellers or passers-by, — the 
said clerks pray that the said grant and usage of the assise may 
endure for all sorts of new and other wines sold in the said town and 

Also they show that many strifes and debates happen in the said 
town among men of ill-fame confederate together when the Mayor 
and [bailiffs] of the said town do not aid the Chancellor as required 
in taking the malefactors, — pray for a charter that the Mayor and 
bailiffs be bound to come with sufficient force to maintain peace every 
time that need may be, and that the Chancellor may require them to 
take, imprison, and safe-guard the malefactors. 

Also for surely keeping the King's peace in time to come, they pray 
the King's charter to the Chancellor of the University that he may 
freely at will imprison the malefactors in Oxford Castle or in the prison 
of the said town, and that the Sheriff Constable of the Castle, having 
seen the King's charge, shall safely guard them till the Chancellor 
demand them. 



Also the said clerks show that the streets and lanes of the town and 
suburbs of Oxford by want of pavement cause damage to all dwellers 
and passers-by, and [are] filled with dung and refuse and piggeries 
(Mens refumers e de porcheries) by which sicknesses [arise and] some 
become ill and others die, — pray that the Mayor of Oxford be empowered 
to distrain every clerk and lay tenant to pave against his tenement and 
repair the pavement when need be, and to remove corruptions that 
happen through butchers or others killing their beasts in the streets. 

First two and sixth clauses torn and damaged. 

The back of the long sheet on which the above is written is also nearly 
covered with six clauses, in Latin, so much damaged as to be difficult to 
read ; they are not the usual endorsement or replies, but appear to be 
the French petition turned into the Latin ' supplicatio.' On the Patent 
Rolls of 5 Edw. Ill, pt. 2, m. 8, and pt. 3, m. 18, are several grants, all 
dated in October, which answer to three or four of the clauses of the 
above petition, viz., the third, fifth, and sixth, and which may have 
resulted from it. Individually the subjects of the third and sixth occur at 
other dates, but the terms of the fifth combined with the group of desires 
— although all may not have been immediately carried out — point to the 
date here given. It was a troublous time in Oxford, only three years 
before the ' Stamford Schism.' 


Anc. Pet., File 132, No. 6568. 
Abstract. Rehearses that there have been, and still are, great and Temp, 
grievous discords in the University of Oxford by reason of the Jj^JJ^ jjj 
multitude of different people there, and many robberies and ills or Feb., 
without number that the Chancellor or the town cannot chastise or 1334 ' 
appease ; many masters and scholars dare not remain to study in 
Oxford, they are in fear of death and loss of their goods, and 
are dwelling at Stanford and elsewhere ; — the said masters and 
scholars pray the King to grant them his royal surety (asseurte) and 
protection to stay {estauncher) all the evils aforesaid, in amendment of 
holy church and the clergy. 

This appears to be from the seceders in the great Stamford Schism : 
cf. Mr. Henson's account and documents in ' Collectanea,' vol. i. pp. 3-15 
(Oxf. Hist. Soc). While unaware of this petition, Mr. Henson prints 
(p. 12) another from the University to the King and his Council, i.e. in 
Parliament, exactly similar in form to the ' Ancient Petitions,' without 
recognizing its character, owing no doubt to the fact that he found it 
copied into a manuscript volume of letters, where alone it now appears to 



be preserved (Roy. MS. 12 D xi., British Museum). An abstract of this 
follows, with Mr. Henson's date ; it may be compared with several other 
documents on the same subject at various times. 


Roy. MS. 12 D xi., fol. 29 b (Br. Mus.). 

a.d. 1334- Abstract. To the King and his Council: the Chancellor, masters, 
1335. 0 ' ' 

and clerks of the University, showing that the Mayor and bailiffs of 

the town make excuse that they dare not for fear of the commons 
take the malefactors and disturbers of the peace on the denunciation 
of the Chancellor, as they are bound to do, whence much harm and 
strife has happened. They pray and request that the King's represen- 
tative ( c son vice,' i. e. the mayor) for the time being be sworn yearly 
at the King's Exchequer to take and imprison such trespassers till by 
care of the Chancellor they be sufficiently punished. 

See note to the previous petition. 


Rot. Pari. II. 76 b. 

8 Edw. III. Abstract. To the King and his Council : William de Spersholt, 
a.d. 1334. sheriff of Oxford and Warden of Oxford Castle, showing that the 
county gaol is within the said castle and is fully charged with prisoners, 
and commonly is so. But beyond that the Chancellor of the University, 
without warrant, from day to day at will orders his beadles to deliver 
to the said sheriff southern and northern clerks at strife committed in 
the Chancellor's court for acts of violence, to remain in the castle at 
the Chancellor's pleasure, whereby the castle is greatly surcharged and 
so many cannot be safely guarded. And the sheriff fears the machi- 
nations of the clerks within and without, young people and escaped 
robbers, whereby the garniture, &c. of the castle may be endangered. — 
Prays that it may be ordered that no clerk be received at the castle 
unless he be a common and notorious malefactor to be kept as 
a prisoner and judged in the King's court. 
Reply. Non est petitio Parliament. 

The Sheriff's difficulties were owing to the turmoil among the students, 
divided into north and south, which led to the Stamford Schism. See 
Nos. 81, 82. 



Rot. Pari. II. 96 b. 

In a Petition from the Lord Mayor of London asking to be allowed the 
heavy fee for serving as Butler at the King's coronation it is added that 
by charter the Mayor of Oxford comes to assist him. The following is 
the extract so far as it touches Oxford. 

Et le meire e les citeyns d'Oxenford ount pur point de chartre, q'ils 11 Edw. 
vendront a Loundres a l'encoronnement d'eyder le Meire de Loundres J^^' 0 ' 
pur servir a la fest, e toutz jours l'ount usee. E si i plest a nostre 
seigneur le Roy e a son conseil, nous payeroms volenters le fee, issent 
qe nous soyoms descharges de la service. 

It was replied that the Exchequer Rolls must be searched, and if it 
were found that on former occasions the fee had been allowed to the 
Mayors of London it should be so now. French. 


Anc. Pet., File 133, No. 6616. 

The Chancellor and University pray that the butchers, who 
kill their beasts in the middle of the town, through the ordure 
causing illness and death, be ordered on pain of forfeiture to 
kill outside the town. 

A nostre seigneur le Roi e a son counseil prient le Chaunceller e la circa 13 

vniuersite de Oxenford qe I comme les] Buchers de mesme la ville vsent Eclw - m> 

A - D » J 339 

comunement de tuer lour bestes en my lieu la ville par qoi escolers e 
autres bon gentz illoeqes demoerentz par les ordures sount par diuerses 
maladies greuez, e ascuns morts, dount ils prient qils puissent auoir 
par la chartre le Roi qe les ditz Buchers sur peyne de forfaiture des 
bestes issint tuez a nostre seigneur le Roi tuent lour bestes hors de la 
ville par [la] ou escolers ne autres bones gentz ne demoerent, pur 
saluacion del vniuersite et de la ville auauntdite. 

Endorsement. Porce qe tesmoigne est deuant le conseil qil ont 
lettres du Roi de ce qil demandent si leur deit celles suffir. 

It was probably this petition that led to the order of 1339 against the 
slaughter of beasts within the town (printed in Ogle's ' Oxford Market,' 
Collectanea, vol. ii. p. 27). The Pat. Rolls contain two orders for pro- 
clamations to this effect, 12 Edw. Ill (pt. 3, m. 6 dorso), and 13 Edw. Ill 
(pt. 2, m. 28). 

i 3 6 



Anc. Pet., File 63, No. 3145. 
Au K- 9> Abstract. Writ, dated Stratford atte Boghe, August 9, 14 Edward 
Edw.'lII. pH]i from the King to the Mayor and bailiffs of Oxford, upon 
complaint of the Master and scholars of the University, to hold public 
inquiry on certain points, viz., as to the fixed places where in-dwellers 
and strangers may bring their wares for sale, regulations for the 
sale of victuals, and relating to merchants, regrators, and fore- 

The reply of the Mayor and bailiffs is written on the back, — as to 
the first point it being stated that there are fifty- six places, each of 
which pays an annual rent to the King of 4s. \\d. at Michaelmas, 
accounted for by the Mayor to the Sheriff, — with a short agreement 
made between them and the Chancellor of the University. 

Both in Latin, rather lengthy. 


Anc. Pet, File 132, No. 6587. 
? Temp. Abstract. To the King and the lords in this present Parliament: 
^between Chancellors, bachelors, and others, students of the Universities of 
1342 and Oxford and Cambridge, pray, that they will consider the misfortunes 
and desolations of the clergy of the said universities, and will grant 
that they may purchase in the Papal court graces and apostolic 
provisions on the benefice of the collations or presentations of arch- 
bishops, bishops, abbots, and other ecclesiastics ; or by some other 
means by advice of Parliament ordain some other remedy in relief and 
comfort of the clergy. 
End torn away. 

The Oxford University actually applied to both John XXII in 1322 and 
to Clement VI, to the last of whom they sent rolls containing the names 
of graduates for whom he might provide benefices (see Rashdall's ' Uni- 
versities of Europe,' i. 533 and note 1). Clement was Pope 1342-1352 ; 
the first Statute of Provisors was passed in 135 1, to the decade before 
which the above petition seems to belong. 


Anc. Pet., File 78, No. 3873. 
Abstract. These are the plaints of the Bailiffs of the Hundred 
outside the north gate of Oxford. First, whereas the men of this 



hundred ought only to be at distress of the King, — the Chancellor and Temp, 
the University wrongfully make distress on the bailiffs and good men ^J^d- 11 " 
of the hundred, by imprisonment and excommunication. writing not 

On Tuesday before Pentecost this year Thomas and Simon of J^gjj^ 
Braundene, clerks, and several others, came and stole the fish from 
the water which were put in store, and mowed the King's meadows, 
and assailed the King's serjaunt who guarded the meadows, that he 
hardly escaped with his life. 

On the Friday following, the same clerks with near 300 others 
came and mowed and laid waste the King's meadows, and [seized] 
a boat of the King's passage [i. e. a passenger or ferry boat] worth 
30J., and broke it up quite to pieces. 

One William de Neutun, clerk, had wounded the daughter of 
Pvichard le Ceu nearly to death, he gave himself up on Sunday to 
the King's coroners and bailiffs ; and Nicolas de Stapelton and Gibun 
his brother with others by force broke the prison and vilely beat those 
officers, and a cry was raised upon the clerks. 

Endorsement. Scribatur vicecomite et cancellario universitatis quod 
audiant partes et fieri faciant [? iusticiam : illegible]. 

Torn towards the end. 

The date of this document seems not to be after 1357, when the city 
purchased the manorial rights of the North Hundred. (Boase, ' Oxford,' 
p. 59, Historic Towns Series.) 


Anc. Pet., File 132, No. 6593. 

Abstract. To the King, the Chancellor and scholars of the University ? Circa 25 
of Oxford, showing that the University is ruined and enfeebled by the J^'* 11, 
pestilence and other causes, so that their estate can hardly be main- 
tained or protected j they complain against the Mayor and burgesses 
of the town [who have apparently done something against their 
privileges] ; they pray that no grant be made to the said Mayor and 
burgesses [against] certain of their privileges. Moreover they pray 
[some favour] as to persons excommunicated during forty days 
[probably, that power during a limited period might be granted out of 
Chancery for taking them]. (Et estre ce tres redoute seigneur vous 
plese granter qe . . . Chancellor d'Oxenford qore est ou qi pur temps 
sera des gentz qont este escomengez par proces faitz 1 dont . . . 

1 proces faitz ; these words a little doubtful. 


demorez escomengez pur qarentz iours, briefs soil grantc . . . dc vostrc 
chauncellerie de prendre . . . de la tere.) 

Endorsement. As to the first point, it seems to the Council that it 
is in operation. As to the second, the King should grant it for . . . 
years as he has done formerly, or until . . . Then this petition was 
taken to the King by the Chancellor, and the King granted it for six 
years. French, abstract. 

In very bad condition. 

The first and great plague was in 1349, from May 31 to Sept. 29 ; 
the second lasted from Aug. 1361 to May 1362 ; the third was in July 2, 
1369, to Sept. 29. The first clause of the above petition seems to refer 
to the, great plague ; on the subject of the second several grants had 
been made (see note to No. 12), though I do not find one for precisely six 
years. But in 26 Edw. Ill, A.D. 1352, letters patent (pt. 1, m. 24) were 
granted that on the certificate of the Chancellor of the University writs 
should be made in Chancery for taking excommunicated persons, the 
power to last for five years. 



Anc. Pet., File 125, No. 6201. 

? Temp. Abstract. To the King and his Council : the common merchants 
(according P assm g by water between London and Oxford, show that there are 
to hand- many gortz which ought to be repaired so that boats might pass ; they 
are now so obstructed, restrained and barred, by bar and lock, by 
those who own them (par ceaus qi les deiuent) that no boat can pass 
without giving great toll to those who own the said gortz (sanz ceo qil 
done grant tonnue a ceaux qe deiuent les ditz gorz) ; whereby the 
said merchants often [have to] lie there two or three days before they 
can pass, until they make redemption or agreement, and thus lose 
their advantages, corn and other victuals grow dear, and other damages 
to the people ensue. And though justices have been appointed to 
survey the defects nothing has been remedied ; — Pray that a remedy 
be ordered. 

Endorsement. Let sufficient men who understand this be appointed 
to survey the gortz between London and Oxford and to take away the 
stoppages and nuisances, so that boats may pass as they reasonably 
ought and have anciently been used. Fr. Coram magno consilio. 

Erroneously placed, probably early Edw. II. See Nos. 40, 41, 42. 



Anc. Pet., File 257, No. 12809. 

The Commons of the town being much impoverished and 
troubled for their trespass in the last quarrel between clerks 
and lay men^ notwithstanding the pardon granted to the Commons 
in last Parliament, pray for a special charter of pardon. 

A nostre seigneur le Roi et a son conseil prient plusors des poures ? 37 Edw. 
comunes de la ville de Oxenford qe come ils soient . . . de trespas . . . ^ 
en la darrein debate qe estoit entre les clercs e les lais hommes de la 
dite ville e sunt grauement empoueriz e anientiz par . . . e autrement 
nient contreesteant la pardonne quele notre seigneur le Roi granta a 
ses comunes en la darrein parlement qe pleise a . . . e a son conseil 
en oeure de charite granter a eux vne chartre en comune sur la dite 
pardonne e briefs as justices e viscontes qils ne soient . . . ne greuez 
contre la dite pardonne en manere come est grante as autres comunes 
de la terre. 

Endorsement. Eient chartre de pardonne en comune des trespas 
solonc la pardonne faite a la comune du Roialme. 

The pardon referred to appears to have been the general pardon passed 
by letters patent of 36 Edw. Ill, Oct. 13, 1362, when the King attained 
the age of fifty, printed in Ogle's ' Royal Letters,' p. 66. 


Rot. Pari. II. 290. 

Abstract. In this Parliament, held at Westminster, May 1366, 4° Edw - 
petitions were sent in from both Universities, Oxford and Cambridge, ^5*" D * 
and from the Friars of the four mendicant orders, complaining one 
against the other of disputes. The Chancellors and Proctors of the 
University on the one hand, and the Provincials and Officers of the 
orders on the other being present, submitted without reservation to 
the King's ordinance for appeasing the troubles, which was made with 
assent of the prelates, nobles, and wise men in Parliament. The 
points of these were : — 

1. That the members of the Universities should treat the friars in 
graces and all other school exercises, and the friars should behave 
towards them peaceably and decently, as they did before the statute 
which contains 'that none shall receive into the said orders scholars 



of the Universities under the age of eighteen years ; ' which statute is 
hereby annulled. 

2. That the execution of all impetrations of bulls and processes 
made or to be made in the Court of Rome by the Friars of those 
orders or any one of them against the Universities since the making 
of that statute be stayed, and that the friars renounce any advantage 
arising from action already made thereon. 

3. The King reserves to himself power to redress further grievances 
and to punish those of the two parties who disobey this ordinance. 

The petitions are not given in full on the Roll, only the arbitration, of 
which the above is an abstract. 


Anc. Pet., File 85, No. 4245. 
50 Edw. Abstract. To the King and Council in this present Parliament, the 
III,^a.d. doctors, bachelors, and scholars and students of civil and canon [law] 
,jl in the University of Oxford : showing that some time ago they appealed 

to the Council for remedy against the banishment of Thomas Mountagu 
and Henry Ingelby, and against a malicious ordinance which had been 
made by the Chancellor, proctors, and regents against the faculties of 
civil and canon [law] without assent of the doctors or others of the 
said faculties ; and that thereon by advice of the King's Council they 
had been ordered by divers writs to keep the said University according 
to the old statutes and customs, and that the bachelors and scholars 
should receive . . . without being coerced to make new oaths or bonds. 
In this Parliament was to be a final remedy ordained ... the said 
patents, writs, and commands of the King, the Chancellor . . . made 
a new statute against the aforenamed . . . great and horrible contempt 
of our lord the King. 

Endorsement. Let the Bishops of London, Ely, St. D[avids], 
Chichester and Salisbury be deputed to make them agree . . . matter 
here comprised, and if these bishops do not make them agree the 
Archbishop of Canterbury shall be named (?) to make the final 
agreement. French. 
A large piece torn away. 

The arbitrators mentioned in the endorsement to this petition were 
appointed by letters patent of June 20, 50 Edw. Ill (pt. I, m. 14 dorso), 
and their decision was confirmed on July 8 (ib. m. 10). A special protection 
had been given for the students and bachelors in civil and canon law on 
Feb. 27 in the same year (Pat. 50 Edw. Ill, pt. 1, m. 33). 



Anc. Pet., File 329, E. 933 (cf. with No. 99). 
The Brethren of the Hospital of St. John pray for leave to 
have houses and rents devised to them, for the burgesses of the 
town may devise according to the customs of London. 

A nostre seigneur le Roy, pur dieu prient les poures freres del ? End of 
Hospital Seint Johan de hors la porte del East de Oxenford, qil o/be^n-' 
puissent resceiure maisons et rentes qe horn leur veut deuiser en la ning of 
vile de Oxenford pur lamour deu e pur lavauncement de la maison, Ricl1, 
pur ceo qe les Burgeis de la vile poent deuiser maisons e rentes come 
leur chatel solonc les vsages de Loundres. Ausi prient les freres 
auauntdits qe il puissent approprier a eux de lour fee la ou il est tenuz 
en chef de eux. 

Endorsed. Coram Rege. Veniant ad Cancellariam et ostendant 
de quibus tenent, et habeant breve de inquisicione. 


Anc. Pet., File 268, No. 13395. 
Abstract. To the King : the Warden and Convent of the Friars ? Temp, 
minor of Oxford pray that an annuity of fifty marks, granted and paid L 
to them by the King's grandfather and former kings, may henceforth 
be paid twice a year at Michaelmas and Easter by writ of the Sheriff 
of Oxford. 

The phrase ' and former kings ' points to Rich. II, rather than Edw. Ill, 
for this petition, the Minorites having come into England in the reign of 
Hen. III. The annuity was first granted by Edward I in 1289, was 
continued by letters patent down to Hen. VIII (see A. G. Little, 'Grey 
Friars in Oxford,' pp. 97, 98 note), and was excepted from three acts of 
resumption under Edw. IV. See Rot. Pari. IV. 196 a ; V. 520 a, 597 b; 
VI. 90 a. 


Anc. Pet., File 222, No. 11056. 
Abstract. To the King : the Prior and Convent of the Friar ? Rich. II. 
Preachers of Oxford, praying confirmation of their charter (below- c h ar ter, 50 
written) without fine or fee. The charter purports to be a grant by Edw III. 
Edward III of a piece of land on the east side of their habitation, 
twenty feet wide, ' de riparia sive aqua ubi et prout ipsa solum habi- 
tacionis in longitudine versus australem quacumque parte attingit 



viginti pedes in latitudine, a solo illo versus filum riparie siue aque,' 
for the purpose of defending and enlarging iheir habitation, — to 
preserve it from the waters of Thames on the east side thereof — the 
Statute of Mortmain notwithstanding. Dated Westminster, August 
1 2, fiftieth year of reign in England, thirty-seventh in France. 


Anc. Pet., File 132, No. 6574. 

? Temp. Abstract. {The petition is in three sections, the left end of all lines is 
torn off) To the King and his Council. The clerks of the Univer- 
sity of Oxford, whereas the care of the assise of [weights and measures] 
had been committed during the King's will to the Chancellor of the 
University and to the Mayor of the town paying . . . yearly to 
the Exchequer, pray that it shall be granted to them permanently. 
Second, relates to the price of wine; it prays that [letters patent] of 
the King his grandfather may be ratified under seal. Third relates 
to the assise of bread and ale and its guardians, but is not clear. 

Endorsement partly gone. Letters patent granted on the second 
point, on the third ' no reply/ Latin. 

The subject of the second clause is identified by the words 1 forqe vne 
maille.' See No. 81. 


Anc. Pet., File 61, No. 3010. 

Abstract. To the King: The Warden and Scholars of Merton 
Hall, recite that King Edward, your grandfather, granted to the 
burgesses of London that they might devise by will lands in mort- 
main without licence notwithstanding the statute, for after that statute 
your burgesses up to the time of the said grant could not devise in 
mortmain. A legacy was made to the predecessors of the petitioners 
in the time of King Edward, son of King Henry, without licence before 
the said grant, by Henry, a burgess of London, of 20s. arising from 
two messuages in the parish of St. Benet in Gracechurch Street held 
of you in free burgage, which rent therefore belongs to the Crown ; 
— pray that this rent be ratified, confirmed, and the dues thereon 
released to the petitioners without fine or fee. 

Rich. II. 

The Statute of Mortmain was passed in 1279, 7 Edw. I ; the legacy 
above referred to was made temp. Edw. I, who is referred to as 'Edward 



son of King Henry.' The privilege of devising lands in mortmain without 
licence was granted to London by Edw. Ill, referred to here as ' Edward 
your grandfather.' See this right claimed for Oxford burgesses, No. 95. 


Anc. Pet., File 215, No. 10740. 
Abstract. To the King and Council: John of Dodeford, Prior of 1 Rich 
St. Freswide of Oxford, who was duly elected Prior by congd from the ^ g 1 
King, with royal assent, confirmed by the Bishop of Lincoln, and had 
livery of his temporalties — now being at London on account of false 
indictments against him by his enemies, certain canons of the said 
house have ordained John of Wallingford (one of them) to be Prior, 
and are wasting the food and other things there, holding the priory 
like a fortress or castle with armed men and archers ; wherefore 
he prays that a Commission may be sent to oust the forces (poair) 
found in the priory, restoring the Prior and his rule in it, punishing 
the rebellious canons and compelling them to find sureties for the 
peace, and moreover that writs may be sent forbidding the Mayor, 
bailiffs, and good men of Oxford to aid and abet them. 

Endorsed. Episcopus Hereford ; Cancellarius vniversitatis Oxonie. 

Reginaldus Malyns chr. 

Eds. Stonore vie. Oxonie. 

Johannes Hereford [sjeruiens Regis. 

(Johanni) Maiori Oxonie et Ballivis eiusdem. 

John Dodeford was Prior of St. Frideswide's from his election on 
Dec. 6, 1374, till his death, about 1391 (Wigram's 'Cartulary,' p. xiv). 
John Wallingford had preceded him as Prior, but Dugdale gives no hint 
of this later intrusion. Of the names on the back of the petition, Adam 
de Toneworth was Chancellor of the University, John Gilbert was Bishop 
of Hereford, Edmund Stonor, Sheriff of the county, and John (crossed 
through in the MS.) Gybbes, Mayor of the town. The first four may 
have formed the commission ; apparently the King's serjeant was ordered 
to send the writs to the mayor, &c. 


Anc. Pet., File 19, No. 915. 
Abstract. To the King and his Council : the Master and Scholars 2 Rich 
of ' Mokel Universite Halle,' which was first founded by King Alfred 
for the support of twenty-six perpetual divines ; whereas one Esmon 
Franceys, citizen of London, for all his great riches has so proceeded 
against the tenants of certain lands and tenements with which the said 



college was endowed that the college has lost them; and reckoning 
on the poverty of the Master and scholars has gone further, till he 
has brought a writ nisi prius for the rest of their substance, against 
which they cannot make defence, he also having subtly procured the 
panel on the inquest to be on his side. Pray that the parties may be 
ordered to appear before the Council with their evidences, so that the 
college be not disinherited. The petitioners invoke the King as their 
' avowe ' or protector, and refer to the names of 'John of Beverley, 
Bede, Richard Armecan, and many other famous doctors and clerks,' 
as formerly scholars in the college. 

Printed Rot. Pari. III. p. 69 a ; also by Mr. Jas. Parker, ' Early History 
of Oxford,' O. H. S., p. 316: see also p. 54, where he exposes the pre- 
tension and the historical blunders of the petition in attributing the 
foundation of University Hall to King Alfred. (Also in William Smith's 
'Annals of University College/ Newcastle-on-Tyne, 1728, p. 127.) 


Anc. Pet., File 132, No. 6590. 
? 4 Rich. II. Abstract. To the King and his Council in Parliament : the Master 
and Scholars of University Hall in Oxford. Whereas Edmund 
Fraunceys and Idoyne, his wife, formerly had a writ of droit to the 
Mayor and bailiffs of Oxford demanding three messuages, ten shops, 
a soler, [fourteen] acres of land, fifteen acres of meadow, and eight 
shillings of rent in Oxford and the suburbs, [viz. from] Robert 
Westby of a messuage of four shops, fourteen acres of land, and fifteen 
acres of meadow ; Richard Garston [and Juliana his] wife of a 
messuage and three shops ; William Saundres and Isabell, his wife, 
of two shops ; Waulter Knyght, patynmaker [and Alice his wi]fe, of 
a shop and a soler ; and John Wyndesore and Margerie, his wife, of 
a messuage and eight shillings of rent, . . . lour deforceauntz, which 
writ was delivered to the Mayor and bailiffs at the Hustings of the 
town held on the .... of Trinity, 1 Rich. II. On which writ 
process was continued, and the said Edmund and Idoyne carried it to 
the King's Bench on account of error ; and they issued a scire facias 
against the aforesaid five tenants that they held the said tenements 
from the dates of the said writs of droit and scire facias severally as 
stated in the writ of droit, except Wm. Saundres who was then dead, 
as of right from the then Master and scholars of the said college, by 
the annual rents [for their lives], Robert Westby of £6 ; Isabell, 
widow of Wm. Saundres, is, and 8d. • Waulter Knyght [in the life] 



of his wife Alice, 8s.; and John Wyndesore and wife, 13^. and 4c?., 
by the lease of Roger Aswardeby, late Master, and the scholars of the 
college; and Richard Garston and his wife Juliana, for their lives, 
paying yearly 50J. ... [to be paid] to the Master and scholars then 
being, the entire sum amounting to £11, . . . part of the inheritance of 
the college. . . . [Judgement was] reversed and seisin of the said tene- 
ments awarded to the said Edmund and Idoyne, whereby the said college 
surfers great destruction and ruin. Wherefore the present Master and 
scholars pray that [the process now] going on in the King's Bench 
may be made before you in this present Parliament, and that . . . 
to assign the errors and to have the suit till the judgement be reversed 
. . . and that the said tenants be restored (restitutz). 

[On the same sheet a second petition from the same, but the half at least 
of this part is torn away ; the whole sheet is much mutilated?^ 

' Item monstrent les ditz ore mestre e escolers de la college susdite.' 
. . . Richard Cornwaille and Isabella his wife of a messuage and 8.?. 
of rent. [The tenor of this petition cannot be followed, but some of 
the foregoing names and details seem to be repeated.] 

Endorsement very bad. 


Anc. Pet., File 20, No. 978. 
Abstract. To the King and Lords in Parliament : the Master and 7 Ricl1 - E* 
Scholars of University Hall. Whereas Esmond Fraunceys and Idoyn i^.* 383 ' 
his wife lately pursued them with a writ of formedone claiming seven- 
teen acres of meadow in Grand Pount (to which they had no right), 
which was carried to the King and his Council in the last Parliament 
held at Westminster, where it was awarded that the Justices of 
Common Bench should proceed no further with the said writ until it 
be otherwise ordained. And now these, Esmond and Idoyn, have 
purchased a new writ of formedone against Robert Westby, who holds 
the said meadow by lease from the college, which will be disinherited 
if some ordinance be not made. Pray that the Justices may be 
ordered to proceed no further with the plea now pendant till this 
matter has been discussed before the King's Council. 

Reply, As it is well known to the King and lords that the 
petitioners are too poor to defend their right at common law, it 
is agreed in parliament that the right and claim touching the said 
meadow shall be determined before the King's Council. French, 





Printed in Rot. Pari. III. p. 176 b. In the same vol. (p. 404 b) is another 
document in this case, from the Close Roll, 12 Rich. II, m. 42 ; it is a writ 
from the King to the Mayor and bailiffs of Oxford, reciting the chief 
petitions and steps taken apparently from the commencement, and order- 
ing them to supersede altogether any assise of Fresh-force or other plea 
brought before them now by Edmund and Idonia, saying that they should 
come before the King's Council, where they should have justice. For 
an account of the proceedings and the merits of this case, which was 
partly tried in Oxford as well as at Westminster, and which extended 
over many years, see Parker's 'Early History of Oxford,' O. H. S., 
pp. 53-55, and Wm. Smith's 'Annals of University College 5 (Newcastle- 
on-Tyne, 1728), pp. 108-140. Edmund Frances was a citizen of London, 
a merchant grocer (grossarius) ; there seem to have been two estates in 
question, according to our documents (Nos. 102, 103). 


Rot. Pari. III. 69 a. 

2 Rich. II, Abstract. To the King and Council : Alexander, Archbishop of 
a.d. 1379. York, shows that in the Statutes of a College called Queenhall in 
Oxford it is provided that the Archbishop of York for the time being 
shall confirm a newly-elected Provost and shall appease and determine 
dissensions among the scholars, the said Statutes being duly authorized. 
And, after long dissensions between the Provost and scholars, the 
Archbishop sent his commissaries who removed the Provost and some 
scholars. A new Provost was elected and duly confirmed; but 
notwithstanding this some who were removed will not obey orders, 
and have troubled the present Provost in different courts, and have 
carried off the seal, charters, muniments, and sealed statutes of the 
College. Right is delayed from day to day, and the Archbishop 
cannot have due execution. 

Reply. Certain prelates and others are assigned to treat of and 
conclude the matter. French, abstract. 

See No. 116 on the same subject. 

Anc. Pet., File 132, No. 6575. 
2 Rich. II, Abstract. To the King and his Council: the Chancellor and 
A ' D ' scholars of Oxford pray to have release by writ to the Exchequer 
from paying the share of the subsidy granted by the last Parliament of 
the King's grandfather, due from the unbeneficed clerks, which release 
the said scholars were promised. A clerk ' nient auanse ' [not bene- 


ficed] was assessed at 4^., the ' clercs auaunsez ' were assessed at i2d., 
which they paid out of their benefices. 

Endorsement. Let them have pardon and release by the King's 
grace and a writ to the Exchequer to discharge them of the demand. 

On the Close Roll, 2 Rich. II, m. 23 dorso, dated Oct. 28, is the answer 
to this petition, excusing all non-beneficed clergy dwelling in Oxford from 
paying the subsidy of 4d. Patent letters to the same effect are 3 Rich. II, 
pt. 2, m. 33 ; 4 Rich. II, pt. 2, m. 15 ; and 5 Rich. II, pt. 2, m. 28. See 
No. 109. 


Anc. Pet., File 274, No. 13664. 
Abstract. To the King : the Warden and poor scholars of the Circa 
house of Merton in Oxford show, that John Wyllyot, clerk, and his | 
joint feoffees, seeing the necessity of the said house and the fruitful 1380. 
increase of the clergy of England, intended, and still intend, by licence 
(which they have) to give the petitioners a tenement called Battes In, 
with a cellar, shops, and solers adjoining, in Oxford ; and whereas 
adversaries in the time of your grandfather proceeded against them in 
the Exchequer, and now have procured an escheat of the property in 
order to disturb the purpose of the said joint feoffees, — they pray that 
these proceedings may be fore-closed, so that they may escape the 
cost and labour of defending their right. 

By letters patent, Oct. 5, 4 Rich. II (pt. 1, m. 14), the Crown granted 
to the Warden, &c, of Merton, in aid of the poor scholars, the property 
referred to in the above petition, which John Wiliot, Wm. Berton, &c, 
had intended to give and had released to the King for £fio. Was this 
Battes Inn part of the estate given by Wiliot in founding the ' Portionists,' 
later ' postmasters ' ? Rashdall, vol. ii. pt. 2, p. 488. The first mention 
of Wiliot seems to be in 1334 (Brodrick's ' Merton,' O. H. S., p. 216); 
he became Chancellor in 1349. 


Anc. Pet., File 132, No. 6585. 
The Warden and Scholars of Merton pray for the repeal of 
a charter empowering the Mayor and burgesses to make a ditch 
round the town 200 feet wide for defence, alleging that the 
charter was procured in a time of tumult, to annoy the neigh- 

A nostre tresredoute seigneur le Roy e a son noble conseil, ? 3 Rich. 
Supplient ses deuoutz oratours Gardein e Escolers de Merton Halle en A ' D ' 138 

L 3 


Oxenford ; qe comme en temps de graunte rumour des comuncs le 
Maire qestoit adonqes de Oxenford purcfiacea vne chartre qe le dit 
Maire c les Burgeis purrent faire vne fosse entour la dite ville de deux 
centz pees en laeure pur defense del dite ville, comebien qe les ditz 
Maire e Burgeis en pluseurs lieux eient nulle terre hors les mures, mes 
purchacerent la dite chartre en temps del dit rumour pur greuir les 
dits escolers e leur autres veisins, plus qe pur defense ou amendement 
del ville ; pur quoi pleise a vostre tresexcellente seigneurie repeller la 
dite chartre, canceller lenrollement dicelle, ou charger les Maire e 
Burgeis de faire restitucion de mesme la chartre, pur eschuir le 
brige peril qe purront ent auenir qe dieu ne veulle, e en oeure de 


A writ directed to the Mayor of Oxford, June 14, 1380, promising 
inquiry into the disturbance caused by Merton to the cleansing of the 
town ditch, is printed in O. Ogle's ' Royal Letters addressed to Oxford,' 
1892, p. 83. Probably this was part of the 'graunte rumour' mentioned. 


Anc. Pet., File 47, No. 2346. 
? 3 Rich. II, Abstract. To the King and his Council : the Prior and Convent of 
a.d. 1380. gk Fredeswid of Oxford pray for a confirmation of their charters and 
franchises ; and because they have been disturbed by officials [saying] 
that they could not fully use their charters and fraunchises, that they 
may henceforth do so without contradiction. 

Endorsement. Let the charters be shown in the Chancery and be 
confirmed according to their reasonable purport, — a fine to be made 
into the Chancery. French. 

This appears to be the petition which preceded the charter of con- 
firmation granted to John Dodeford, Prior of St. Frideswide, in 1 381, 
3 Richard II, and printed in 'Cartulary of St. Frideswide,' ed. Wigram, 
O. H. S., pp. 81, 82. A petition of Dodeford to the King's Council, Feb. 
16, 1377, is printed from the cartulary, ib. p. 80. 


Anc. Pet., File 132, No. 6588. 
3 or 4 Abstract. To the King and his present Parliament: his University 

a ^'1380 °^ Oxford ; whereas in the fifty-first year of Edward III a subsidy was 
I 3 8 i- ' granted by Simon, Archbishop of Canterbury, and other prelates for 
the clergy of the province of Canterbury, on every parson over the age 
of fourteen years, of \2d. on a 'persone avance ' and \d. on a 'persone 
nient avance' (i.e. \zd. on a beneficed, 4d. on a non-beneficed 



parson), excepting the four mendicant orders ; and a commission 
from the Chancery was issued to Adam Toneworth, then Chancellor 
of Oxford University, and Thomas Lyndelowe and John Wendover, 
then proctors, to raise the said subsidy ; and because the University 
could in no way pay this they applied to the last Parliament, held at 
Gloucester, for their discharge, which was granted to them but has not 
been allowed in the Exchequer; and the barons of the Exchequer 
have issued process against the said Chancellor and the executors of 
Robert Aylesham, his commissary, and the said proctors, and against the 
said Robert for the time that he was Chancellor, and the executors of 
John Brumpton and Richard Poster, then proctors, to render account 
of the ' quilet ' of the subsidy granted in the second year of the present 
King, but they could not raise it for many reasons, and thought to 
have a discharge. And likewise the said barons issued process 
against William Barton for the time that he was Chancellor, and the 
executors of the said John and Richard, proctors, to render account 
for another subsidy granted by the clergy [year not named], but they 
had not yet the King's commission to raise it. At the instance of 
the University your orators pray that the persons aforesaid be clearly 
discharged from responsibility for the ' quilet ' of the said subsidies. 

Adam Toneworth was Chancellor in 1377, Robert Aylesham in 1379, 
and William Barton (or Berton) succeeded Aylesham, probably in 13S0, 
he was Chancellor also in 1382. The Parliament held at Gloucester sat 
in Oct. 1378, 2 Rich. II, but the subsidy granted by the clergy in 
2 Rich. II was granted in the second Parliament (at Westminster, 
Easter, 1379) held in that year of the King's reign (see Lord Chancellor 
Scrope's opening speech to the Parliament of 3 Rich. II, January 1379- 
80; Rot. Pari. III. 72 b). This petition may thus have been sent in to 
the Parliament of Jan. 1379-80, or to that held at Northampton in 
Nov. 1380 (see also references in note to petition No. 105). Quilet is the 
sum collected, from quitter, to collect. 

It is worth notice that none of the four proctors in this document are 
given by Le Neve, whose list is blank between 1349 and 1401. 


Anc. Pet., File 20, No. 979. 
The Prior of St. Frideszvide complains that, recently holding 
his accustomed fair in Oxford, the Chancellor and scholars 
came and made an affray, riotously destroying it. 

A nostre tres honoure et tres redoute seigneur le Roy et a les 7 Rich. II, 
honourables seigneurs du Parlement, supplie son devout chapellein le A ;!? - T 3 8 3» 


Priour de St. Freswide de Oxenford, qc come il eit une feire a Oxen- 
ford a la feste de Seinte Freswide par les chartrcs de les nobles 
progcnitours nosLre seigneur le Roy, et par sa confirmacion, ovek la 
clause de licet ; ct ore les gentz de diverses paiis vindrent et mistrent 
leur tentes et pavilions come ils soleient pur tenir leur feire illoeqes, la 
le Chanceller de Oxenford, et les escolers, ont fait une solempne crie, 
qe chescun homme voideroit maintenantz hors, et q'ils ne tendroient 
nulle feire sur lour peril, et firent trencher et rumper toutes les 
pavilions et cordes qe demureient, et ont fait tiele affraie et riot par 
leur poair et mestrie, et tout dys fount tiele duresce et oppression al 
dite meson, en perpetuel et final destruccion d'icelle : Par quoi |pleise 
a nos,tre dit seigneur le Roy et a son honourable Conseil ordenir 
remedie et redresse de tiels injuries et destruccion, en oeure de 

Printed in Rot. Pari. III. 176 b. A writ on the Close Roll, 6 Rich. II, 
pt. 1, m. 22, is directed against interference by the Chancellor and proctors 
with the Priors fair. 


Rot. Pari. III. 275 b. 

1 3 Rich. II, Abstract. To the King and Lords in Parliament : the Commons of 
a.d. 1389. t j ie R ea j m s how that since the twentieth year of King Edward I [1292] 
many great possessions have been purchased and amortized by 
churchmen which ought to have beien assessed to the tenths and 
fifteenths, but lately collegiers and others of the town of Oxford who 
have purchased large part of the town are trying in this present Par- 
liament to have all their purchases unduly exempted ; pray that no 
such bill be carried through without general assent of the commons. 

Compare with this No. 115. 


Anc. Pet, File 21, No. 1034. 
13 Rich. II, Abstract. To the King and Council: the Chancellor, Wardens, 
a. d.i 389. p r0 vosts, Masters, and Scholars of the University show that their 
tenants in Oxford and those who pay their rents are assessed for the 
tenths granted by Parliament, and pay in proportion to their moveables 
like others in the town ; nevertheless the collectors of tenths are dis- 
training the Masters and scholars anew to pay on their said rents in 
the town, against previous usage and reason. Pray a remedy against 
this wrong, that they be not henceforth charged to the said tenths for 


the rent of their tenements, which are occupied and inhabited by 
their tenants who pay for their moveables according to their pro- 

Printed in Rot. Pari. III. 276. No. 1035 of the same File 21 is another 
copy of the same petition. 


Rot. Pari. III. 301 b. 
Abstract. The Commons in Parliament, requesting the King and 16 Rich. II, 

Lords of the Council to deliberate as to the Statute of Provisors and A,D - I392 > 

I 393* 

how best to modify it, pray him to keep ' tenderly at heart ' the state 
and relief of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. 

As to the evasion of the Statute of Provisors (passed 135 1, rehearsed 
and confirmed 1390), and its partial suspension, see Stubbs' ' Constitu- 
tional History,' ed. 1880, ii. 633, 634 note, and iii. 355. The interest of 
the University in the matter of Papal provisions is indicated by petitions 
Nos. 88 and 117. 


Rot. Pari. III. 613. 

Abstract. Petitions in Parliament. The Commons, on behalf of 9 Hen. IV, 
the knights, esquires and gentry of the counties of Oxford and Berk- A ' D * 
shire and of the Mayor and burgesses of the town of Oxford, recite 
how the King lately on disloyal suggestion granted letters patent to the 
Chancellor and scholars of the University of Oxford, to the effect that 
they and their servants should not be answerable before the King's 
judges for treason, felony, or mahem, committed in these counties or 
the town, but only before their own steward in the town ; and if they 
plead on the issue of the country half the inquest to be of their 
privileged men [returned by the Beadle of the University], and that the 
King's judge or minister must give them the indictments when required 
on pain of £200, which is against law, common right, and the King's 
regality, and the liberties of the petitioners, and offers matter for 
dissension between them and the scholars. Pray that the said letters 
patent be annulled and revoked. 

Reply. Let the matter be committed to the King's Council, and 
inquired into and put into the best way till the next Parliament, and 
let the charter as far as it touches the franchises of others be suspended 
till then. French, abstract. 


This petition was repeated in the same terms (except that the phrase as 
to the beadle was introduced) in the eleventh and thirteenth years of the 
same king, but received different replies (Rot. Pari. III. 638 b, 660 b). In 
the opening petition of the Parliaments of 1407 and 141 1, praying for 
the maintenance of liberties and franchises in general, the obnoxious 
grant to the University was expressly excepted (ib. pp. 613 a, 659 a). 


Rot. Pari. III. 645 & 

11Hen.IV, Abstract. The Commons in Parliament on behalf of the Mayor 
a.d. 1410. an( j commonalty of Oxford, show that the town is charged to every 
fifteenth and tenth with £91 14s. lod. to be raised in the town and 
suburbs. To which sum divers churchmen having lands and tene- 
ments purchased since 20 Edw. I are contributory and have paid, till 
the grant at the last Parliament held at Gloucester, to which they refuse 
to pay nor to any other such grant in future. Please you to consider 
that the greatest part of the said town and suburbs is in the hands of 
men of the church, and their tenants for the most part are scholars 
who pay nothing to this share. Pray remedy, and that these 
churchmen shall pay henceforth as they did before the last grant at 

Reply. All these men of the church shall pay to the fifteenth for 
the said lands and tenements. French, abstract. 

See a similar petition in 1389, No. in. 


Rot. Pari. III. 651, 652. 

13Hen.IV, Abstract. The Archbishop of Canterbury in Parliament presented 
a.d. 1411. a j on g schedule w hich he prayed might be passed, touching the disputes 
as to his right of Visitation of the University of Oxford, and in settle- 
ment of the same : he recited the previous proceedings in the time of 
Richard II and the present King, proposing that all members of the 
University shall be henceforth subject to the Visitation of the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, notwithstanding any Papal bull to the contrary ; 
on resistance their franchises shall be seized and they shall pay £1000 
to the King. This was passed and ratified after full deliberation 
[Latin]. After this, the Archbishop of York having claimed certain 
privileges of visitation of the Queen-hall in Oxford, the Archbishop of 
Canterbury, in the presence of the King and lords, promised that if 


York could show by any privilege or record that Canterbury ought not 
to exercise the visitation of that College he would abstain from it ; 
saving to himself the visitation of the scholars dwelling in the College, 
according to the judgement and decrees of King Richard and the 
present King. [French^] 

See petition, 2 Rich. II, No. 104. 


Rot. Pari. IV. 81 b. 

Abstract. The Commons in Parliament : whereas formerly the 3 Hen. V, 
clergy of the realm increased and flourished in the Universities of A,D,I4I 5- 
Oxford and Cambridge, but since the Statute of provision and against 
provisors was made the clergy is lamentably extinct and despised, and 
the clerks studying are not advanced nor promoted ; thus great errors 
and heresies against God and man, and rebellion against the King have 
arisen, and the Universities suffer desolation and disheritance of their 
spiritual sons and profitable students, to the prejudice of the church, 
extinction of Christian faith, and bad example to other realms : — 
Pray that some remedy be had, that the humble and poor clergy may 
increase, be promoted, and have substance whereon to live honestly 
each according to his degree. 

Reply. On the King showing the matter in this petition to the 
lords spiritual, they have promised to remedy it. French. 


Rot. Pari. IV. 1 59 a. 
Abstract. To the King: the Black Canons of the Au'gustinian 9 H en. V, 
Order : whereas lately at Leicester we showed the King that other " ' 142 " 
religious have proper colleges and places within the University of 
Oxford in order to continue their studies in the schools there, except 
your petitioners, and the Bishop of Exeter being ordered to inquire 
for any suitable place in the said University, has found three messuages 
and four tofts of land for sale, on the Candiche near the monks of 
Durham, outside the walls of the University, of the annual value of 
four marks ; — pray that the Chancellor and Treasurer of England 
may buy, and that the King will grant the said property to the 
petitioners, without fee ; and they will build a house for study thereon 
at their own cost. 




Anc. Pet., File 24, No. 11 58. 

9 Hen. V, Abstract. Presented by the Commons in Parliament (see Roll). 
a.d. 1421. 

' Please a tressages communes de cest present Parlement de 
considerer ; ' whereas a great number of scholars and clerks of the 
University arrayed for fighting have often ousted and turned out 
many men of the counties of Oxford, Berks, and Bucks from their 
lands and tenements, threatening to beat and kill them and others, 
whereby for fear of death these dare not remain ; also they hunt with 
dogs and harriers in divers warrens, coningries, parks and forests in 
those counties by night and day, taking deer, hares and rabbits, and 
menacing the wardens and foresters ; also they have by force set free 
clerks convicted of felony and imprisoned. Pray that a statute be 
passed enacting that Justices of assise of gaol delivery and of the 
peace in those counties may have power to inquire of such misdeeds 
by a jury of twelve men, and to proceed against them ; if they appear 
and are found guilty, that they be fined to the King £100 or suffer 
three years' imprisonment, not to be released by the prison-wardens on 
pain of 100 marks; if they do not appear, that they be outlawed ; and 
in both cases that the Chancellor, on the warrants of the Justices, 
banish the said clerks from the University for ever, on pain of 100 
marks to the King. 

Endorsement. Mem. quod ista petitio et responsio eiusdem irrotu- 
lantur in rotulo parliamenti tend apud Westmonasterium secundo die 
maij anno regni regis Henrici quinti post conquestum nono. 

But this document does not contain the Responsio, for which we must 
turn to Rot. Pari. IV. 131, where the whole petition in full is printed, from 
the Roll, together with the Responsio, which ordered that the statutes and 
the common law were to be kept in such cases ; and that any scholar 
outlawed for any matter as specified should be certified by the justices to 
the Chancellor, who thereupon should banish him from the University 
' maintenant sanz difficultee, sur peine q'apent.' This ordinance to last 
till the first Parliament which will be held after the return of the King to 
England from abroad. 


Rot. Pari. IV. 190. 

1 Hen. VI, Abstract. The Commons show that there have been murders, 
a.d. 1422. f e i on j eSj ro bberies, and riots, &c, lately committed in the counties of 
Oxford, Berks, Wilts, and Bucks, by persons coming to the town of 
Oxford and by others living in the town under the jurisdiction of the 


University, some of whom are the King's lieges born in Ireland and 
others his enemies called ' Wylde Irisshmen/ and these misdeeds con- 
tinue daily to the scandal of the University and the ruin of the country 
round about; the malfactors threaten the King's officers and the bailiffs 
of the town, so that these last, for fear of death, dare not do their 
duties nor collect the fee-farm, &c. Pray therefore that all Irish be 
turned out of the realm between Christmas and Candlemas next, 
except graduates in the schools, beneficed clergy in England, those 
who have English father or mother or English husband or wife, and 
many other exceptions, persons of good repute. And that the 
graduates and beneficed men find surety for their good behaviour. 

Reply. Be it as desired ; adding that Irish scholars who are not 
graduates must find surety for good behaviour, and that all others who 
wish to remain in England must bring letters of allegiance from the 
Lieutenant or Justice of Ireland to the Chancellor of England. French. 

In the following year, 2 Hen. VI, 1423, there was added to this 
ordinance that the surety for good behaviour was to be taken by the 
Chancellors of Oxford and Cambridge for the scholars in those towns, 
and for others by Justices of Peace in counties and Mayors and bailiffs in 
cities and boroughs (Rot. Pari. IV. 25 5 a). In 8 Hen. IV, 1429, the troubles 
caused by the Irish scholars, 'who had nothing to live on,' were increased 
by their burning numerous houses, for which the Scotch and Welsh 
scholars also fell under suspicion ; the Commons petitioned that strong 
measures might be taken against scholars of all three countries in both 
the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. The reply made, however, 
was that previous statutes against the Irish ought to be duly executed; 
the rest of the petition would be considered (Rot. Pari. IV. 358). 


Rot. Pari. IV. 195 b. 

Abstract. To the Duke of Gloucester and the lords in Parliament: 1 Hen. VI, 
the Friars preachers of London, Cambridge, and Oxford, and the A,D * I 4 22 - 
Friars minors of Cambridge and Oxford, pray that certain annual 
monies granted to them by Henry V (in the case of Oxford fifty marks 
to the Prior and Convent of Friar preachers, and fifty marks to the 
Warden and Convent of the Friar minors), whose death caused the 
letters patent to become void, may be assured to them. 

Reply. Be it done as desired. French. 

These grants were exempted from the Acts of Resumption of Edw. IV 
(1464-1473). See Rot. Pari. V. 520 a, 597 b, VI. 90 a ; and No. 96. 



Rot. Pari. IV. 306 a. 

4 Hen. VI, In a petition of the Commons praying that the beneficed clergy 
[i^Erig 25 " snou ^ be resident in their benefices, and pointing out the mischiefs 
lish.] of non-residence, exceptions were made, one of which was — ' Except 
clerks beyng at Oxenford and Cambrigge for yare lernyng, and not 
for averice nor oyer vices, so yai pas not ye age of xl. wynter.' 


Rot. Pari. IV. 467 b. 

11 and 12 Abstract. The Commons pray for the King's licence in mortmain 
a. d. 1433. — which is given, and follows printed in full — that Thomas Coventry, 
Thomas Denton, Laurens Cheyne, John Chaldewell (clerk), and 
Richard Foster may grant to the Prioress and nuns of the House 
of St. Nicolas, of Littlemore, co. Oxford, 60s. of annual rent arising 
from six messuages and five acres of meadow in Oxford, in exchange 
for lands and tenements, fisheries, and their appurtenances belonging 
to that House in Berewey, Ely, and Thetford, co. Cambridge. 


Rot. Pari. V. 174 b. 

28 Hen. VI, Pro Hospitio Regis. In the Act ordaining supply from different 
a. d. 1450. sources t 0 De annually assigned by the Treasurer of England for the 
King's household expenses two items are : — ' De Burgensibus Ville 
Oxon', de firma ville sue, £35; de Telaribus Oxon', pro gilda sua 
per annum, 42^.' 

The first of these was saved in the Act of Resumption of 4 Edw. IV, 
but in the seventh and eighth year of that King (1468) it was assigned as 
part of the provision for the Queen's household expenses (Rot. Pari. V. 
518 a, 626 a). As to the weavers' gild, see note to No. 67. 


Anc. Pet., File 132, No. 6596. 

? 2 g Abstract. The Provost and scholars of the £ Collage in Oxenford 

Hen. VI, called the Oriell ' pray that their manor of Waddeley and Wykynges- 
a.d. 1450. ggj.jjgjjjj.g ma y b e excepted from any Act of Resumption to be 

made in this Parliament : — their first foundation ' extendeth not to 
£40/ and Master John Frank, Clerk of the Rolls, came in aid with 



a bequest of £1,000, that they might have the reversion of the manor, 
which bequest was allowed by the King's letters patent ; the manor 
was appropriated to the church before King Stephen's days, and so 
remained till King Edward III, but has since been in secular hands. 
Several pensions and exhibitions for scholars are charged upon it. 

This property was included among the exemptions to six Acts of 
Resumption from 1450 to 1473 ; it is probable from the full detail of the 
above petition that it was sent in on the first occasion. (See Rot. Pari. V. 
187 b, 222 a, 304 b, 469 a, 522 a ; VI. 78 b.) The petition shows that the 
College had already adopted the name of Oriel. 


Anc. Pet., File 128, No. 6372. 

Abstract. To the King's Council and to the lords spiritual and 28 Hen. VI, 
temporal in Parliament : the Warden and scholars of Merton College A,D * r 45°- 
praying, that the circumstances of a gift of lands and tenements in 
the townes of Cambridge, Grauncete, Howys, Gyrton, Coton, Ches- 
terton, Bernewell, Newenham, and Over, co. Cambridge, made by 
them to King's College, Cambridge (in trust to masters John Somerset 
and John Langton), on conditional exchange with the manor of 
St. Margaret Stratton, co. Wilts, to make up the full value of which 
they desire to have a corrody of iooj. from the Abbot of Glastonbury 
— should be considered, so that they be exempted from the Act of 
Resumption proposed by Parliament of lands that were held on the 
first day of the King's reign. 

English, a few words torn off. 

The above grant of lands in Cambridge was made by authority of the 
Parliament held at Bury, March 3, 1447, 25 Hen. VI ; and effect was 
given to the whole petition as an exemption in the Act of Resumption of 
28 Hen. VI. See Rolls of Pari. V. 133 a, 186 a. (Also further see 
ib. 363 b.) 


Rot. Pari. V. 185 b. 

Abstract. Act of Resumption. Clause exempting from the opera- 28Hen.VI, 
tion of the Act any alien priories or other possessions granted by the A,D * 
King to the Warden and College of All Souls since the first year of 
his reign. 



This seems to apply to other possessions than the manor of Wedon- 
Pinkney, which is included further down in the same Act (see note to 
No. 130). The Act of Resumption, 34 Hen. VI, contains a clause 
exempting ' the prioryes and possessions aliens of Langennyth, of Newe 
Abbey besyde Abberbury, of Seint Clere, of Rommeney, and of Up- 
chcrch with their appurtenances,' granted by the King to the Warden 
and College of All Souls, which appear to be the possessions above 
referred to (Rot. Pari. V. 304 b). The rights of the College were also 
saved in similar Acts of 4 and 7 & 8 Edw. IV (ib, p. 522 a, 606 a). 


Anc. Pet., File 28, No. 1388, and File 132, No. 6599. 
33 Hen. VI, To the right wise and discret comones of this present Parlement ; 
28Hen VI -^esechen rnekely your contynuell oratours the Mair and burgeises of 
a.d. 1450/ the towne of Oxenford. That where the said towne is charged to the 
kyng our soverayn lorde yerely of a fee-ferme of xl It. (beside another 
charge of xxiii It. vd.), and over that at every xv me and x me of iiii It. 
And howe that the said towne, in the dais what tyme the same 
towne was thus charged with the said sommes, was full enhabited 
with marchauntes, artificers, and (grete multitude of) lay people, and 
now is desolate for the more parte because of (diversez) statutz in 
diverse parlementez made, that noo man shulde take noon apprentices, 
but if the fadres (or the modres) of the apprentices myght spende 
yerely xxs. of freehold : So that the said lay people nowe in the said 
towne of dyvers craftes may not bere the charges aforsaid, ne serve 
and plese the clergie beyng in the Universyte that is there : Wherfore 
many scolers withdrawe theym and void the said Universytee, seyng 
that they may not have artificers to serve theym at their nede, to the 
perpetuell anyentesyng of the said towne, and grete hyndryng of the 
said clergie. Please it unto your wisdoms, the premysses tendrely 
considred, to pray the kyng our soverayn lord, that it lyke his high- 
nesse, by th'advise and assent of his lordes spirituell and temporell in 
this present Parliament assembled, to ordeyne by auctoryte of the 
same that it be liefull to euery burgeys of the said towne of Oxen- 
ford, to take apprentice or apprentices, such as to hem semeth 
behofull, in semblable maner as the citezens of the Citee of London 
doo & use : howbeit that the fadre or fadres of the said apprentice 
or apprentices, have not ne never had eny freeholde in londes, tene- 
ments, rentes, services, or eny other possessions within this roialme. 
And that noon of the said burgeyses of the said towne, for takyng of 
eny such apprentice contrarie to the said statutz, by our said soverain 


lord, ne his heires, nor noon other persone, be disturbed, inquieted, 
greved, vexed, or empeched, eny statute afore this tyme made to the 
contrarie notwithstondyng. Savyng allwey to the Chaunceller of the 
Universyte of Oxenford, and to his successours, ther custumes and 
privileges of old tyme hadde and used. Provided alwey, that noon of 
the said burgeises ne dwellers within the said toun, shall take to 
apprentice any scoler withoute th'assent and avise of the fader & 
moder or the speciall frendes of the same scoler. And this atte 
reverence of God and in way of charitee. 
Reply. Le Roi s'advisera. 
Soit bailie as Seigneurs. 

Printed in Rot. Pari. V. 337 b. Two copies, as noted above, are among 
the ' Ancient Petitions ; ' No. 6599 does not contain the words in brackets, 
nor the clauses from 1 savyng allwey ' to the end ; and is printed in full 
in Rot. Pari. V. 205, under date 28 Hen. VI, a.d. 1450. The petitions 
of the two years otherwise differ but slightly, the earlier, however, states 
the amount of fee-ferme as ^58 os. $d. 


Rot. Pari. V. 304 b. 

Abstract. Act of Resumption. Clause exempting from the opera- 34 Hen. VI, 
tion of the Act the Priory alien of Newenton Longvile granted by the A,D * I455 ' 
King to the Warden of St. Mary's College in Oxford. 

A similar clause of exemption, but without precisely naming the 
property, in favour of St. Mary's College, Oxford, is found in five Acts of 
Resumption, from 1455 to 1473 (see Rot. Pari. V. 304 b, 469 a, 522 a, 
606 b ; VI. 79 a). Another in favour of St. Mary Magdalen was made in 
I Hen. VII (ib. VI. 351 a). 


Anc. Pet., File 132, No. 6595. 

Abstract. The Warden and Fellowship of All Souls rehearse that 34 Hen. VI, 
Harry Chicheley, Archbishop of Canterbury, paid £1,000 to the crown A ' D * * 455 ' 
for immunities granted to Rich. Andre we then Warden, which were 
resumed by Act of Parliament 28 [Hen. VI], and having no liveli- 
hood left except the manor of Wedon and Weston, otherwise Wedon- 
Pinkney, co. Northampton, worth £14 yearly, they petition that this 
be not included in this Act of Resumption. 



E?idorse?neni. Agrees thereto. (Both in English?) 

The manor of Wedon-Pinkney had been exempted from the Acts of 
Resumption of 28 and 29 Hen. VI ; in that of 34 Hen. VI, besides the 
same exemption, a special clause declares the surrender of Chicheley's 
lands shall not be prejudicial to All Souls, a restoration which may have 
been the result of the above petition. See Rot. Pari. V. 187 b, 222 a, 
304 b, 522 a. 


Anc. Pet., File 29, No. 1438. 
12 and 13 Abstract. 'To the kyng our aller soueraigne lege lord:' the 
a.^' 1*472- Chancellor and scholars of the University show, that the 'kepyng of 
1473- assise of brede, wyne, and ale, and correction and punition therof ' in 
Oxford and the suburbs had been granted them by the King's 
progenitors for the annual payment of ioo^., which sum was re- 
mitted to them for ever by letters patent of July 3, 1 Edw. IV, for the 
payment of id. a year only ; but that remission is void for lack of 
provision in certain Acts of Resumption, — -pray that it be ordained by 
Parliament that the said letters patent may hold good, such Acts of 
Resumption notwithstanding. [English?] 
Reply. Soit fait come il est desire. 

This is printed at length in Rot. Pari. VI. 33 b. As to the assise of 
bread and ale see note to No. 72. 


Rot. Pari. VI. 302 b. 

1 Hen. VII, In the Act of Supply for the expenses of the King's household, is 
a.d. 1485. the following- item : 'Of the Abbot and Covent of Osney, of the half 
two water mylnes under the Castle of Oxford, with the mede called 
the Kinges mede, and halfe the fishing of the water called Temise, — by 
the hands of the same Abbot, covent, and their successours for the 
tyme beinge, £20.' 

The same provision was assigned in 11 Hen. VII, 1495 (Rot. Pari. VI. 
500 b). 


Rot. Pari. VI. 430 a. 

5 Hen. VII, Abstract. To the King in Parliament : the Warden and Fellowship 
a.d. 1489. 0 f All Souls College show that Henry VI founded the said College 


and granted to Master Richard Andrew, Warden of the College, 
certain manors, lands, and possessions by letters patent which they 
enjoyed till an Act of Resumption of i Edw. IV, by which some of 
the said possessions were resumed and seized into the hands of the 
King ; howbeit the Warden and College have at all times occupied the 
premises, and have continued to take the profits, till lately process has 
been made upon them out of the Exchequer. Pray that the King will 
confirm to them these and all other grants of his blessed uncle, that or 
any Act of Resumption notwithstanding. 
Reply. Soit faite come il este desire. 


Rot. Pari. VI. 517. 

In the Act granting a subsidy to the King in this year, express pro- 12 Hen. 
vision is made exempting the lands and tenements and possessions ^£ A ' 1 
amortised and belonging to the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge 
from being charged to the said subsidy. 

A similar clause was inserted in the Act granting the same King aids 
to make his eldest son a knight and to marry his eldest daughter, in 1503 
(Rot. Pari. VI. 534). 







ST. SCHOLASTICA'S DAY (Feb. io, 1354) 





M 2 



Introduction 165 

I. Planctus Universitatis. Dialogue between the University 

and a Scholar (284 lines) 169 

II. Inscription to King Henry [IV?] (6 lines) . . . . 179 

III. Addressed to the King [Edward III?] (30 lines) . . .180 

IV. Epigram (8 lines) 181 

V. Epigram (4 lines) 182 

VI. Epigram (4 lines) 183 

VII. Descriptive Poem (100 lines) 183 

Tryvytlam de Laude Universitatis Oxoniae (496 lines) . . . 188 



THESE poems are all given in one manuscript (Bodl. 859, 
fol. 292 b-294 b), a volume containing a large amount of 
various matter, and taken to have been written in the early 
part of the fifteenth century. This portion of it seems in- 
tended to be a collection of the then known poems on the 
subject, which, taken separately, may have been of various 
dates, and may have existed in other manuscripts. 

The first and longest poem (' Planctus Universitatis '), for 
which we have now no other source, is distinct in metre and 
treatment from all the others, being a supposed dialogue 
between the University and one of its scholars in rhythmical 
quatrains ; the four lines of each rhyming at the end, and the 
two pairs within each four rhyming also in the middle. The 
dialogue purports to take place while the events were still 
fresh ; the real date may be somewhat later. Edward III, 
his Queen, and the Prince of Wales are all spoken of (vv. 
129-136, 177-184) as one would speak of the reigning king 
and of persons still living ; and there is reason to think that 
it was written earlier than one of the other poems, which 
is itself to be dated before this king's death (see below on III) : 
also, if 1 caput Albaniae ' is rightly interpreted (see note on 
v. 132), it was probably written before David of Scotland had 
been released. On the other hand, the reply of the Uni- 
versity (vv. 201 foil.) is such as would have been written 
after time had been given for matters to settle down, and for 
more permanent consequences to disclose themselves. A date 
circa 1356- 1357 would satisfy these conditions. 

The other poems are all hexameters or elegiacs ; and the 
first of them, wishing long life to ' Henricus ' (probably 


Henry IV), cannot have been written earlier than the latter 
part of 1399. It is nevertheless possible for the following 
poems to have been of earlier date; and one of them (III) 
seems shown to be so by being contained also in another MS. 
(Mcrton Coll. 306), taken, as regards its general contents, to 
have been written about 1375-1380. The poem, though there 
standing isolated in a vacant page among other matter of 
a perfectly different character, does not, in Mr. Madan's 
judgement, show any trace in its handwriting, &c, of being 
a later insertion. This would seem to show that the ' rex 
Anglorum ' addressed in it is not the ' Henricus ' of the lines 
which precede it in the Bodleian MS., but either Richard II, 
or more probably Edward III, who would most appropriately 
be addressed as feared of all nations (v. 9) and as ' rex invicte ' 
(v. 29). While this would lead us to date it as written in the 
lifetime of that king, the fact that it seems to borrow ideas 
from the ' Planctus ' (see note on III. 5-8), suggests that it was 
written after that poem. 

The internal evidence of the epigrams (IV-VI) and the 
descriptive poem (VII) suggests for them also an earlier date 
than that of Henry IV, which would be at least some forty- 
five years after the events. 

The most probable supposition seems to be that the poems 
III-VII had been already collected from various sources by 
a compiler of the time of Henry IV, who had prefixed to 
them the dedicatory lines (II) to the reigning king, and that 
the scribe of Bodl. 859, perhaps a few years later, having 
obtained the ' Planctus ' from another source, completed his 
collection by appending this series as he found it, prefixing 
such titles as * sequuntur versus de eadem materia,' ' item 
versus, 5 1 versus.' 

The whole series has been transcribed by Twyne and by 
Wood, and their transcripts (preserved in the Archives and 
in the Bodleian respectively though possessing no inde- 
pendent value, sometimes contain conjectural emendations 
worthy of mention. The Bodleian has also transcripts of 
portions of VII by Richard James 2 , and of more than half the 

1 Twyne, xxi. 634 ; Wood, 7, p. 191 (O. C. 8620). 

2 R. James, 19, p. 148. 



1 Planctus ' by Hearne 1 , and the latter has edited and published 
VII (see Introductory note below), which is, as far as I know, 
the only portion of the poems (except a few lines quoted in 
Wood's Annals) that has ever been printed. 

The poems may add some touches, though probably not 
many, to what is already known of the facts and incidents of 
the fray. The forged royal edict alleged to have been put 
forward by the townsmen (I. 82-84), the large number under 
imprisonment or other sentence (I. 141), the alleged reaction 
in the country round (I. 153-156), the introduction of the 
Queen and Prince of Wales as defenders of the University 
(I. 177-184), the subsequent decay of discipline (I. 225-240, 
&c), and degradation of learning (VII. 75, &c): these and 
other statements are worthy of note, if we had but more 
effectual means of testing their truth. On the other hand the 
whole collection is evidently one of highly-coloured partisan 
literature ; the origin of the whole is set down to the malignity 
of the enemy ; not a word is said about the tavern brawl in 
which the fray took its rise, and in which it is evident from 
other accounts that provocation was given by the gownsmen 
concerned in it. The view that their conduct was from first 
to last the merest and most necessary self-defence is hard to 
reconcile, as Mr. Rashdall has pointed out (p. 406), with the 
submission made to the Council and general pardon for trans- 
gression received from it 2 . Nor can we accept the view so 
often insisted on (I. 11 7-1 20, 244 ; III. 4, 13-16 ; VII. 2, 17-18, 
&c.) that the cause of the University was the cause of the 
nobility of England against an insolent and aggressive rabble. 
Bereford and others concerned were citizens of good position, 
and in the antecedents of the strife may have had substantial 
grievances to plead ; though in the riot itself the townsmen 
put themselves utterly in the wrong by summoning the 
country folk, and using their overwhelming force to inflict 
a murderous vengeance, for which the penalties imposed could 
have been but a slight redress. 

It must also be borne in mind that such writers do not even 

1 Rawlinson, B. 106, fol. 60. 

2 That the subsequent conduct of University men tended to provocation is 
admitted in one or two places (I. 234, 269). 


profess a strict historical purpose, but seek evidently to give 
a lively picture with incidents selected for effect ; while in the 
words and expressions and other details much will have to be 
allowed for the mere exigencies of rhyme and metre. 

It may nevertheless be hoped that such sketches, of con- 
temporary, or nearly contemporary, date, whatever their defi- 
ciencies when put under the light of criticism, will be read 
with interest by students of the academical or general history 
of the period. 

I could wish that the task of editing them had devolved on 
some one less unfamiliar with the subject ; but I trust that the 
notes, for which I am indebted to such well-known sources as 
Wood, Mr. Boase, and Mr. Rashdall, will give some help 
towards explanation ; though I fear that much still remains 
obscure and unintelligible. 

Throughout this series of poems, and also in that of 
Tryvytlam which follows them, I have received kind assistance 
from Mr. F. Madan in a far greater number of instances than 
it is possible to specify in their places. 


Dialogue between the University and a Scholar. 

Scholar (vv. i-8). 
Mother, why are you so sad ? Tell me your grief, and I may show a remedy. 

University (vv. 9-124). 
Enemies have risen against me, those whom I have lifted out of the mire, 
especially John de Bereford, who was of low birth, rescued by me in boyhood from 
peril of a charge and made a servant to the scholars. By trading with the wages 
received from me he has grown rich, and has prospered by cheating, and has 
become mayor. It is this viper who has formed this conspiracy against me and 
my scholars out of malice. On St. Scholastica's day the townsmen attacked the 
scholars with arrows ; a few of the latter resist and put them to flight. Next day 
(v. 65) this fox makes proclamation in the king's name, and the townsmen arm. 
The scholars were few ; but the nobles resist bravely from midday to sunset 
without food, and drive them back to Carfax. Then alas ! they have no 
more weapons left ; the rustics pour in by thousands through the gates ; and 
a forged royal edict is issued, that the clerks are to be imprisoned as public 
enemies. The cry is ' havock,' they break into houses and set them on fire. The 
defenders, without arms, are wounded, cast into prison, despoiled of books, clothes, 
money, household goods, &c. On the next day (v. 105) more injuries are added. 
The Friars come to aid, bearing the Host before them as a shield, but even this 
is despised and treated with blasphemy. My children are slain, the noble are 
fallen ; these indignities and the loss of so many of my sons give me this sorrow. 

Scholar (vv. 125-200). 
Let your sorrow cease : the great king, the terror of the nations, takes your part, 
and breaks your enemies like a potter's vessel. Two hundred are eating the 
bread and water of affliction in chains in London ; six hundred are under the royal 
ban ; penalties hang over all. The privileges of the burghers are suspended ; the 
city is under an interdict ; if they show themselves outside Oxford, the neighbour- 
hood rises against them. The Royal edict restores all your privileges and gives 
many others. Your scholars can now rest safe under the royal protection and 
resume their studies. Return thanks to your great protectors : first and foremost to 
the King ; to the Queen, your constant patroness and defender ; to Edward Prince of 
Wales, who will beat down the proud and keep the peace of your students. The 
famous Earl of Stafford will draw his sword for you ; you are supported by the 
Archbishop of York, the bishops of "Winchester and Lincoln ; the two noble 
brothers Charlton spare neither expense nor trouble in your cause. Peace comes 
back to you, and honour to your students. 

University (vv. 201-252). 
This is true, yet I am not what I once was 1 . I have cast aside, one after 
another, for their shortcomings, the great empires of the ancient world, Assyrians, 
Medes, Persians, Greeks, Romans. I have taught the Gauls and Germans, and 
cast them off when they despised the clerks ; and, with me, the worldly power 

1 On the conception of the University here see note on v. 205. 


left them also. I came to England, and long flourished at Oxford, but I see now 
that I am despised. I had my clerks by thousands, and kept down the laity. 
Now my numbers greatly shrink ; and my virtues also are passing away from me. 
There are faults everywhere. The law is corrupted by fraud and bribery; the 
clerks are effeminate in dress and habits and provoke quarrels with the laity. 
I fear general corruption of character will ensue. Would that I could take my 
flight to the west, and find at the ends of the world a new and unspoilt race, ere 
the end of all things come. 

Scholar (vv. 253-272). 
Do not give us up. The elders are sound, and the juniors will mend their ways 
as they grow older. Give preferment to the fittest ; do justice to all ; see that the 
clerks keep peace without bearing too hard on the laity, and all will yet be well. 

University (vv. 273-284). 
After all the nations that I have tried, I still reverence Oxford and the charm of 
the place most. May those Canaanites and lepers of townsmen no longer disturb 
us and despise the nobles. May they learn that it is their best wisdom not to open 
old wounds but to keep quiet. 

Col. 1. 



Plangis in gemitu, mater Oxonia, 
Furentum fremitu, perdens praeconia ; 
Pullos dum proprios tua sub gloria 
Fugat inglorios laicorum scoria. 

Set parce lacrimis et me turn dissere : 5 
Cur sic exanimis sedes in cinere? 
Quis tibi taedia temptat intendere ? 
Forsan remedia sciam ostendere. 

Universitas Oxoniensis. 

Fili, dum recolo de gestis singulis, 
Nimirum excolo rivos in oculis : 10 
Cum in me cominus hostes in iaculis 
Patrarunt facinus horrendum seculis. 

Dotavi debiles divo dominio 
Quos fovi flebiles de sterquilinio : 

Set hi spreverunt me in lenocmio, 15 
Et deleverunt me in exterminio. 

Line 1. The emendations introduced by Twyne, Wood, and Hearne in their 
transcripts, are noted as T., W., and H. 

2. praeconia, probably ' your praise.' Throughout the MS. 1 e'' is written for 
'ae' and ' oe.' As this may sometimes cause ambiguity, I have not followed it. 

4. scoria, ' the refuse.' 

10. As the MS. is very inconsistent in its use of 'u' for i v' (as here ' riuos ') 
I have not followed it. 

13. H. thinks the MS. had originally dotamus, and W. so reads; T., by error, 
vocamur and dmrno. 



Iohannes exiit de Berefordia, 
Hie a quo prodiit praesens discordia ; 
Per quern et exulant pacis praecordia, 
Et in me pullulant lids primordia. 20 

Hie puer primitus plebei sanguinis, 
Exul et perditus loco propaginis, 
Dum ibi metuit manum gravaminis 
Sub umbra latuit mei velaminis. 

Apud me serviens diu scolaribus 25 
Dispensat gradiens cibos in laribus. 
Post haec expercior in secularibus 
Fit cito dicior suis comparibus. 

Sumens a clericis larga stipendia 
Emit a laicis rerum compendia, 30 
Et postquam viguit hie epidimia 
Male retinuit catalla nimia. 

Verborum organis blandorum deditus 
Extorquet orphanis urbanos redditus. 
Sic in nostratibus hie magis praeditus 35 
In magistratibus est maior creditus. 

Cicuta taliter in altum germinans 
Surgit regaliter herbas exterminans ; 
Saevit in laicos severe dominans, 

Semper in clericos severa machinans. 40 

Ultra progreditur rampnus exuberans, 
Matrem aggreditur proles degenerans. 
Col. 2. In me subtiliter hostes confederans 
Agit hostiliter hostis improperans. 

17. We do not appear to have means of testing this account of Bereford's ante- 
cedents. He was originally drawn into this quarrel by being owner of the tavern 
in which the riot began. He suffered imprisonment, but ultimately died wealthy, 
and was a benefactor to the church (^Wood). The inscription on bis brass, once in 
All Saints' Church, is given in Boase, p. 91. 

20. pululant MS. 

31. viginti MS. So corrected by W., who notes de pestilentia intelligendum, 
i.e. the Black Death, 1349-51. For its effects in Oxford see Wood, Annals, 
i- 449> 453- 

32. catalla, 1 chattels' ; used also of capital (Du Cange), and so apparently here. 

33. organis : probably so written, but with 'o' and 'r' confused so as to re- 
semble ' a.' 

36. According to Wood he was then mayor. Mr. Boase speaks of him as having 
been such several times. 

41. Rhamnus, pdfivos, a kind of thorn : cp. Plin. N. H. 24. 14, 76, 124. T. reads 

42. Martcm MS., W., H.: so corrected by T. (without note) in accordance with 
the context. 



In sinu matrio calescens vipera 45 
Spumat ludibrio virus et ulcera 
Dans in nefarium manus ad aspera 
Contra scolarium statuta libera. 

Set obstant clerici tantis conatibus, 
Certant pacifici pro libertatibus : 50 
Collectis denique communitatibus 
Rixa fit undique plena reatibus. 

Die qua colitur sancta Scolastica, 
Vae, sic extollitur haec fraus fantastica ; 
Fortuna flectitur mali pronostica, 55 
Et laus reflectitur ecclesiastica. 

Layci per angulos armati vagiunt, 
Prius in parvulos sagittas iaciunt. 
Ad hoc scolastici pauci resiliunt, 

Et cito laici repulsi fugiunt. 60 

Hinc vulpes temere parat insidias, 
Fingit se tremere cleri malicias. 
Guerrino turbine turbat vicinias, 
Sub regis nomine proclamat patrias. 

Sub ausu mutuo mane barbarice 65 
Burgenses denuo armant se publice, 
Inermes clericos invadunt bellice, 
Viros pacificos tractant felonice. 

Heu tunc inermium manus paucissima 
Obstat scolarium pugna fortissima : 70 
Scindit in arcubus arma foedissima, 
Cadit in ictibus laica gens maxima. 

Potenter feriunt manus nobilium, 
Laicos reiciunt usque quadrivium. 

A luce media ad solicidium 75 
Abs quavis edia committunt proelium. 

45. matrio (so in MS.) = materno, formed like patrius. T., W., H. wrongly 
read matris. 

46. ludubrio MS. 

52. reatus is used for ' guilt ' in Vulg. and St. Aug. : see below, VII. 88. 
54. vesana T. 

57. vagiunt, possibly ' cry out ' ; or are vagio and vagor confused ? 

61. Huic and hinc not distinct in MS., no dot used. 

62. Wood corrects to militias. 

64. MS. apparently preclamat, tacitly corrected by T., W., and H 

65. manne MS., probably mane, 'next morning,' i.e. Feb. 11 (see v. 105). 
W. and H. read manus, T. leaves a blank. 

67. invadiunt MS., tacitly corrected by T., W., H. 
74. quadrivium, Carfax: cp. VII. 19. 

76. edia, ' food,' formed from inedia. W. and H. wrongly read edra. 



Heii tunc scolaribus tela deficiunt, 
Ecce prae foribus forenses veniunt, 
Armati rustici milleni saliunt, 

Nudati cleri domos recipiunt. 80 
Tunc ad quadrivium bachatur ; rusticus 

Edictum regium fingit falsidicus. 

Clamant banniferi quod quisque clericus 

Tradatur carceri ut hostis publicus. 
Fol. 293. In ipso sonitu plebs se conglomerans 85 
Col. 1. Stridet in strepitu calces dilacerans, 

Vexillo prodito ad domos properans, 

Banno sic edito ' Ha wok ' vociferans. 
Domos assailiunt in ignominia. 

Securi feriunt necnon et ascia, 90 

Post haec extrinsecus ponunt incendia, 

Fortes intrinsecus defendunt hostia. 
Ignes incuciunt, flammas in foribus : 

Arma deficiunt, heu ! defensoribus. 

O sortis vanitas plena doloribus ! 95 
Probata probitas cedit tortoribus. 

Lictores properant effractis domibus, 
Mactant et vulnerant, madent sanguinibus, 
Tradunt in vinculis plures carceribus, 
Non parcunt parvulis nec sacerdotibus. 100 

Ultra desipiunt captantes spolia, 
Cuncta deripiunt supellectilia, 
Libros, pecunias, munda, iocalia, 
Vestes, corrigias, et utensilia. 

Augent iniuriis vindictam crastini, 105 
Clangunt in curiis parcentes nemini, 
Fratres accumulant manus iuvamini, 
Pro scuto baiulant, ha ! Corpus Domini. 

79. A syllable and a better rhyme to ' rustici ' are wanted : clerici would supply 
the latter, but cleri se would give the best sense. 
87. vexillo, &c. : for these details see VII. 27 foil. 

90. ferriunt MS. 90. ascia, 1 with axe.' 

92. ' hostia ' = ostia, and so read by T. and W. 

93. incinerant T. 97. efractis MS. 

99. carceribus, esp. Bocardo : see VII. 49. 102. superlectilia MS. 

103. munda, iocalia, 1 ornaments, jewels.' T. has munera. 

104. corrigias, used for a shoelace (see Tryvytlam, latides, v. 327), also for 
zona, cingulum (Du Cange). 

105. dictam MS. and W. and H. This correction seems required by sense and 
metre : ' they add yet more injuries to their vengeance.' crastini, i. e. on the third 
day (Feb. 12), see v. 65. In other accounts, this is the day of much the greatest 
havock and damage. 107. Fratres, 'the Friars.' 



Furcs inserviunt, fervent flagiciis, 
Christum proiciunt summis blasphemiis, no 
Parvos eliciunt fratrum de gremiis. 
Sanctos despiciunt summis conviciis. 

Tremunt exiciis coetus infancium, 
Caeduntur gladiis more bidencium, 
Precantur veniam manus insoncium, ub 
Non cessat quispiam rigor furencium. 

Sic arcus forcium dormit dedecore, 
Infirmi virium cinguntur robore, 
Sic languet lancea, fit vis in vomere, 
Fraus in iactancia, honor in onere. 120 

Tot Claris filiis orbata viliter, 
Tantis suppliciis cruentans graviter, 
Urgeor maesticiis incessabiliter, 
Utor ciliciis, vivo lugubriter. 

Planctus Scolaris Oxoniensis. 

Parce maeroribus, o mater gencium, 125 
Vale rumoribus, audi remedium. 
Col. 2. Hostis hastucia ruit vi fraudium, 
Tua tristicia fluet in gaudium. 

En mundi gladius, Rosa miliciae, 
Edvardus tercius potens rex Angliae, 130 
Leo Brittanicus, rectus rex Franciae, 
Pardus Ybernicus, caput Albaniae, 

Futurus denique successor Romuli ; 
Quem tremunt utique gentiles populi, 
In te complacuit pupillam oculi, 135 
Hostes comminuit ut vasa figuli. 

Ruit in rusticos virga iusticiae, 
Maiores laicos captivat rabie ; 
Quos in compedibus cibant Londoniae 
Limphis lugubribus pane tristiciae. 140 

113. exciciis MS. 114. traduntur,T. 

117. dedecore, ' in disgrace ' or ' disgracefully.' 
120. cinere T. 

123. urgor MS., so corrected by T., W., and H. 

124. ciliciis, 'haircloth,' Cic. Liv. &c. 

132. Albaniae. Albu, or Alban, is an ancient Celtic name, strictly of a part, 
loosely of the whole of Scotland (W. F. Skene, Celtic Scotland, p. 1). Edward 
might well be called 1 head ' of that country, when its king, David II, was a 
prisoner in England, 1346-1357. 

137. The king, March 5, appointed five justices to hold inquiry, and enlarged 
their powers, March 15. See Rogers, Oxford City Documents, p. 267. 



Ducentos deicit duris carceribus, 
Sexcentos subicit bannis regalibus, 
Cunctos diripiet iugis fiscalibus, 
Tandemque feriet poenis legalibus. 

Burgenses nimiis lugent ploratibus, 145 
Carentes propriis immunitatibus, 
Maiorum titulis et potentatibus, 
Exosi singulis regni magnatibus. 

Nam interdicitur tota communitas, 
Nec attribuitur ullis impunitas. 150 
Aris catholicis cessat solempnitas, 
Quousque clericis fiat indempnitas. 

Contra maleficos fremunt viciniae, 
Urgent hos laicos zelo superbiae. 

Vix est qui exeat metas Oxoniae, 155 
Quin graves habeat vices iniuriae. 

Nec sic pertransit hoc sacrilegium, 
Nam palam exiit edictum regium; 
Nec quisquam laicus senciat remedium 
Ni sic diffiniat cleri consilium. 160 

Indulsit clericis maiestas regia 
Cuncta quae laicis temptarunt odia, 
Iuraque reddidit et privilegia, 
Res amplas addidit et beneficia. 

Datur scolaribus regia proteccio, 165 
In te studentibus prompta defensio, 
Nunc saeviencium cessat presumpcio. 
In te regencium net resumpcio. 

Refunde gracias votis regalibus : 
Ilium suscipias oracionibus. 170 
Lauda prae ceteris mundi principibus 
Per quern eriperis draconum faucibus. 

142. MS. margin (in red letters) 'nota octingentos bannitos et carceratos.' The 
number is a round one, and we know not what to allow for the rounding. Among 
those imprisoned were Bereford, also Robert Lardiner one of the ballives, and John 
de Bedeford (see V and VI) and John de Norton, burghers : see Wood. 

143. A fine of £250 was levied on the community. 
147. potentatibus : cp. 'plena potentatu,' VII. 87. 

149. The interdict of the Bishop of Lincoln (John Gynwell) was issued Feb 18, 
and lasted, with some mitigations, till 1357 : see Rogers, pp. 259, 261. 
152. quotisque, here apparently 'until.' 
159. nec : so in MS. W. reads ne. 

163. Besides the restitution of former privileges, the control of the market was 
given to the University : see Wood, p. 466 ; Boase, p. 90 ; Rashdall, p. 406. . 
170. smciflias, 'take him up,' 'make him your theme.' W. reads suspicias. 


Fol. 293 b. Die iunctis manibus laudes cotidie 
Col. 1. Cunctis proceribus tocius Angliae, 

Et istis pocius patronis graciae, 175 
Qui mihi prompcius currunt memoriae. 

Anglorum gemmula, regina nobilis, 
Regni coronula, decor amabilis. 
Haec tua genitrix, patrona stabilis, 
Defensans alitrix et incessabilis. i8o 

Edvardus films princeps Wallensium, 
Alter Corinius, comes Cestrencium, 
Qui colla fodiet superbiencium, 
Pacem custodiet in te studencium. 
f En miles maximus, expers vecordiae, 185 

Hie celeberrimus comes Staffordiae 
Tibi compatitur, et ensis acie 
Clerum tuebitur ab hostis facie. 

Primas egregius Eboracensium, 
Pastor propicius Wyntoniensium, 190 
Praesul in fascibus Lincolniensium 
Pro tuis viribus sudant vi mencium. 

Germani nobiles de Charleton gemini 
Se ponunt stabiles tuo tutamini. 

Non parcunt sumptibus neque vexamini, 195 
Et florent fructibus in signo domini. 

Nam his instantibus cum dei gracia 
Maiorum nutibus complentur omnia. 
Pax tuis finibus et cum victoria 

Clares studentibus, Mater Oxonia. 200 
173. For iunctis T., W., and H. wrongly read mentis. 

182. Corineus is associated with the legend of Brutus the Trojan, and becomes 
the eponymus of Cornwall (as the latter of Britain), and is famed as a slayer of 
giants, especially Gogmagog, vanquished in a wrestling match on Plymouth Hoe. 
See Drayton, Polyolbion, i. 470-506; Milton, Hist, of Eng., Book I. Prince 
Edward, as Duke of Cornwall, is imagined as inheriting his spirit. 

186. Perhaps the same as the ' Ricardus de Stafford,' named first of the five 
justices : see above, on v. 137. 

188. acie MS. so corrected by W. and H. 

189. John (de Thoresby), Archbishop of York and Chancellor, and William 
(de Edingdon), Bishop of Winchester, Treasurer, and shortly afterwards Chancellor, 
were the chief members of the Council to which both parties made submission 
(June, 1355). On the action of the Bishop of Lincoln see above (v. 149). 

191. in fascibus, perhaps 'the bishop who bears rule at Lincoln,' or 'the bishop, 
acting magisterially.' 

193. Humphrey de Charlton, S.T.P., was Chancellor of the University 
1354-1356. His brother Ludovic appears to have succeeded him in 1357. Both 
of them, as also John de Charlton junior, LL.D., are prominent in the proceedings 
taken : see Rogers, p. 250. For these and other names see VII. 57-72. 

198. nutibus, so apparently in MS. The meaning might perhaps be ' all things 
are accomplished according to the will of our ancestors.' T. reads ritibus. 


Planctus Universitatis Oxoniensis. 

Fili, nunc gaudeo, vivo celebrius : 
Tamen quod timeo audi secrecius. 
Apud preteritos vixi perfeccius, 
Quos hinc indomitos sprevi velocius. 

Mea prudencia sprevit Assyrios, 205 
Quos excellencia fecit inglorios. 
Persas abhorruit, Medos eximios, 
Quos luxus tenuit carnis obnoxios. 

Post haec in Graecia artes institui, 
Quas ex ignavia ibi deserui. 210 
Tunc in Ytalia Romanos colui, 
Quos ex saevicia post haec obrigui. 

Instruxi postmodum superbos Gallicos, 
Feci quemadmodum fortes Germanicos; 
Col. 2. Quos pertinaciter spernentes clericos 215 
Sprevi veraciter. Veni ad Anglicos. 

Priores horrui propter haec vicia, 
Ab illis corrui propter flagicia : 
Mihi consenciit semper milicia, 

Et mecum transiit mundi potencia. 220 

Tandem Oxoniis diu reflorui, 
Septem scienciis primatum tenui ; 
Ubi gravissimis signis innotui 
Quod in novissimis fiam despectui. 

Habebam clericos in multis milibus, 225 
Domabam laicos in certaminibus. 
Heu! meis graviter nunc decrescentibus 
Marcesco taliter meis virtutibus. 

Patet in oculis defectus macula. 
Vigent in populis dicta piacula. 230 
Favor et odium, fraus et munuscula 
Iuri simplicium parant obstacula. 

Patent in clericis crinis effeminans, 
Gestus cum laicis rixas disseminans, 
Vestis apocopa anum determinans, 235 
Fastus in syncopa mores exterminans. 

205, foil. The University here speaks as the spirit of learning and civilization in 
general, which has existed from time immemorial, and in various nations successively. 
217. Hearne's transcript ends with this line. 

235. apocopus has the sense 'abscissus' (Du Cange), and Mr. Rashdall informs 
me that ' togae indecenter accurtatae ' were a very common complaint. 

anum, W. and Rich. James. The MS. has apparently ana : T. has anima^ per- 
haps intending to read animam. 

236. The context suggests that some other irregularity of dress is spoken of; but 



Tonsuram despicit ecclesiasticus, 
Passimque respicit lucra causidicus, 
Multos decipiet labor fantasticus, 

Ex istis periet honor scolasticus. 240 
Timesco graviter ne hie in posterum 

Fiat similiter, optentu scelerum 

Desit prudencia et sensus veterum, 

Ruat milicia, quod absit, procerum. 

O si respiciam plagas occiduas, 245 

Et sic praenciam gentes residuas; 

Hae forsan salient in vires strenuas, 

Ad tempus capient laudes praecipuas. 
O si attigero ad latus circuli, 

Et perlustravero sic mores populi. 250 

Forte quis capiet notam signaculi 

Quod cito veniet tunc finis seculi. 

Planctus Scolaris ad Universitatem. 
Non sic pertranseas, o regni gloria, 
Nobiscum maneas divina memoria. 
Fol. 294. In te nunc Anglici figunt tentoria, 255 
Col. 1. Exultant Wallici tua victoria. 

Absit quod propriis desis cultoribus 
Quos sic eximiis reples honoribus. 
Et si facilitas in iunioribus, 

Manet soliditas in senioribus. 260 

Licet nunc iunior agat lascivius, 
Cum fiat senior aget perfeccius. 
Hie pubescencium calor, ut saepius, 
Habet ingenium cristallo clarius. 

Set due erroneos recto regimine, 265 
Praefer idoneos doctorum culmine, 
Dispensa gracias cum moderamine, 
Redde iusticias aequo libramine. 

I can find no such sense of syncopa. The word has the general meaning defectus 
virium (Du Cange), so the line may only mean 'a pride banishing good manners 
(or morals) in a state of feebleness.' 

239. labomm MS., so corrected by W. 245. Quod si T. 

246. praeficiam, 'confer supremacy on' : T. and W. wrongly read perficiam. 

252. Quid MS., so tacitly corrected by T. and W. 

256. Exulant MS. The correction is not made by T. orW., but seems required 
by sense. 

258. exinijs MS., tacitly corrected by T. and W. 

259. ingenioribus MS., corrected by T. and W. 

266. doctori MS., so corrected by T. and W. Perhaps doctoris should be read. 
268. reddo MS., so corrected tacitly by T. and W. 


Ponas in clericis pacis compendium, 
Ne fiat laicis iniquum taedium. 270 
Sic dominaberis in laude gencium, 
Et prosperaberis ; nulli sit dubium. 

Planctus Universitatis ad Scolarem. 

Quamvis experior omnem progeniem, 
Fili, plus vereor Anglorum speciem. 
Dat locus eciam summam temperiem ; 275 
Hie ergo capiam aeternam requiem. 

O semen Chanaan Oxoniensium ! 
O lepra Naaman horum burgencium ! 
Non plus inficias regni solacium, 

Nec sic despicias genus nobilium. 280 

Sic quisque caveat ne suo scelere 
Cicatrix exeat de prisco vulnere. 
Fortuna se gerit fallaci foedere, 
Felix qui poterit in pace vivere. 


On the date of these verses, and their probable relation to 
those which follow, see Introduction, p. 166. Their meaning is 
very obscure, but may perhaps be guessed at. The first two 
lines seem to say generally that good and evil have their 
turns : Scylla (here a very different conception from that of 
classical legend) quells the waves ; Saturn, following the lead 
of Jupiter, drives them on. Sometimes poison (blight ?) falls 
upon our fruits, sometimes a mournful theme (such as the 
present) may win us praise. May we in our turn have our 
Rachel after our Leah (a good time after a dreary one) ; for 
surely a race of Goliath (a race of giants and heroes) is a 
fitting sequel to a Tobias (a son brought up in exile and 
trouble). May we, like the Hebrews, find favour in the eyes 
of our Pharaoh ; and long live Henry, who has himself been 
harassed by enemies. 

283. fedore MS., ' o ' for 1 e' as in v. 268. 
N 2 




Cilia domat fluctus, Saturnus agit love ductus, 

Fel fluit in fructus, dant plausum themata luctus. 

Fac nos, Christe pie, sic Rachel iungere Liae, 

Quod stirps Goliae fit apta sequela Tobiae. 

Sit coetus hebraicus diri Pharaonis amicus, 5 

Vivat et Henricus quem trivit in his inimicus. 

Line 1. Cilia, apparently Scylla : with agit, fiuctus seems again supplied. By 
Jupiter and Saturn probably the planets so named are meant ; but we should 
expect their influence to be antagonistic to each other: see Hor. Od. 2. 17, 22. 

4. Quod — ' inasmuch as.' T. reads sit for fit. 

5. coetus, elsewhere in these poems always used with its right quantity (e. g. 
I. 113; VII. 2, 6). 

6. quem, &c. This has perhaps no special allusion. T. reads ut for et. 


That this poem is older than the one preceding it, and that 
the king addressed is probably Edward III, has been shown 
in Introduction, p. 166. It purports to be written when the 
students were still despoiled and dispersed (vv. 29, 30), and 
does not notice in any way the prompt and immediate royal 
intervention described in the ' Planctus ' (vv. 129 ff.). It has 
the character of a mere exercise, and seems to add nothing to 
our knowledge of the circumstances. The king is urged, as 
he values the -stability of his realm, the fortunes of learning 
and nobility, and his knightly vow, to restore the decadence 
of Oxford, and to recall the scattered students. 


O rex Anglorum, quae sunt iam facta videto. 
Dudum gestorum signacula dura timeto. 
Quid, rex, est clerum sic per laicos laniari ? 
Ut fatear verum, signat proceres superari. 

Line 1. In this poem M. is used for the Merton MS., B. for the Bodleian. T. and 
W. follow B. closely : a marginal note (apparently by a later hand) in the former 
mentions M. 

2. signacula dura, 'the stern warnings conveyed by,' &c. : cp. signat (v. 4). 
4. fateor B. and T., text M. and W. 


Col. 2. En, rex, a Graecis bellans fortuna recessit. 
Cleri facta necis huius pronostica gessit. 
Signum Roma tibi quae nunc armis viduatur. 
Cur ? quia clerus ibi nec floret nec dominatur. 
En, rex, pro studio per singula regna timeris, 
Tu quia de proprio clero responsa mereris. 
O rex, tu videas spes hie discentibus an sit. 
Ut faculam foveas scintilla decora remansit. 
Rex, si sit per te cleri facies relevata, 
Est tibi tunc certe victoria magna parata. 
Si fons siccetur laico regnante furore, 
Miles vincetur belli privatus honore. 
Tu miles iuras cleri defendere iura: 
Cur nunc non curas inflicta sibi mala dura ? 
Rex, princeps, miles, clero, rogo, consocia te. 
Quisquis ad ista siles, fugiet vigor et decus a te. 
Haec duo si coeant sociali iuncta valore, 
Non sunt qui valeant nostros privare vigore. 
Hoc scio, quod clero miles bonus omnis adhaeret ; 
Solus pro vero falsus sua prospera maeret. 
Oxoniae pereant rores et germina terrae, 25 
Singula te subeant strages et iurgia guerrae. 
O plebs ingrata, regi mala signa parasti : 
Dura tibi fata venient quia tanta patrasti. 
O rex invicte, pueros recolas spoliatos, 
Sis rex vindictae, revocans terrore fugatos. 30 

5. Cur B., En M. The thought of these lines seems borrowed from the much 
fuller expansion of the same idea in the Planctus, vv. 205-220. 

6. facta seems taken as a nominative singular : ' the action of the clerks bore 
with it the presage of this death.' 

10. tu, here and v. 17, seems written 'tui' in B. The meaning of these two 
lines seems to be : ' you are feared in all the nations for your zeal and energy, 
because you win answers (win approval?) from your clerks.' 

12. facuhim, B., text M. : 'facula,' dim. of 'fax,' Plaut. &c. The spark from 
which the torch might be relit seems to be the students not dispersed. 

19. soda B., text M. 

23. omnis bomis miles B. and T., bonus omnis miles W., text M. 
25. pereunt B., pereant M. 

27. si B. and W., O. M. : with either reading plebs ingrata is vocative. 
30. revoca B., revocans M. 

IV, V, VI. 

These epigrams contain no evidence of their date, but must 
have been written when the names alluded to were still re- 
membered and the allusions were intelligible. To us they are 






conundrums only partly soluble and hardly worth solution. 
On the matrimonial quarrel described in the first (IV) no light 
from any other quarter can be thrown. In the second (V) the 
allusions to Bereford and Bedeford in the first two lines were 
pointed out by Wood (Annals, Book i. p. 458, ed. Gutch). 
The last two lines (which he did not read correctly) he gives 
up altogether. The supposition that some other leading 
townsman may have had some such name as ' Gifford ' is, as 
far as I know, wholly unsupported by evidence, and can only 
be recommended as making the lines in some way intelligible. 
That the third (VI) was a riddle on the name of Robert 
Lardiher, the ballive, was pointed out by Wood in the margin 
of his transcript. 


Clerum sponsum odit, amat uxor, lis ita prodit. 

Sponsum sponsa ferit, vir cadit, ilia terit. 
Dum cadit in tergo sub coniuge clamitat ergo 

Parce, maritus, ego scandala falsa nego. 
Dum miser implorat et pacem coniugis orat, 5 

Quos prius infamat verbere victus amat. 
Quamvis invitus fit clericus ipse maritus ; 

Sic faciet giro femina quaeque viro. 

Line I. Perhaps sponsus clerum odit should be read. 

8. quoque MS., corrected by W. ' so will each woman do to her husband all 
round (gyro"}).' 


Urgent ursina vada perturbando bovina, 
Et vada dicta precis sunt vada dicta necis. 

G vada bacchando sunt d vada dampnificando, 
G bene si radis d capud adde vadis. 

Line I. 'Bereford (see Planctus, vv. 17 foil.) is harassing Oxford with disturb- 
ance ; Bedeford (see note on Planctus, v. 142) is become deathford.' 

3, 4. The MS. appears to have 'G' in each line. T. reads 'Et' and 'O.' 
Wood (Annals) follows him. 

3. bacando MS. Wood seems wrongly to read vacando, and (in Annals) has 
(after T.) bacandae and damnific andae. The only meaning which can be suggested 
for these lines is ' G. ford ("Gifford"?) in his rioting has become d. ford by 
injuring : if you duly erase "G," add "d" as a heading to "ford." ' Dampnificando 
seems here to mean damna faciendo, as in legal phraseology of the time : cp. ' in 
dicto conftictu damnificatis'' (Rogers, p. 251) : see VI. 3. 




Lar, demon, Nero, tria sunt sine parcere vero. 

lunge simul capita, tunc fuit unus ita. 
Lar latro larvatus, de demon dampnificatus, 

Ner nequam Nero : sunt haec res pessima clero. 

1. sine parcere vero, 'without sparing truth,' i. e. telling truth without reserve. 

2. T. reads 'fiet.' The sense would be better ; the false quantity not conclusive 
against it. 

3. larvatus, ' bewitched ' (Plaut. &c.) : could it here mean ' masked ' (cp. larva, 
Hor. Sat. i. 5, 64) ? 

dampnificatus, here apparently = damnatus ; or perhaps ' punished for his 
crimes' (cp. V. 3). T. reads daetnone. 

4. sunt haec, i. e. ' my whole is.' The break-off into a hexameter ending seems 
due to the need of space to express the meaning. 


This poem, besides being contained with the others in the 
Bodl. MS., is or was contained in a MS. (of which nothing 
appears now to be known) lent to Hearne by Thomas 

Hearne has printed it in an appendix to the sixth volume 
of his edition of Leland's Itinerary, first published in 1711. 

His text is based on the Rawlinson MS. (here cited as R), 
with a careful collation of the Bodleian also (B) and with his 
own notes. The Rawlinson text appears to be in most cases, 
though not always, better than the Bodleian. The former 
also contains sixteen lines not in the latter (the latter, on the 
other hand, four lines not in the former), and has a heading 
(see text) ; the latter being only headed ' Versus,' like the 
preceding poems. Twyne and Wood follow B, except when 
otherwise stated. The poem contains no internal evidence of 
date, except so far as the liveliness of the description suggests 
that it was written when the events were still fresh in memory. 
In some graphic details it is the most interesting of the 


Oxford, its clerks, its nobles, are brought low, the slave supplants her mistress. 
After a gallant resistance the scholars are overpowered. They force their way to 
Carfax, but the rustics come pouring in, burning the gates, displaying a black flag, 



as if the king were dead, crying 'slay,' 'havock,' 'smite,' blowing horns, using 
bows and arrows. Plunder and bloodshed are everywhere ; the halls are broken 
into ; young and old suffer alike ; all are scattered ; many are thrown into Bocardo, 
with their wounds uncared for. The protection of the Friars and of the Host is of 
no avail. What do such things portend ? Ye brothers Charlton, come to the 
rescue, lay low the thieves who destroy the books. Nevill, rouse yourself and 
show your ancestral courage. Beauchamp, young as you are, be like men of 
years, be brave. Friars, proclaim the ruin of the clerks, who have to abandon 
learning for sqrdid traffic. The sheep are scattered ; the shepherds deposed ; the 
noble city has become the sport of rustics, and is stained with crime. May 
Fortune take a turn in our favour ; may God avenge our wrongs and restore to us 


Fol. 294 b, Oxoniae clerum fleo iam stimulante dolore, 

Dum coetum procerum dispersum cerno timore. 
Quae quondam viguit moderamine clericulorum 
Iam primo riguit, teritur quia fraude malorum. 
Cleri flos mundi patitur, fit et exicialis, 5 
Dum manus immundi coetus premit hunc laicalis. 
Iam regit ancilla, dominatrix suppeditatur, 
Heu mala sors ilia dum servula sede locatur. 
Mors in Marte furit fera, gens mala plebsque nephanda 
Sic clerum prurit quod et arma tulit bajulanda. 10 
Gens praemunita stipataque vi jaculorum 
Plures sternit ita virtute rotata suorum. 
Plures incedunt armati vel galeati, 
Et pueros laedunt quod non pugnare parati. 
Tunc quantum poterant pueri laicos reprimebant, 15 
Et simul obstiterant defendere se satagebant. 
O quantum prodest pravorum pellere saltum ! 

Line i. nunc B. 

2. So H. after B. cum totum procerum R. T. and W. unde. 
5. H. suggests clerus : cleri, if read, must be taken adjectively. 

9. Mars in Marte fur it, fera gens B. 

10. prurit R. and H. prorupit B. To read In for Sic would improve the 

11. praeminita R. premitiva B. praemunita H. 

12. Can rotata mean impelled? Dotata would make better sense ; and that it 
would be a false quantity is hardly conclusive against it. 

13. galiati both MSS. 

14. rarati Ik., parati B. and H. 

15. reseruabant B., text R. and H. ; also W. (in margin). 

16. nam simul obsteterant B. 

1 deceptione R. 



Asperius nihil est humili cum surgit in altum. 

Larga Dei pietas ! iuvenes Quadrivia quaerunt ; 

Magna set anxietas decepti dum redierunt. 20 

Clericulos contra dum pugnant Oxonienses, 

En dolus e contra, subito venere forenses. 

Tunc orientalis aditus petitur sine cuncta, 

Nec rumor talis legitur per secula cuncta. 

Urebat portas agrestis plebs populosa : 25 

Post res distortas videas quae sunt viciosa. 

Vexillum geritur nigrum, ' sk, sle ' recitatur, 

Credunt quod moritur rex, vel quod sic simulatur. 

Clamant ' havak, havok,' non sit qui salvificetur : 

' S?nygt faste, gyf good knok* post hoc nullus dominetur. 30 

Cornua sumpserunt, et in illis ' owt ' resonantes, 

Clericulos quaerunt, lepores velut exagitantes. 

Armaque multa ferunt agrestes arcitenenses, 

Quos conduxerunt burgenses Oxonienses. 

Hi mala fecerunt, aliquorum non miserentes; 35 

Plures venerunt victum sibi surripientes. 

Scocia, Francia, forcia proelia quando dederunt, 

Talia devia, tarn quoque vilia non retulerunt. 

Brachia, crura, pedes mucro vorat, et rogus aedes ; 

Tarn viles caedes, puto, non fecit Diomedes. 40 

Tradunt cuncta neci praedaeque cupidine tacti : 

Non cessare preci laeti de turbine facti. 

Invadunt aulas, ' bycheson cum forth,' geminantes : 

Fregerunt caulas simul omnia vi spoliantes. 

Sic occiduntur plures. In finibus istis 45 

Quod disperguntur omnes reliqui, bene scistis. 

Sicque senex patitur, iuvenis quoque presbiter ille 

19. nudi for £ iuvenes ' B ; ' iuvines,' R. 20. fit for 'set ' B. 

21. bellant B. 23. i.e. sine cunctatione. 

24. nunc rumor est talis B. 27. she she B. 

28. sic humiliatur B. N.B. : there is an erasure before it, fresh written, ' simu- 

29. ' a se' at vel ' a vok ' H. and R., ' havak et havok ' B., text W. 

30. ' Smyt fast, gyf gode knokkes, nulhis post hec dominetur B. 

w. 31-38 wanting in B. 33. architenenses R., corr. H. 

39. vorat mucro B. 

40. Exoniedes R. ; Diomedes B. and H. seeks B. ; corrected by T. and W. (in 

41-42 wanting in B. ; cupedine R. 

43. B. has ' bycthesone] corrected in same hand (later ink ?) to 1 bysthesone ' ; 
whence T. and Wood (Annals, p. 459) read ' by the sun.' H. reads as in text, 
with R., and notes the analogy of ' whoreson.' 

45. male finibus B. 46. pueri B. ; reliqui R. and H. 

47. quatitur B. ; pesbiter H. ; prespiter R. ; presbiter B. ; presbyter T. and W. 

1 86 


Ut malus impetitur, quod testantur modo mille. 

Et quod plus doleo, multos trusere Bocardo, 

Non fotos oleo, necnon medicamine tardo. 50 

Ad fratres redeunt pueros ab eis iugulantes, 

Et plures feriunt, non Christoferum venerantes. 

Heu! gens perversa, crux scinditur atque feritur, 

Ad mala conversa, ferventi strage potitur. 

Credo, praetendunt aliquid pronostica facta: 55 
Set me transcendunt, lector, quae sunt tibi tracta. 
Col. a. Vos Charltons validi, quisquis societ sibi fratrem, 
Ne sitis tepidi, cleri, defendite matrem. 
Aestimo quod plures libri vobis spoliantur : 
Sternite sic fures, donee nihilo redigantur. 60 
Vos decus Oxoniae, cleri speculum, via morum, 
Normaque iusticiae, memores sitis puerorum. 
O Nevell evigila, fructus vitis borialis ; 
Et super hoc vigila, nam clerus abest specialis. 
Patrissare soles, animosus diceris esse : 65 
Pravorum soboles minuas nunc ecce necesse. 
Non sic degener es armis totus generatus. 
Quin cleri memor es? satis es iam nobilitatus. 
Beuchamp tarn dulcis, alter Ionathas speciosus, 
Hostibus expulsis ne sis super ista morosus. 70 
Quamvis sis iuvenis, tamen extas morigerosus, 
Et geris acta senis ; rogo quod sistas animosus. 
Sermonis veri vos fratres semina dantes, 
Excidium cleri cunctis monstrate notantes. 
Clerus floridus, olim fervidus arte sophiae, 75 

49. trucere R. 50. nec fotos B. 

51. rediunt R. On the action of the Friars see I. 107. 

53. plebs B. 54. ferienti B. 56. sunt B. ; sit R. 

57. Charletoun B. ; Cartons R. and H. in text, corrected in note. On these 
persons see on 1. 193 : sociat B. ; sociato T. 

58. H. suggests defendere, and T. so reads. 

63. Newyl B. ; Nevil W. H. notes that Thomas Nevill was entered (with the 
Charltons) in the book of benefactors of the University. The context here shows 
that he was one of the northern family of that name. 

64. iam B. 

65. Patrissare, 'to take after your fathers ' (so in Plautus and Terence). 

66. minas R. ; esse R. ; minuas and ecce B. and H. 
67-68 wanting in R. degeneres B. ; corrected by W. 

68. memores B. 

69. H. notes also the name Beuchamus or Beauchamp, as mentioned with 
honour in records : another of the name is mentioned in Wood's Annals among 
those slain. 

71-72 transposed in B : sis tu tamen (' nunc ' T.) morigerosus B. ; iuvinis R. 

60. sed for sic W. 

62. sitis memores B. 

72. ut aeris acta R. 
74. ex id cleri cunctis monsirare R. 

73. primeuis veri B. 
75-76 wanting in B. 



Est modo' mercidus et iam horridus arte taliae. 

Caulae quassantur, agni mites lacerantur, 

Et male tractantur, pastores non dominantur. 

Iam nunc cernemus pastores si simulabunt, 

Et sic temptemus si clericuli remeabunt. 80 

Urbs bona, sublimis, et abundans rebus opimis 

Nunc erit ex mimis, Christo duce labitur imis. 

Urbs fortunata fuit haec, validis redimita. 

Sic vergunt fata; nunc ipsa nocet sibi vita. 

Urbs Celebris dudum, nam magnae nobilitatis, 85 

Vertitur in ludum viciosae rusticitatis. 

Plena potentatu, celeberrima, digna relatu, 

Felicissima, tu nunc es maculata reatu. 

[Si fueris lota, si vita sequens bona tota, 

Non eris ignota, non eris absque nota.] 90 
O Dea Fortuna, quo sunt tua gaudia plena? 
Verteris ut luna, set nobis nunc in amoena. 
Est Deus immotus, qui scit tolerare superbos, 
Et cum vult, ictus infundere novit acerbos. 
[Usque modo flevi, carnis incommoda levi : 95 
Set scio nempe brevi relevabitur a nece nevi.] 
O Deus accelera, dispone tua pietate 
Ut sit pax vera. Ne quis nos segreget a te. 

Anno milleno tercenteno quoque deno 

Atque quater deno, quater : hinc numero lege pleno. 100 

Expliciunt versus isti. 

76. H. explains ' mercidus ' as ' propter mercedem loquens.' It might be ' mar- 
cidus.' oridus R. taliae H. explains as 'taley,' vel 'talley ' anglice, and refers to 
Du-Fresn. v. ' Talea.' 

79. siliabunt R. 81. et omitted in B. 

82. eximis B. ; H. suggests ex minimis. 

83. fit validis et redimita B. ; redemita R. 

85. et for nam B. 87. potentatu : cp. i. 147. 

88. reatu, 'with guilt' : see on I. 52. 

89-90 wanting in B. Such an elegiac distich seems an interpolation. 

92. non, for nunc, B. ; es inamoena T. 

93. inuictus B. ; tollerare both MSS. 95-96 wanting in B. 

96. nevi : H. notes ' Sic,' and attempts no emendation or explanation. The lines 
seem to be an unmeaning interpolation. 

98. ut sit B. and H. ; et sit R. The MSS. have ' segregat: 
99-100 wanting in R. 

Expliciunt, &c. from R. ; B. has ' Acta sunt hec anno Domini millesimo ccc mo 
quinquagesimo quarto.' 



The authority for this poem is a MS. taken to have been 
written in the time of Henry VI, and first noticed by Brian 
Twyne and Richard James, the former of whom transcribed 
the whole poem, and the latter some excerpts, at some date 
probably about 1630 1 . Both state that they take it from 
a MS. belonging to Sir R. Cotton. In 1729 Hearne printed 
the poem in an Appendix to his Historia vitae et regni 
Ricardi II, stating that he took it from a MS. of the time of 
Henry VI in the possession of Roger Gale, Esq. After 
a search kindly made by Dr. Sirker, Librarian of Trinity 
College, Cambridge, the poem has been found in a volume of the 
Gale MSS. in the possession of that Society 2 , and I have had 
an opportunity of collating it, and thereby making a few cor- 
rections in Hearne's printed version, which is generally very 
careful and accurate. The same examination sufficed to show 
that the Cottonian MS. used by Twyne and James, and the 
Gale MS. used by Hearne are identical. The existing volume 
exactly answers to Twyne's description as ' a narrowe longe 
paper booke in a hand of Henry ye 6 time,' and appears to 
contain all the other matter which he and James quote 3 , and 

1 See Twyne, xxiv. 299-304; James, 7, pp. 84 foil. They had used the MS. 
independently, as their extracts of other matter from it somewhat supplement each 
other. Wood, who cites a few lines (1-8 and 449-464) in Annals, i. 78 and 491, 
appears to quote from Twyne. 

i The reference to it in their catalogue is O. 9. 38. The leaves of the MS. are 
not paged, so I can give no further reference than to say that the poem comes 
rather after the middle of the volume, and occupies eight pages in single column, 
which I have here noted as ' fol. i,' &c. 

3 On this I cannot speak positively, as I had not with me a full list of their 
other excerpts. 


at the top of its third (probably originally its first) leaf has 
written 'Bib. Cott. Vesp. E. XII.' The text appears also to 
be identical, when allowance is made for the habit, shown by 
both these transcribers elsewhere of introducing emendations 
without any note to say that they do so. How the MS. 
passed out of the Cottonian into the Gale collection is 
unknown ; but it seems to have been little valued by either 
owner ; as Hearne describes it as 1 semilacerus et squallore 
obsitus 2 ' ; and the volume, though now re-bound and ex- 
cellently cared for, shows evidence, in the condition of the 
portions at beginning and end, of former rough usage. It 
is evidently a considerable storehouse of poems on various 
subjects 3 , most of them in Latin, but some in English ; 
and its contents might well reward further search. 

The author's name is given in the title. He is shown 
throughout to be a friar, and taken from the allusion in 
v. 447 to have been a Franciscan. Hearne supposes his date 
and that of the poem to be that of the MS. containing it ; 
but internal evidence would lead us to place it somewhat 
earlier. In the attack on three individuals, forming more 
than half the composition, there is not a word to imply that 
either of them was then dead ; and the vehemence of the 
invective is such as would more naturally be shown against 
living and present antagonists ; and the only one of them who 
can be identified, Uthred de Bolton 4 , seems unlikely, from 
such dates as we have relating to him, to have lived on to 
the time of Henry VI. The title is somewhat a misnomer, 
as the University certainly comes in for more censure than 
praise, but the writer is sufficiently a diplomatist to mingle 

1 This is seen in their transcripts from the Bodl. MS. of the poems on the 
St. Scholastica riot. It is also here noteworthy that the lines 109-116, omitted in 
their proper place in the MS. and inserted at the foot of the page, with a peculiar 
mark to show where they ought to come in, are similarly transcribed out of order 
by Twyne, and referred to their proper place by a similar mark. 

2 Praef. § iv. p. xvii. 

3 Hearne gives, on Tanners authority, another form of the name as 'Trevytham,' 
which appears to be a form of the Cornish name ' Trevethan.' Hearne had thrown 
out a suggestion (for which there appears to be no evidence at all) that he was 
identical with Robert Finingham, who wrote in defence of the Franciscans in the 
time of Henry VI. Mr. Little (Hist, of Grey Friars in Oxford, p. 254) notes that 
the Library of Paris contains 'Ricardi Trevithelami supplicationes ad B. M. Vir- 

4 See note on v. 449, also p. 193, n. 6. 

i go 


the two skilfully. His special complaint against his 'alma 
mater ' is prefaced by a long general panegyric ; his invective 
against his monastic opponents generally is coupled with 
strong professions of admiration for such monks as fulfilled 
their duties and lived in peace with all ; his assault on the 
Glastonbury monk is joined with most complimentary 
language towards that house as a whole; he is careful 
throughout to assume the position of one standing on his 
defence against unprovoked persecution and obloquy. 

In trying to form an estimate of his allegations we are 
perplexed by the general vagueness and indefiniteness of the 
language used. It is natural that in speaking of contemporary 
events a writer should presuppose knowledge of the facts and 
circumstances on which his complaint is founded, but on all 
these points we are often hopelessly in the dark, unless light 
from other sources can be thrown upon his statements. In 
this our chief assistance is to be derived from Wood's researches 
on the monks and friars of Oxford, now completely set before 
us 1 , from Mr. A. G. Little's exhaustive history of the Grey 
Friars in Oxford, from Mr. Rashdall's full account, with docu- 
ments, of the controversy of the Dominicans with the University 
early in the fourteenth century 2 , and from the general 
histories of the same author and of Mr. Maxwell Lyte. 

From these sources it may be here briefly noted that 
difficulties between the University and the friars arose as 
early as 1253, owing to the enactment of a statute 3 by which 
those who had not graduated in Arts (which the friars were 
by the rule of their orders forbidden to do) were debarred, 
except by special dispensation to be unanimously granted, 
from graduating in Theology. This grievance reached a head 
sixty years later; the controversy, though in its issue con- 
cerning all the friars, being conducted by the Dominicans. 
The decision of a court of arbitration in 1314 4 upheld the 
statute, with some provisions tending to make the refusal of 

1 See Clark's edition of Wood's City of Oxford, vol. ii. ch. xxxi. 

2 'The Friars Preachers v. the University,' A.D. 1311-1313, Collectanea, ii. 
pp. 193-273. 

3 Mr. Rashdall (p. 200) speaks of a statute, Mr. Little (p. 37) of an apparently 
earlier custom. 

4 See Rashdall, p. 214; Little, p. 40. 


the grace or dispensation less arbitrary. This settlement 
remained in force ; and at dates coming down to that of this 
poem we find the friars still complaining that their degrees in 
Theology were maliciously refused 1 . Nor are their opponents 
slow to resent an arrogance of language and conduct 2 
singularly at variance with the lamb-like behaviour claimed 
for his order by Tryvytlam ; and the scandal of * wax-doctors,' 
or unlearned friars attempting to extort graces for degrees 
by letters from influential persons, was met by a statute of 
increased stringency in 1358 3 . 

The middle of the century is marked by a further general 
attack on the friars, headed by Richard Fitzralph, Archbishop 
of Armagh, who had been Chancellor in 1333 4 ; and a charge 
against them in Oxford of 'stealing children,' i.e. secretly 
inducing them to enter the mendicant orders, issues in a 
stringent statute in 1358 5 ; and, although they were suffi- 
ciently influential to procure its repeal eight years later, the 
controversy lasted into the following century 6 . 

There is thus full evidence of constant friction between the 
friars and the University throughout this century (although 
we find them intervening on behalf of the students in the 
St. Scholastica riot 7 ) ; but this poem does not distinctly allude 
to any such grievances, but primarily to the hostility of the 
Oxford monks, and secondarily to the University as favouring 
them against the friars. 

It should be noted that the Benedictine and Cistercian 
monks were later arrivals in Oxford than the friars, but had 
been established within the University before the close of the 

1 See the royal remonstrances addressed to the University on complaint of the 
friars in 1388 and 142 1 (Little, p. 41), and a case respecting the Dominicans in 
1379 (Lyte, p. 313). 

2 See Lyte, pp. 172 foil. 

3 See Lyte, 1. 1. ; Little, p. 42. 

* See Little, pp. 42, 78 ; and on Fitzralph generally Tanner, Bibliotheca, p. 283. 
He died in 1360. 

5 See Little, p. 80. 

6 Little, p. 81. Lyte also mentions (p. 304) that in the forty-six articles drawn 
up by the University in 1414 for the Council of Constance it is urged that friars 
should be restrained from granting absolution on easy terms, from stealing children, 
and from begging for alms in the house of God. He also notices (p. 338) that 
they were a constant source of anxiety to the rulers of the University in the early 
years of Henry VI (a date probably after that of this poem). 

7 See poems on this subject (T. 107, &c). 



thirteenth century 1 . Although their existence was no new 
grievance, the earlier comers may have regarded them in the 
light of interlopers, and may have looked upon their steady 
growth and development, which is one of the features of 
University life in the fourteenth century, with some natural 
jealousy. The pointed distinction drawn between the monks 
who stayed at home and those who wandered abroad 2 , and 
picked up a smattering of learning to enable them to preach 
against their rivals 3 } seems to show that the writer had such 
places as these colleges in mind ; and it is not unlikely that 
the University gladly welcomed the connexion thus formed 
with the wealthiest and most influential monasteries in the 
kingdom, and may have held out to these students and their 
teachers privileges in the attainment of degrees and other 
matters 4 which were jealously withheld from the arrogant 
and aggressive mendicants ; also that the resident monks 
would have gladly used their position to promote and applaud 
such repressive statutes against their opponents as are above 
noticed. It is implied that their teachers held positions of 
authority 5 , and certainly stated that they had full licence of 
attack 6 , that the young students were incited to ridicule the 
friars, and the laity to withdraw the alms on which their 
existence depended 7 . We cannot indeed easily believe that 
the monks were so constantly the aggressors as Tryvytlam 
makes them 8 ; but their taunts would be the more resented 

1 Gloucester College, used as a place of study by all the chief Benedictine houses 
in the province of Canterbury, Durham College, for those of the North, and Rewley 
Abbey, which became the Studium of the Cistercians, were all founded in this 
century, and in the middle of the fourteenth century Canterbury College was 
added, and Durham College was permanently endowed by Bp. Hatfield in 1380. 
Chichele's Cistercian College of St. Bernard was founded later than the date of 
this poem. On all these see Wood, City, ch. xxxi, from whom the continuators of 
Dugdale on Gloucester College (iv. 403 foil.), Durham College (iv. 676 foil.), and 
Rewley (vi. 697 foil.) chiefly draw. See also Rashdall, Hist, of the Universities, 
ii. pp. 476 foil., and on Durham College especially Mr. Blakiston in this volume. 

2 w. 177 foil., 193 foil. 

3 vv. 209-216. 

* In the absence of evidence on greater matters, we may illustrate this from 
a small point noticed by Mr. Lyte (p. 305) that some privileges in respect of the 
use of the University Library were specially given to monks, and not to friars. 

5 Cp. ' qui tuis . . . rexere cathedris ' (v. 144). 

6 Cp. vv. 135, 145 foil., 165 foil., 175, 250. Among those specially singled 
out for abuse one at least, Uthred de Bolton, is known to have written treatises 
against the friars, whether in course of teaching or otherwise, and whether in reply 
to previous attacks or not. See note on v. 449. 

7 See vv. 149-152. 8 See vv. 349-764, 485 foil. 



when those thus treated as outsiders by comparison had done 
far the most for the fame of the University as a place of learn- 
ing 1 , a boast which the body that had given to Oxford Roger 
Bacon, Duns Scotus, and William of Ockham, not to mention 
a host of lesser luminaries 2 , could most justly make. 

There is also evidence that theological controversy entered 
into the feud. Tryvytlam frequently accuses his opponents 
generally of maintaining schism and heresy 3 , and his de- 
nunciations of the blasphemies 4 , and of the empty and con- 
temptible logic 5 of his chief individual antagonists, breathe 
the spirit of religious strife. But it is remarkable in a docu- 
ment of this age to find no mention whatever of Wiclif, nor 
even any distinct allusion to him or his followers, or to his 
opinions ; the more so as one of the three persons specially 
denounced, Uthred de Bolton, is reckoned as an adherent, at 
least on some points, of the great Reformer 6 . We have 
an allusion to the teaching of the Gallican Wymundus Seyn- 
tamore 7 , and all else is general invective. 

As regards the probable truth of his statements, we find 
Uthred, the only individual attacked by him who can be 
identified, represented by other authorities in a light so wholly 
different as to cast the strongest suspicion on his representa- 
tion of the others, and on any or all of his statements which 
cannot be corroborated. If the friars had real grievances 
against the University, it is none the less probable that they 
gave it abundant provocation ; and if such a portrait as is here 
drawn of unworthy monks could be illustrated not only from 
the polemics of Wiclif, but from such contemporary lay litera- 
ture as the Canterbury Tales, the same sources give repre- 
sentations of friars such as to show that the text here quoted 
of the beam and the mote 8 can be flung back on those who 
use it. 

1 See vv. 141 foil., 161 foil. 

2 For lists of the learned men among the four orders of friars in Oxford see 
Dugdale, vi. pp. 1491 foil., 1526 foil., 1578 foil., 1597 foil.; and a far more 
complete list, as regards the Franciscans, in Mr. Little's work. 

3 See vv. 108, 116, I2T, 245-256, 405-412. 4 See v. 476. 

5 See vv. 369 foil., 465 foil. 

6 See note on v. 449. The dates there given make it probable that the poem may 
have been written before 1378, when Wiclif became hostile to the friars. 

7 See vv. 245-248. 8 See v. 385. 



Vv. 1-92. General panegyric on the University. One of your sons addresses 
you witl; grateful remembrance of benefits. Your fame transcends that of other 
seats of learning. You embrace all literature, solve all difficulties, and illuminate 
the mind as the sun does the world. 

Vv. 92-176. Yet you seem now to be declining into dotage. Like Eli, you do 
not correct your sons, and truth is obscured. You even encourage strife among 
your offspring, you set on the monks against the poor friars, who never harmed you 
and have done far more for your honour. You encourage their assailants, let your 
youths mock them, incite the laity to withdraw alms from them. I entreat you to 
stop this. 

Vv. 176-236. I have nothing to say against true monks who stay at home, 
observe their rules, and are a model of sanctity; but I complain of those who 
wander abroad and live a life of fox-hunting and luxury ; such learning or preaching 
skill as they acquire being used only as a weapon against the friars who surpass 
them. They disobey their Abbat, ride about with the airs of kings, oppress the 
weak, make it a religion to persecute us. 

Vv. 237-268. There are three leaders in this attack whom all others follow, but 
who themselves merely repeat the heresies of the Gallican Wymundus Seyntamore 
and others already condemned by the church. These come respectively from 
Glastonbury, Louth Park, and Durham, and answer to the three beasts of 
St. John. 

Vv. 269-364. The first, the Glastonbury monk, disobeys his own Abbat and is 
the disgrace of that noble monastery, maimed in his eyesight, spending his nights 
in drinking, and thus alone forgetting the world (as a monk should), and when he 
has slept off his debauch, preaching to the people against us. He may know 
something of Hector and such, but against us has nothing but abuse. Let him 
follow the illustrious Swynyshed, who never assailed us, and the example of his 
great Abbey, which has been always liberal to us, and for whose prosperity 
I devoutly pray, and trust that it may not be taken ill that I denounce this one 
unworthy member. 

Vv. 365-448. The second, the Abbat of Louth Park, assails us with verbal 
subtleties tricked out in empty rhetoric, a disgrace to his position and to those 
under him, and to the Cistercian name, condemned at Paris for his errors, careless 
of the doctrine of the fathers, living a life of feasting and wantonness, ignoring the 
great examples of old, the rule of St. Bernard, and the welfare of those under him. 
Let this Dives, who despises Lazarus, beware of the rich man's end. 

Vv. 449-496. The third, Owtrede, is a Scot, supplanting Englishmen, an evil 
from the north, a man of no forethought, using empty subtleties, and abstractions 
founded on nothing. Above all, he speaks blasphemies, denouncing the Minorites 
as impious and brutal, and by his own words condemning himself to eternal 
punishment. Can you give privileges to those who have only this to offer you ? 
Put your hands to the work, mother, and let not this triple beast destroy our 



Fol. i MS.] Ad te nunc habeo verbum, o civitas, 
Quae grandi titulo terram inhabitas, 
Quae toti seculo famosa radias, 
En ! ad te clamito, si forsan audias. 

Non Romam alloquor urbem egregiam, 5 
Non villam Cecropis, non Achademiam, 
Verum te, maximam Anglorum gloriam, 
Alumpnus invoco matrem Oxoniam. 

Set modum exprimens huius alloquii, 
Sequendo monita prophetae maximi, 10 
Ad cor Ierusalem loquar, non lapidi, 
Ad clerum scilicet sublimis studii. 

Non quidem pondero colorem rithmicum, 
Cum metra teneam et sensum congruum. 
Nam color saepius obscurat nimium 15 
Sensum qui quaeritur, et verbi commodum. 

Ut sermo seritur urbi pro civibus, 
Et vox dirigitur toti pro partibus, 
Sic tibi conquerar, mater, pro filiis, 
Qui quondam fueram unus de reliquis. 20 

Tuo recogito me pastum ubere, 
Ibique suxeram lac primum litterae ; 
Qua propter teneor tibi rependere, 
Si laudis quippiam scirem exprimere. 

Tu firma moeniis, arvis irrigua, 25 
Pratis pulcherrimis mire melliflua, 
.Fecunda frugibus, quaeque placencia 
Ministras civibus in summa copia. 

N.B. — In the spelling I have followed Hearne, who retains the MS. use of ' ci ' for 
*ti,' but not that of ' e' for ' ae' and ' oe.' Twyne and Hearne are referred to as 
T. and H. 

Line 6. Cicj-opis MS. 

O 2 


Mater miliciae cum apta fueris, 
Ut turres indicant adiunctae moeniis, ;>a 
Tamen perfeccius dotata diceris 
Minervae munere, donoque Palladis. 

Plus tibi contulit magna sciencia 
Quam umquam fecerit armorum copia. 
Beata diceris per orbis climata, 35 
Sed quia singulis solvis aenigmata. 

Grandaeva siquidem mater in filiis 
Prae cunctis urbibus gaudere poteris, 
Cum plene cogites, quot proles parturis, 
Quae mundum repleant doctrinae rivulis. 40 

Si te prioribus villis iam comparem, 
Athenas Cecropis fatebor sterilem, 
Et Achademiam urbem inutilem, 
Quae quondam dederat doctrinam uberem. 

Pallebit livida domus Romulea, 45 
Impar putabitur eius sciencia, 
Quamquam plus vicerit artis pericia 
Quam armis fecerit, vel quam potencia. 

Quod Plato dixerit, successor Socratis, 
Quod Aristoteles, huius discipulus, 50 
Quod quisque senciat perypateticus, 
Tu recte iudicans docendo discutis. 

Non Anaxagorae chaos quod posuit, 
Nec lis Empedoclis, qua mundum efficit, 
Set nec Demetrii, quern verum latuit, 55 
Te latent Attomi, quos errans cecinit. 

Non te Virgilii compta mendacia, 
Nec docti Senecae latent proverbia, 
Set nec Ovidii te fallunt carmina, 

Quae fecit Veneris arte praeludia. 60 
Quidcunque pinxerant poetae garruli, 

Quicquit discusserant veri philosophi, 

Quod magnum dixerant veri theologi, 

Ad instar exprimis Solaris radii. 

Antiqua respuens, ut dicam propius, 65 

Quicquit ediderit pulcra Parisius, 

34. fecerat T. 40. Quis T. 

50. Aristotelis MS. H. corrects in note. 

53. nam Anaxogore MS., text as corrected by H. in note, nam Anaxagoris T. 
55. Demetrii, an error of the writer for Democriti. 
66. Parisius, here a substantive, Paris', cp. v. 405. 



Ut verum fatear, informas melius, 
Licet haec opera distendat lacius. 

In te geritur quicquit scienciae 
Vel artis quaeritur cum gratia, theoricae 70 
Dicaris thalamus, platea practicae, 
Et cunctae merito fons sapienciae. 

Olim innotuit inter proverbia, 
Regnorum sicuti narrat historia, 

Quod quis interrogat, quaerat in Abela, 75 
Ubi tunc forsitan florebant studia. 

Nunc proculdubio si quicquam quaeritur, 
Cuiusque racio non clare cernitur, 
Mater Oxonia quaesita loquitur 

Quicquit in dubiis latens ambigitur. 80 

De te prophetice puto praedicitur, 
Cum vates mistice futura loquitur, 
Dicens in urbibus, quibus lex dabitur, 
Quod solis civitatis una vocabitur. 

Sicut sol aeris depellit tenebras 85 
Sic ignoranciae noctem illuminas. 
Sol quidem corpora, tu mentem illuminas, 
Ergo verissime tu solis civitas. 

Sicut sol influit terrae seminibus, 
Ut fructum proferant humanis usubus ; 90 
Sic toti seculo virtutem influis, 
Qua verum videat subductis deviis. 

Laudarem siquidem te matrem fllius, 
Si scirem dicere quicquam commodius. 
Set lingua labitur, suspirat animus, 95 
Dum te prospiciant indigna laudibus. 

Licet laudaverim, mater, quae gesseris, 
Contristor etenim quod iamiam desipis, 
Vergens in senium errore falleris, 

Heu! quae vix hactenus errasse diceris. 100 

Dum eras iunior acris ingenii, 
Vigebas lumine magni scrutinii. 
Iam tua puritas incepit minui, 
Quae tunc non potuit errore supprimi. 

Dum Hely senuit delusis oculis 105 
Repertum fuerat scelus in filiis. 

68. descendat T. 74. See 2 Sam. xx. 18. 

92. Qua, so suggested in note by H. for MS. quam : T. has quo. 
98. iamiam MS. H. wrongly reads iam. 


Sic, mater inclita, cum iam senueris, 
De tuis aliqui se dant errorihus. 

Heu ! dum sic desipis, nec prolem corripis, 
Veri fons aruit, sol fit eclipticus, no 
Vix ulla remanet spes veri luminis, 
Cum tu scienciae sol sic pallueris. 

O mater deficis, caligant oculi, 
Argus decipitur fraude Mercurii, 

Insanit Salomon ad instar fatui, 115 
Dum verum pateris figmentis subici. 

Nec errans senio sol non efficeris. 
Quinymmo propriam prolem persequeris, 
Unum in alterum armas de filiis, 

Adauges pocius quam bellum reprimis. 120 

Qui dant materiam dolendi scismatis, 
Horum potissime tu faves partibus, 
Superbos elevas tu, mites deprimis, 
Crudelis prohdolor ! mater es filiis. 

Cruentum gladium tu vibras fortiter 125 
In prolem propriam, spirans crudeliter 
Furorem fulminas, ut flammam Iubiter, 
In hos, qui serviunt tibi seduliter. 

Rachel cum lacrimis non cessat conqueri, 
Set inde condolet, quod non sunt filii. 130 
Tu tuos filios non cessas persequi, 
Quasi si ipsos cupias interimi. 

Fratres nam pauperes vix sinis vivere, 
Quinymmo monachos cogis concurrere, 
Quos de sciencia doces praesumere, 135 
Ut pacis pugiles impugnent libere. 

Quid tibi nocuit fratrum religio, 
Quid non exercuit quod prosit studio ? 
Tuorum attamen furens ambicio 

Vix sinit simplices manere medio. 140 

Mater, recogita de mendicantibus 
Quicquit contulerant tuis honoribus, 
Plus cunctis monachis, si recte videris, 
Qui tuis hactenus rexere cathedris. 

Tamen si dixerint vel quicquam monachi, 145 
Quod fiat fratribus in petram scandali, 

117. nec MS., T. and H. ; nunc seems required by sense. 

136. impugnent, so read by T. and suggested by H. for the MS. which seems to 
have impinguant. 



Tu plaudis manibus, indulgens risui, 
Quasi si sencias vim fructus maximi. 

Insontes pueros doces illudere 
Et Christi pauperes verbis proscribere, 150 
Vulgusque laicum invitas libere, 
Ut elemosinas velint subtrahere. 
Fol. ii MS.] Cur, mater, filios cur sic persequeris, 
Cur, quos tu promoves, promotos deicis ? 
Esset nam melius, quod nunquam fueris, 155 
Quam fratres persequi, postquam nutriveris. 

Tuis obtemperant in cunctis legibus, 
Student summopere tuis honoribus, 
Testes verissimi sunt tui nominis 

Coram principibus, regnis et regibus. 160 

Multoque lacius concrevit gloria 
Tui iam nominis, mater Oxonia, 
Per fratres pauperes in sphaera terrea, 
Quamque per monachos, ut probant opera. 

Cur ergo laceras insontes filios, 165 
Quare non corripis inflatos monachos? 
Saltim non foveas in malis impios, 
Qui sic continue premunt innoxios. 

Hely nam filios senos quos habuit 
Fovit in viciis, dum non corripuit. 17c 
Hinc minas Domini mortemque meruit, 
Fractis cervicibus de cella cecidit. 

O mater, caveas ab Hely crimine, 
Nec sinas filios sic insolescere. 

Compescas monachos in fratres furere, 175 
Ne fias particeps in horum scelere. 

Inter hos monachos ipsos non nomino 
Qui domi remanent, et haerent Domino, 
Qui, spreto seculo, suo coenobio 

Dei continuo se dant obsequio. 180 

Hii veri monachi re, sicut habitu, 
Hii Deo serviunt perpuro spiritu, 
Marthaeque peragunt opus in effectu, 
Mariam praeferunt mentis in exitu. 

153. prosequeris T. 156. prosequi T. 

158. MS. and H. sumopere. 

164. Quamqtte, apparently used metri gratia for quam. 

169. senos : so T. and H. : in v. 257, &c, sene seems used for sane; but perhaps 
there is here an error of the MS. for seuos {saevos). 

172. cella : so T. and H., perhaps an error of the writer for sella, 



Ad intra iugitcr vacant psalterio, 185 
Carnem subiciunt mentis dominio. 
In istis clarius sine contagio 
Bernard et Benedict floret religio. 

Non istos criminor nec horum studia, 
Quos Deo reputo vasa mundissima. 190 
Quinymmo deprecor fiant novissima 
Mea, cum morior, horum similia. 

Sed eos alloquor, qui quondam aratro 
Manus submiserant, despecto seculo, 
Ac retro redeunt spreto coenobio, 195 
Egipti cupiunt carnes in heremo. 
< Hiis labor regulae, vulpis venacio, 
Carnis deliciae, ventris refeccio, 
Hiis summum ocium est contemplacio, 
Bernard et Benedict sic perit sanccio. 200 
Fol. iii MS.] In saltu sciciunt plusquam psalterio, 
Feras interemunt venatu vario, 
Convesci renuunt esu domestico, 
Volunt enim esam de cibo regio. 

Miror quid agitant sic quadrupidia, 205 
Cum sit inhibitum eis ex regula 
Convesci talibus, set de licencia 
Abbatis forsitan praesumunt talia. 

Optentu siquidem inanis gloriae, 
Ex istis aliqui se dant scienciae, 210 
Et quia pauperes vident praecellere, 
Hos statim spiritus inflat invidiae. 

Hinc student invidi non ut aedificent 
Vel se vel alios, set nec ut praedicent, 
Nisi vel forsitan ut plebem excitent 215 
In fratres pauperes, qui vulgus edocent. 

Hos ita spiritus inflat scienciae, 
Quod iugum renuunt obedienciae, 
Abbatem proprium obiurgant libere, 
Ut Dathan et Abiron certant cum Moyse. 220 

197. The fondness of monks for hunting is often dwelt upon. See the descrip- 
tion of the monk in Canterbury Tales (Prol. 166 foil.) 'an outrydere that lovede 
venerye . . . ful many a deyntee hors hadde he in stable.' 

201. sciciunt, apparently reduplicated metri gratia for sciunt. James reads 

204. esan MS. H. reads (in note) escam. 

213. Hunc MS. ; so corrected by T., and (in note) H. 

214. To obtain skilled preachers appears to have been a chief object in the 
foundation of monastic Colleges at Oxford. See Rashdall, Hist. ii. p. 480. 


20 1 

In equis militant hii cultu regio, 
Relictis patribus et monasterio. 
Regis et monachi non est distinccio, 
Praeter quod tegitur nigro collobio. 

Urbes et villulas in equis adeunt, 225 
Nec ut discipuli Christi iam veniunt. 
Nam mente languidos siquos inveniunt 
Aut plene perimunt aut aegros deleunt. 

Quinymmo pauperes aegrorum medicos 
Fratres, iam fidei doctores strenuos, 330 
Premunt, si poterunt, per actus invidos, 
In ipsos acuunl linguarum gladios. 

Se Deo facere putant obsequium 
Dum fratres pauperes premant ad ultimum. 
De suis servulis tale praesagium 235 
Praedixit Veritas per evangelium. 

Tantae maliciae patres praecipui 
Sunt status dispares tres picti monachi. 
Unus est griseus, duo nigerrimi ; 

Sub istis militant omnes residui. 240 
Quicunque monachus fratres persequitur, 

Tanquam praecipuus istis innititur. 

Totum verumptamen, quod ab hiis dicitur, 

Libris prioribus expresse ponitur. 

Testantur etenim hoc luce clarius 245 

Libri, quos edidit Wymundus Gallicus, 

228. plene, perhaps for plane : cp. sene v. 257. 
deleunt, for delent, suited to rhyme and metre. 

238. status could be genitive of relation after dispares ; but H. suggests disparts, 
and James so reads. 

tres. On these three see vv. 257, 365, 449. From the way in which they are 
here spoken of, we should infer that they were all prominent in Oxford, and at 
about the same date with each other, and with the writer. 

242. praecipuus : so MS., T., and H. : probably praecipuis should be read. 

246. MS. libros, assimilated to quos : so corrected by T. and (in note) H. 
There seems to be some confusion in this name. The person meant must apparently 
be Guillaume de St. Amour, Rector of the University of Paris in the middle of the 
thirteenth century, who was the leader in the attacks on the Dominicans and 
Franciscans, and wrote a treatise denouncing them. Alexander IV took their part 
in 1256, condemned St. Amour's treatise, and ordered it to be burnt, and enforced 
his banishment from France. His works are extant, and further account of him is 
given in Cave, Hist. Litt. ii. 301, and in many other sources referred to in Chevalier, 
Sources Historiques du Moyen Age, p. 974, also in Rashdall, Hist. i. 382-385 ; 
who also notes (ii. 384, n. 4) that he was still read in Oxford more than a century 
later, and is often referred to by Wiclif. Whether the name, here given as 
' Wymundus,' is in any way reconcilable, or is due to error in the MS., or to 
some confusion by Tryvytlam with a Gallican Guitmond, such as the person given 
in Cave, ii. 146, &c, cannot be determined. 



Vocatus Seyntamore, expers re nominis. 
Set hos ecclesia dampnavit hactenus. 
Fol. iv MS.] Ex hiis hii colligunt quicquit hii praedicant 

In fratres pauperes vel scolis disputant, 250 
Sertaque subdole sic sibi fabricant 
Certe de floribus, quos non collegerant. 

Sic hii tres renovant dampnatas haereses, 
Quas flores nomino, sed per antiphrases. 
Hii parant fratribus lutum et lateres, 255 
Set adhuc Israel tuetur Moyses. 

Sene primum monachum profert Glastonia : 
Secundum siquidem profert Louperchia : 
i Set hostem tercium dedit Dunholmia: 

Quae triplex mistica Iohannis bestia. 260 

Iohannes loquitur sacris misteriis 
De tribus maximis erroris bestiis, 
Dracone, pardulo picto coloribus, 
Necnon de bestia cum agni cornibus. 

Nullos convicio designant rectius 265 
Istae tres bestiae, si recte videris, 
Quam hos tres monachos, qui totis viribus 
Instaurant proelia Christi pauperibus. 

Primus effigiem draconis optinet, 
Ubique valide venenum evomet, 270 
Abbatis proprii iussa non sustinet, 
Ymmo contravenit, ut falsum edocet. 

Nam Abbas providus istius monachi 
Sibi praeceperat, in partem meriti, 

247. expers, &c, ' but with no real part in the name,' no divine love in him. 

253. dampnatos MS. : so corrected (in note) by H. 

254. antrifases MS. : so corrected in note by H. 'I call them flowers, by 

257. sene, apparently for sane ; so in vv. 290, 332. 

258. Louperchia, or Parco-Luda, the Cistercian Abbey of Louth Park, Lincoln- 

261. Lohannes\ see Rev. xii-xiii. 

265. convicio. H. reads the MS. as connicio, but the word seems plainly the 
same as in v. 320, and T. so reads here. 

269. Primus. Another hand adds (in margin) de monachis. This unnamed 
monk of Glastonbury cannot be identified. Tanner (note on Uthred de Bolton) 
wrongly takes him to be Swineshed, with whom he is contrasted in vv. 321 foil. : 
we should expect to trace him at Gloucester College, and we find (Wood and 
Clark, City, p. 262) that a Glastonbury monk, whose name is unfortunately lost, 
was prior of that College in 1389. In the absence of further evidence we can only 
say that the date and the fact are suitable. 

270. evomet, used here and in 474 for evofnit. 
272. edocet, for edoceat, to suit rhyme and metre. 


Quod fratres sineret quiete perfrui. 275 
Nequaquam paruit, se dans tirannidi. 

O ! quam Glastonia felix collegium ! 
Vix habet Anglia tale coenobium. 
Set, prohdolor ! hoc membrum putridum, 
Ut potest, inficit corpus residuum. 280 

Haec ovis morbida ut gregem inficit ? 
Fermentum modicum hoc massam perimit. 
Hie si coenobio solus defuerit, 
In mundo melior coetus non aderit. 

In lege veteri, collata populo, 285 
Praeceptum fuerat, ne sanctuario 
Minister fieret laesus in oculo, 
Ne laus vilesceret in servo sordido. 

Heu ! nisi fieret lex haec abolita, 
Sene non sineret felix Glastonia. 290 
Quern satis oculi demonstrat macula 
Indignum ingredi in sanctuaria. 

Hie patris Ionadab praecepta reprobat, 
Qui Rechab filius proli praeceperat, 
Ne vinum biberet, quod luxum generat 295 
Ubi modestia modum non limitat. 
Fol. v MS.] Nam nocte qualibet, si vinum habeat, 
Tantis praecordiis Baccho sacrificat, 
Quod lingua monachi distracta cespitat, 
Et sine murmure numen magnificat. 300 

Tarn diu permanet hoc sacrificio, 
Quousque creverit tanta devocio, 
Quod obliviscitur quae sunt in seculo, 
Haec sola monachi adest condicio. 

Nutant vestigia, caligant oculi, 305 
Lingua collabitur, pes deest gressui, 
Vix unum organum ministrat sensui, 
Sic solet saepius absorptus perfrui. 

Tamen in crastino cum sol caluerit, 
Digesto paululum vino quo maduit, 310 
Hie plebi praedicat, et fratres inficit, 
Condempnat alios, nec sui meminit. 

279. prohdolor : so in v. 437 : here the MS. has prothodolor . 

289. fieret MS. and H. T. reads fuerit. 

290. sene, see v. 257. 

295. quod, so corrected by T. and (in note) H. for MS. qui. 
298. Bacho in MS. 


Licet laus vigeat huius in cronicis, 
Quod narrat optime de bellis Hectoris. 
Cum formas fabricat in quaestionibus, 315 
Tunc sermo cronici serpit inculcius. 

Set cum defecerit docendi formula, 
Cumque demerit verbi materia, 
Se vertit cicius ad improperia, 

Formis deficiens addit convicia. 320 

Subtilis Swynyshed, proles Glastoniae, 
Revera monachus bonae memoriae, 
Cuius non periit fama industriae, 
Sinebat pauperes in pace vivere. 

Iste, vix aliquam habens scienciam 325 
Respectu Swynyshed, ut verum exprimam, 
Indignus solvere eius corrigiam, 
Minatur fratribus mortis sentenciam. 

Patres praecesserant in hoc monasterio, 
Et adhuc remanent, florentes studio. 330 
Nullus in pauperes spirabat odio, 
Sene solummodo scaevum excipio. 

Ymmo, prae ceteris sacris coenobiis, 
Ubertim exhibent Christi pauperibus, 
Huius collegii sic placet patribus. 335 
Rependat munera Christus pro servulis. 

Arthuri thalamum hunc regum tumulum, 
Sanctorum plurium praeclarum scrinium, 
Boni cuiuslibet fontem irriguum, 

Conservet Dominus in omne seculum. 340 

Felix Glastonia, quisquis te fecerit 
Hostilem fratribus, sive iam fuerit 
Frater vel monachus, et non se correxerit, 
Hostilem senciat Deum dum vixerit. 

321. Roger Suicete, Swinsete, or Swinshed, was a famous mathematician about 
1350. As he is here called proles Glastoniae, perhaps Bale (p. 456, ed. 1557), who 
is followed by Pits (p. 477, ed. 1619) and Tanner (Bibl. p. 701), may be wrong in 
stating that he was a Fellow of Merton (on which doubtful point see Brodrick, 
Memorials of Mert. Coll. p. 213), and afterwards took the cowl as a Cistercian 
in coenobio sui cognoniinis (Swinstead in Lincolnshire). Tanner mentions several 
of his writings, among them in Petrum Lombardum elucubrationes. Bale adds 
that some of his errors were afterwards noticed by Ludovicus Vives, who lived 
early in the sixteenth century. 

327. corrigiam, used for any kind of leather strap (see Planctus Oxoniae, v. 104), 
and here for a shoe-latchet, as in Cic. &c. Forcell. quotes from Venantius For- 
tunatus corrigiamque pedum quonia7n est non solvere dignus. 

332. sene : cp. v. 257. 

341. quisquis'. so T. and H. (in note), MS. quisquos. 
344. vixerit, a correction of H. (in note) for MS. venerit. 



Fol. vi MS. I Et licet unicum tangam eloquio, 345 
Careret utinam qui tuo titulo, 
Spero nolueris rancorem animo 
Quemquam concipere, cum non sit racio. 

Nam si quis sedula mente tractaverit, 
Quot mala fratribus hie hostis fecerit, 350 
Non admirabitur, si recte senserit, 
Verbum pro fratribus quod quis obiecerit. 

Certe repellere vim vi lex edocet, 
Et ibi maxime, ubi videlicet 

Iusti simplicitas hostem plus provocet 355 
Mitem supprimere, quam iram mitiget. 

Qui multa loquitur numquid non audiet ? 
Aut fratres usquequo hostis percuciet? 
Num ad interitum mucro desaeviet, 
Et in silencio quisque pertransiet ? 360 

Qui plusquam fecerit hunc posse monachum 
In fratrum dedecus et exterminium 
Dicens firmaverit, dicam falsiloquum, 
Cum semper egerit secundum ultimum. 

Secundus monachus, colore varius, 365 
Pardum assimulat pictura corporis. 
Iohannes viderat hunc in misteriis, 
Hie est, ut nominem, Abbas Louperticus. 

Hie verbis militat plusquam sciencia, 
Et formas variat sine materia. 370 
Quandoque quindecim informat media, 
Quando vix unici subest sentencia. 

Hie lingua edocet loqui mendacia, 
Et quicquit loquitur, ornat facundia. 
Praecellit ceteros in lingua garrula, 375 
Set, quamquam aestimet, non in sciencia. 

Hie sacro coetui Abbas praeficitur, 
Licet inutilis, ut vulgo loquitur. 
Hie sacer Domini grex sic inficitur, 
Cum tali principi subici cogitur. 380 

364. secundum ultimum, perhaps 'after the pattern of the worst.' 

365. There seem to be no means of identifying this person ; as in Dugdale (v. 413) 
no Abbat of Louth Park is given between Richard de Lincoln, in 1355, and the 
one at the time of the dissolution. As a Cistercian (see on v. 258) he was probably- 
connected with Oxford through Rewley (see Introd. p. 192, n. 1), and perhaps some 
clue may be found in the allusion to a condemnation of his errors at Paris (v. 405). 

371. media : cp. vv. 467, 471 ; apparently ' middle terms ' of syllogisms. 
378. loquitur, apparently used for dicittir. 


Quis claustra reparet fracti coenobii, 
Quis prolem saciat verbo consilii, 
Cum iste cogitet se solum praefici, 
Ut fratres pauperes insistat persequi ? 

Festucam praevidet fratrum in oculis, 385 
Nec trabem maximam videt in propriis. 
Carnis contagium repellat primitus, 
Et fratres postea culpet securius. 

O dudum celeber Ordo Cistercii, 
Quern venustaverant patres praecipui, 390 
Quern (seclum reliquerant) devoti filii, 
Paulatim incipis honore minui. 
Fol.viiMS.] Tales incaucius patronos efficis, 

Qui praesint pocius quam prosint filiis. 

Exemplo sufficit Abbas Louperticus, 395 

In quo lux deperit et honor ordinis. 

Nam licet gaudeat magistri titulo, 
Nequaquam sufficit, ut in coenobio 
Talis praesideat, nisi devocio 

Praesit scienciae gradu continuo. 400 

Set ex sciencia qualis elacio 
Istius monachi insistat animo, 
Patet in proprii erroris devio, 
Quod tantum reputat de sensu proprio. 

Et hoc testabitur villa Parisius, 405 
Istum quae spreverat cum suis frivolis, 
Quia iam pertinax rebellis patribus, 
In suis contumax mansit erroribus. 

Hie nimis nimius in suis oculis 
Mentem non adhibet patrum sentences, 410 
Set suis iugiter utens elenchicis, 
Signum insinuat elati criminis. 

Hie vacat epulis, se dans lasciviae, 
Ut dives reprobus prandet cotidie. 

389. MS. celiber. 

391. The MS. has no parenthesis ; but H. rightly points out in note that the 
meaning is quern, qui seclum reliquerant, devoti filii. 

394. T. reads praesunt and prosunt. 

395. So T. and (in note) H. The MS. has Addis Louperticis ; the former word 
having a stroke over, as elsewhere (vv. 432, 438, &c.), in the abbreviation for 
Abbatis. The correction injures the rhyme; but this is not always strictly kept 
(cp. v. 266). 

403. The MS. has proprio with a line drawn through it and proprii written 

405. Parisius, a substantive in apposition with villa : cp. v. 66. 
410-412. Underlined in MS. 


Tunc quidem monachi non ita splendide, 415 
Cum coctum sumere foret luxuriae. 

Sui coenobii opes evacuat, 
Scillae voraginem ut ventrem repleat. 
Subiectos monachos sic Abbas spoliat, 
Et castra Veneris de claustro fulcitat. 420 

Exemplo monachis cum esse debeat 
Abbatis nomine, eoque gaudeat, 
Cur sibi subditis viam insinuat 
Qua vitas patrum perimat et destruat ? 

Hie vitas patrum deprecor aspiciat, 425 
Si forsan inibi usquam inveniat, 
Quod Abbas aliquis sic mensis affluat, 
Aut sic deliciis sicut hiis serviat. 

Num Abbas Agathon ostendit monachis 
Debere fluere mensas deliciis ? 430 
Felix Hillarion vixit radicibus, 
Set iste pascitur cibis regalibus. 

Sibi consulerem, ligna subtrahere 
Ignis, si cupiat luxus extinguere, 

Quern secum cercius portat continue, 435 
Ut satis indicat rubor in capite. 

Bernardi, prohdolor ! perit religio, 
Dum talis praesidet Abbatis solio. 
Nam, caeso principe peccati gladio, 
Grex, sibi subditus, perit continue 440 

Ut dives Lazarum hie Abbas despicit, 
Dum coetum pauperum ut potest inficit, 
Attendens minime, quod testis exprimit, 
Quod sinus Abrahae mendicum suscipit. 
Fol.viiiMS.] A fine divitis hie Abbas caveat, 445 
(Quern in conviviis satis assimulat.) 

420. The MS. has claustra and caslro, with interlinear corrections, as here read, 
in a later but ancient hand. 

fulcitat, so read by H. in note for MS. fulsitat. The verb seems to be coined 
as a frequentative of fulcio. 

425. H. notes that deprecor = precor, and that a later hand has struck out de. 

428. Apparently hie should be read. 

429. Mr. G. Holden, Sub-Librarian of All Souls College, has pointed out to 
me that the person meant is apparently the ' Abbat ' Agathon known as a hermit 
of great sanctity in Egypt, probably in the latter half of the fourth century : see 
Tillemont, Mem. Eccl. (1732), vol. x. pp. 418-427. 

431. Hillarion, the famous hermit of the fourth century. His abstinence from 
all animal food is noted : see Dean Fremantle in Diet, of Christian Biography. 
445. MS. affine. 



Ne, cum mors forsitan invisa veniat, 
Pares in crimine par poena puniat. 

lam loco tercio procedit acrius 
Armata bestia duobus cornibus. 450 
Hanc Owtrede reputo, qui totis viribus 
Verbis et opere insultat fratribus. 

Hie Scottus genere perturbat Anglicos, 
Auferre nititur viros intraneos. 

Sic, sic, Oxonia, sic contra filios 455 
Armas et promoves hostes et exteros. 

Propheta loquitur vero praesagio, 
Quod malum maximum propandet Aquilo, 
Quod super Israel ascendet populo, 
Ut verum fatear, hoc Owtrede reputo. 460 

Hie Owtrede dicitur apto vocabulo, 
Ut praefert nominis interpretacio ; 
Cum sit improvidus, et sine consilio, 
Quern magis dirigit velle quam racio. 

Hie quidem alcius insanit aliis, 465 
Solis innititur verbis fantasticis. 

449. Uthred de Bolton is mentioned in Bale (ed. 1537), p. 482, Pits (ed. 1619), 
p. 528, and in Tanner's Bibliotheca, p. 743 (where he cites Leland). All these 
speak of him as a man of the highest character, and as one of the most learned 
English Benedictines of his time, and state that he was selected from the Durham 
monks by the Prior to be sent to study at Oxford. This must have been before 
1359, m which year he received a payment towards the expenses of his degree from 
Jarrow, with further sums in 1361 and 1362 from Wearmouth (Jarrow and Wear- 
mouth Rolls, Surtees Society, 1837, pp. 42, 155, 157). He was probably Warden 
of Durham College in Oxford in 1360 (see Mr. Blakiston in this volume), and was 
Prior of Finkhale or Finchale (a subordinate cell to Durham) in 1367-1372, and in 
1377-1397 (Finkhale Rolls, Surt. Soc. 1854, lxxviii-lxxxiv and xcviii-cxvii) ; also 
one of Bp. Hatfield's trustees for the endowment of Durham College in 1 380, and 
ambassador from Edward III to Pope Gregory XI in 1374, in which year he was 
also present at a Council at Westminster on Papal tribute (Little, p. 81, n. 7). 
It is stated by Bale that he was on some points an opponent, on others a supporter 
(Pits speaks of him as an opponent only) of Wiclif's doctrines, and that on the 
latter ground he was accused of heresy by the Dominican friar Jordan, et 1 ex 
ecclesia fere proscriptus' (probably an exaggeration). Pits states that he had also 
disputes with a Franciscan named Hilton and others unde nonnullam dedecoris 
maculam celebritati nominis eius aspersam ferunt. A list is given of his writings, 
among which are treatises contra querelas fratrum and contra eorum mendicitatem, 
to which Jordan (Bale, p. 485) replied in a treatise pro mendicitate. It is observable 
that the friar ventures upon no such attack on his moral character as in the other 
two cases, but confines himself to impugning his learning and logic. 

453. He probably took his name from the manor of Bolton in Northumberland ; 
which would seem to the friar sufficient reason for calling him a Scot, a foreigner, 
and an enemy. 

458. A later hand has written ab Aquilone malum in the margin. The reference 
is to Jeremiah i. 14; iv. 6; vi. 1. 

459. Israel, undeclined, either ablative in apposition or genitive. 
461. vacabulo MS. 


Confingit media sine radicibus, 
Putatur ideo loqui subtilius. 

Dixisse memini quendam philosophum, 
Quod abstrahencium non est mendacium. 470 
Iste sic abstrahit, quod nullum medium 
Vel verum sapiat, vel locum solidum. 

Balbutit pocius quam profert sillabas, 
Cum suas evomet veneni faculas. 

Set supra singulas praescriptas bestias 475 
Os isti traditur, habens blasphemias. 

Minorum ordinem proclamat impium, 
Latronum regulam, statum brutalium 
Inobservabilem, quern nullus hominum 
Servare poterit ad vitae meritum. 480 

Ultra progrediens, infert sentenciam, 
Quod semet obligans ad dictam regulam 
Ad poenam libere se dat perpetuam, 
Et ultra renuit futuram gloriam. 

Nonne blasphemiis totus innititur, 485 
Qui contra servulos Christi sic loquitur ? 
In servo minimo nam Deus spernitur, 
Ut evangelii sermo eloquitur. 

Attendens obsecro mater ecclesia, 
Cur tali regulae confers munimina, 490 
Si, sicut loquitur haec pura bestia, 
Poena solummodo habebit praemia? 

Set iam, ne pereat haec nostra regula, 
Nec ilium subruat haec trina bestia, 
Apponas manus, o mater Oxonia, 495 
Ut perfruaris perhenni laeticia. 

Explicit materia praecedens, &c. 


467. media: cp. v. 371. 

474. evomet: cp. v. 270. 
faculas would mean 'torches' (cp. the St. Scholastica poems, III. 18) : probably 
feculas or faeculas should be read. 

477. Minorum ordinem, the Minorites (Franciscans). The writer is taken to 
have belonged to that body (see Introd. p. 189). 










The printing of the list of books given by William of 
Wykeham to his College of ' St. Mary of Winchester in Oxford,' 
otherwise New College, is due to the suggestion of a fellow 
Wykehamist, Mr. T. G. Law, Librarian of the Signet Library 
at Edinburgh, who had noted a reference to it in Thorold 
Rogers' History of Prices, as of importance to the very 
interesting and obscure subject of the price of books in the 
Middle Ages. 

I have to thank Dr. Sewell, Warden of New College, for 
allowing me to copy it from the ' Liber Albus ' of the College, 
and still more for allowing me the use of that book at home 
for the purpose. If all custodians of ancient documents, such 
as Deans and Chapters, would take example from New 
College, and render their muniments accessible to respon- 
sible inquirers in the same way, the history of a good many 
mediaeval institutions would be better known, and there 
would be a good deal less of the hasty guessing which now 
disfigures most writings on subjects of antiquarian interest. 

The 'Liber Albus' in which the list is contained is a vast folio 
volume of parchment, with 267 leaves or 534 pages, measuring 
15 in. by 105 in. It is now in a modern binding, but retains 
the colour from which it got its name. Like the ' Liber Albus' 
of York and Southwell Minsters, and many other ancient 
collegiate institutions, its primary object is to be a Chartulary, 
or Register of grants and other deeds relating to the property 
of the College. Comparatively modern institutions like New 



College had not that great mass of original ancient deeds 
relating to the slow piling up of possessions through the ages 
which caused, or necessitated, the Chartularies of primaeval 
foundations like Southwell Minster. New College received its 
endowment in one large grant from the Founder, and has but 
little after-acquired property, so that the actual grants and 
dealings with property recorded, except leases by the College, 
form but a small part of the 'Liber Albus.' Besides being 
a Chartulary or Register of Deeds, the book is also a Register 
proper, a record of the acts of the College in the election of 
Wardens, the admission of Fellows and officers, the institutions 
to livings and chantries, and the like, which in the older 
foundations formed the subject-matter of volumes separate 
from the ' Liber Albus.' A very complete history of the 
College up to 1450 — which appears to be the date at which 
it was intended to end, though there are a few extracts of later 
date, one even so late as 149 1 — so far as formal documents 
can give it, is contained in the book. Extracts from it might 
very well form a subject for a volume of the publications 
of this Society. 

The List of Books given by the Founder naturally finds its 
place in the ' Liber Albus ' in its capacity of Chartulary, for in 
a Collegiate Church or College formed ad studendum rather 
than ad orandmn, books, in the fourteenth century, formed as 
necessary a part of its endowment as lands and buildings. 

New College, like Winchester College \ was founded on the 
model of Merton College. Two Fellows of Merton — John of 
Buckingham, Canon of York, and John of Campeden, Canon 
of Southwell and afterwards Master of St. Cross by Winchester 
— assisted Wykeham in his purchases of land for New College, 
and the first Warden of the Scholars before the formal 
incorporation, Richard Tunworth, was a Fellow of Merton. 
William Reed, Fellow of Merton, Provost of Wyngham College 
or Collegiate Church in Kent, Archdeacon of Rochester, and 
finally Bishop of Chichester, either set or followed Wyke- 
ham's example by a magnificent gift of ninety-nine books 
to Merton College, the library of which he is credited with 

1 See chapter on ' Wykeham's Models' in Winchester College 1393-1893, by 
Old Wykehamists. Edward Arnold, London, 1893. 


having built, and a gift of fifty-eight volumes of Theology, 
two of Philosophy, and three of Canon Law to New College 
itself. He gave books also to other Colleges at Oxford. One 
given to Balliol, noted in Coxe's Catalogtie 1 , was probably 
given by another William Reed, being a century later. In 
the List of Books in the New College ' Liber Albus ' here 
presented, Reed's gift is given precedence of the Founder's. 
This, though the writing is clearly of the same date, rather 
suggests that his gift had been earlier than Wykeham's 

New College was of course a much larger and richer 
foundation than Merton College, and was distinctly intended 
to, and did, outshine what had till then been still the leading 
College in the University. Wykeham's gift comprised 240 or 
243 volumes, all of course MSS., of which 135 or 138 were of the 
Faculty of Theology, 28 of the Faculty of Philosophy, 41 of 
Canon Law, 36 of Civil Law. A list of books of the Faculty 
of Medicine is also given on an earlier page than the rest, 
consisting of thirty-seven volumes, and fifteen others i chained 
in the library.' But the list is not headed as being of the 
Founder's gift, no prices are given, and it is in a later hand. 
One of the books, however, which can be identified as No. 
171 in Coxe's Catalogue, is assigned by him to William of 
Wykeham, though on what evidence does not appear. Still, 
as express provision was made that two of the Fellows might 
study Medicine — a provision now unfortunately repealed — it 
seems probable that books of medicine would be provided. 
The absence of prices may perhaps be explained by the fact 
that there being so few students of Medicine, these books 
would not be in demand for borrowers. In the same hand- 
writing as the books on Medicine are two books on Astronomy. 

The large proportion that Theology bears to the philo- 
sophical, legal, and medical works was in accordance with 
the Founder's statutes. Under them there were to be always 
twenty Fellows studying Law ; if possible, ten Canon Law 
and ten Civil Law : while the other fifty followed ' the Arts, 
or Philosophy and Theology ' ; two of these being however 

1 p. 5 of Catalogus Codicum MSS., qui in Collegiis Aulisque Oxoniensibus 
hodie adservantur, by Henry O. Coxe, Oxon., 1852. 



permitted to take to Medicine, as long as they were regent 
Doctors in that faculty, and two to study Astronomy. 

This gift compares very favourably with the catalogue of 
books belonging to Oriel College in 1375, or that of St. Catha- 
rine's Hall, Cambridge, a century later, which consisted all 
told of 100 volumes. But if the list, including the books 
given by Bishop Reed and John Wykeham, nephew of the 
Founder, is a complete list of the College Library, it was 
a very poor one compared with that of the Sorbonne at Paris 
with its catalogue of 1,017 volumes in 1290, and another 70c 
in 1338. 

I do not intend to enter into any dissertation on the books 
in detail. Coxe's Catalogue is full on the books that remain. 
For the rest, the titles of most of them tell their own tale, and 
are well known ; and those that are not, such as Tractatus 
Belial, Conclusiones Rota, and The Nine Partes of Dumbelton 
must be sought elsewhere. 

Among the chief works to consult for this purpose are the 
wonderful lists of MSS. given by Leopold Delisle in his three 
magnificent volumes (which form part of the Histoire Generate 
de Paris) on the Cabinet des MSS. de la Bibliotheque Nationale, 
and therein more particularly the lists of the Library of the 
College of Sorbonne at Paris. 

In England the Cambridge Antiquarian Society has been 
beforehand with us. In vol. i of its Transactions, 1840-6, is 
a catalogue of the books given to St. Catharine's Hall by the 
Founder, Dr. Woodlark, and chained in the Library, edited by 
the Rev. G. E. Cowie, B.D. ; and the catalogue of the MSS. of 
St. John's College, edited by the Rev. Morgan Cowie, M.A. ; 
while vol. ii contains a priced list of the books given by 
Thomas Markaunt, Fellow, to Corpus Christi College by will 
of Nov. 4, 1439, edited (with divers misreadings) by J. O. 
Halliwell, afterwards Halliwell-Phillipps. In the first series of 
Collectanea of this Society (1885, p. 66) is a list of the books 
of Oriel College in 1375, while the notes on Dome's printed 
books in the two volumes of Collectanea will supply many 
identifications of Wykeham's books. 

The MSS. of Wykeham's gift that still remain at New 
College are fully described in the catalogue of the MSS. in 


the Colleges and Halls of Oxford, compiled by the late 
Bodley Librarian, Henry Coxe, already referred to in a note, 
published in 1852. It is much to be regretted that in this 
catalogue he did not follow the common practice of the 
compilers of catalogues of mediaeval libraries, and identify 
the volumes by giving the first words on the second leaf. 
This is a far quicker and more certain way of identifying 
a MS. than the elaborate descriptions he gives ; not that he 
should have left these out, but he should have put the others 
in. Many hours of thankless labour he would have saved 
if he had done so 1 . A very scanty remnant is left of the noble 
band of Wykeham's books. Of five great Bibles, one ; of 
the whole 135 or 138 Theological works, just twenty-three 
can be identified ; of the rest, one out of twenty-eight Philo- 
sophical works ; three out of forty-one in Canon Law ; none 
in Civil Law out of thirty-six. So that, out of 240 or 243 
books, only twenty-seven remain. Those that remain are 
distinguished in the List, as printed, by numbers in front of 
the name of the book, the numbers being the numbers in 
Coxe's Catalogue and in the New College MS. Auctarium 
itself. Hardly one of the original bindings remains, the 
volumes being all in one uniform calf binding, tied with strings, 
apparently of about the date of Cardinal Pole's primacy, he 
being himself a considerable donor of Greek books. 

The disappearance of the bulk of Wykeham's MSS. is 
no doubt to be attributed chiefly to that great dispersion 
which took place, when Duns Scotus and Thomas Aquinas 
were dispossessed of their thrones ; and when, as it was 
phrased by the Visitor, Dr. Layton, in his letter to Thomas 
Cromwell 2 , ' we have set Duns in Bocardo, and have utterly 
banished him Oxford for ever, with all his blind glosses. 5 
' The second time we came to New College,' he says, ' after 
we had declared your injunctions, we found all the great 
quadrant court full of the leaves of Dunce, the wind blowing 

1 Since this was in print, I find that this work of identification had already- 
been done by the present Warden of New College, when Librarian, in a finely writ- 
ten volume, a Library Benefaction Book, originally compiled by or at the direction 
of Arthur Lake, Warden of New College, and Bishop of Bath and Wells, in 1617. 
This book contains a list of benefactions to that date whether contained in the 
' Liber Albus' or not. 

2 Camden Society, 1843. Letters relating to the Suppression of the Uni- 
versities, p. 70. 


them into every corner. And there we found one Mr. Grcne- 
felde, a gentleman of Buckinghamshire, gathering up part of 
the said book leaves, as he said, therewith to make him 
"sewelles" or "blanshers" to keep the deer within the wood, 
thereby to have better cry with his hounds.' 

It is especially aggravating that, of those which do remain, 
the majority are not among the books to which prices are 
attached, only ten being priced. Judging from the analogy 
of the Library of the Sorbonne College at Paris University, 
the books not priced were chained in the Library for the 
common use of the College, the rule at the Sorbonne being 
that the best book of the class or author was chained. The 
duplicate copies and books not of general use, not chained, 
were kept in the Inner Library, and lent out to individual 
borrowers. The price put upon them was the price which the 
borrower had to pay if he lost them, and for which he generally 
had to give security. The rule of the Oxford University 
Library in 1439 was 'and for the better custody of the said 
books every of them shall be priced appreciably beyond 
the true value, which value every one taking one of the books 
on loan shall, if he lose it, be bound to pay to the chest, and 
with the sum so received another book shall be provided of 
like binding and shape, as soon as possible.' Hence it may 
be inferred that the catalogue prices were rather above than 
below the market value. 

To arrive at anything like a comparative price with the 
present day we must multiply the figures given at least 
twenty times, reading pounds for shillings. We thus arrive 
at such prices as £20 for the Golden Legend '; £6 13s. 4d. for 
the second best Life of St. Thomas (the 'martyr' of course, 
not the Apostle) ; ^53 6s. 8d. for an Augustine De Civitate 
Dei\ £6$ 6s. 8d. for St. Ambrose On the Good of Death ; 
Stephen (Langton) of Canterbury On Ecclesiastes, was 
£53 6s. Sd. ; and Notingham On the Four Gospels reaches the 
astounding figure of £133 6s. Sd., and this was apparently the 
second best copy only. The three cheapest books in the list, 
priced at lid. (or £1) each, are Sidonius' Letters, Augustine 
On the True Life, and a volume of Sermons (author not 


Philosophy seems on the whole to have run even dearer than 
Theology. Albertus (Magnus) On Vegetables, £53 6s. M. ; 
the same On the Rainbow, and Sleeping and Waking, £40 ; 
the same On Meteors, £16 13s. 4d. ; Burley On Aristotle's 
Physics, £50 ; an ordinary text of Natural Philosophy, £40 ; 
Cicero's Rhetoric, £$ ; Boethius' Arithmetic, £4. In this 
Faculty the only cheap book is a De Anima of Aristotle, 
price 6d. = 6s. Even an abbreviated commentary on the 
Physics cost 2cd. or £1 13s. 4d. 

Canon Law was a trifle cheaper. Two copies of Hostiensis 
On Canon Law cost £93 6s. 8d. and £80 respectively. The 
second best book of the Decrees, the gift of W. Tyrington, 
Canon of Lincoln, was £ico ; a fourth copy ^33 6s. 8d. ; 
a Table of the Decrees and Decretals, £46 13s. 4d. The 
Pauperum, an edition of the Decretals intended for Poor 
Scholars, cost £\o — a year's income for a rather exceptionally 
well endowed Schoolmaster, or an average Canon. The 
cheapest unannotated copy of the Decretals was £3 6s. Sd. 

Civil Law was relatively quite cheap. The most expensive 
book, ' the old Digest,' a small part of the whole Digest, being 
that part first discovered, was £30 13^. 4^. ; the ' new Digest,' 
£1$ 6s. Sd. ; the Inforciatum., £20 ; the Institutes, £40 ; the 
Code, £20. But you could lose a copy of the Inforciatum 
for £13 ; of the ' old Digest' for £5 ; and a tattered copy of 
the Institutes (debile par Institutionum) for the merely nominal 
price of £2. 

It is very difficult to find comparative prices for these 
books. The Sorbonne List contains a very large number of 
prices given in £ s. d., but it is quite clear that even at that 
time the French currency was much depreciated in value 
compared to the English. Thus sixty-two Bibles at the 
Sorbonne range from £$ to £24, or taking the same standard 
of twenty times (and considering the earlier date of the 
Sorbonne prices, about seventy years before, it ought prob- 
ably to be much higher), the cheapest Bible cost £100. 
The cheapest price of a single book of the Bible, Job, was 
5S' = £5 > the highest price of the single book catalogued 
with Job, the Apocalypse, was ^"10 = ^*200; and most of 
them inclined to the higher rather than the lower figure. 



In Canon Law a Summary by Raymund, Summa Raymundi, 
specially described in Wykcham's List as Pulcra,cost i^s.^d., 
i. c. £13 6s. ttd. In the Sorbonne List a copy of this book is 
priced at £5, i. e. £50. I have therefore not attempted a de- 
tailed comparison of the Sorbonne and New College prices. 

I append however a comparative list of the prices stated in 
Markaunt's list of gifts to C.C. C, Cambridge, and Wykeham's 
gift to New College. The books which occur in both lists are 
not, it will be seen, numerous. 





Bible ' . 










WITlcllclc OTcgOIll 



Magister Historiarum 



55 • 




Postillae super Epis- 

tolas Pauli 




OLULUb Ull X 11 ol JJUUK 

of Sentences . 




Bonaventura super Se- 

cundum Sententia- 



Distinctiones Fratris 

Nicolai de Gorham 



The Decrees 








Martin's Table of De- 

crees and Decretals 




Text of Natural Philo- 

sophy . 











Text of Philosophy . 







33 ... 






£ s. d. 

Bible . . .365 

Gregorius super Ho- 

melias Evangelista- 

rum . . . 14 o 
Magister Historiarum 168 

Glosa Ordinaria super 

Epistolas Pauli .138 

Bonaventura super Se- 
cundum Summarum 
(a mistake of tran- 
scriber) . . .140 

Gorham's Distinctions 12 o 

The Decrees . ,200 

Table of Decrees and 

Decretals . .100 

Text of Natural Philo- 
sophy ... 80 

Text of Philosophy . 10 o 
Code ... 80 


The marvel is how with books at these prices the ordinary 
student ever got books at all. In point of fact they got 
very few. Hence the importance of lectures and the insis- 
tence on frequent lectures, the master having a book and 
reading from it, the students standing or sitting round and 
taking notes. Hence too the power possessed by a few 
books which got into vogue, and the enormous influence of 
the Bible, and, later, of Aristotle. Hence too the superior 
advantages possessed by the friars in their convents, with 
a corporate library, over the ' unattached ' secular students 
who formed the bulk of the University. The collegiate 
movement was an absolute necessity if the secular University 
was not to be wiped out in the higher faculties by the influence 
of the friars. Some writers have talked as if the Colleges 
were parasites whose growth had stifled the growth of the 
University, their Alma Mater. But in truth if it had not 
been for the Colleges, there was every likelihood of the 
University sinking into a mere seminary. If it had not been 
for the Colleges, the University would have been destroyed by 
Henry VIII as simply a breeding-place of pestilent friars, if 
indeed there had been any University left to destroy. 

No wonder that the donors of books asked for, and the 
donees gave, prayers for their souls, and that gifts of books 
were entered in the College Chartularies as carefully as gifts 
of land. Bishop Reed's anxiety on this head is really quite 
pathetic ; and he seeks for prayers not only for himself but 
for the persons from whom he bought the books. Thus in 
one book, purchased early in his career, Bradwardine v. 
Pelagius (to give it a short title) is written, ' Liber Magistri 
Willelmi Reed, socii domus scolarium de Merton in Oxonia, 
quern ibidem scribi fecit de sumptibus sibi datis per Reve- 
rendum Dominum suum Magistrum Nicholaum de Sandwyco. 
Oretis igitur pro utroque et pro benefactoribus eorumdem ac 
fidelium animabus a purgatorio liberandis.' In another, the 
First part of St. Thomas Summary, is written both at the 
top and bottom of the fly-leaf, 'Liber Magistri Willelmi 
Reed Episcopi Cicestrensis quern emit a venerabili patre 
Domino Thoma Trillek Episcopo Roffensi. Oretis igitur 
pro utroque.' On giving it to New College he had the 



following inscription added: 'Liber Collegii Beatae Mariae 
Wyntoniensis in Oxonia in communi libraria eiusdem et ad 
usum communem scolarium eiusdem, maxime de diocoesi 
Cicestrensi de benignitate Episcopi Wyntoniensis in posterum 
assumendorum, cathenandus, ex dono venerabilis patris domini 
Willelmi tertii, episcopi Cicestrensis. Oretis igitur pro eodem 
et benefactoribus eiusdem ac fidelium animabus a purgatorio 
liberandis.' Therefore I have added to the lists of Wyke- 
ham's books the gifts of other benefactors entered in the 
same ' Liber Albus.' It is a pity there is no such stimulus 
to the foundation or augmentation of libraries now ; though 
of making of books there is no end. 

Arthur F. Leach. 

I ought perhaps to add that a list of books given to the chapel by Wykeham 
has been omitted as having no special interest, not containing details, while all 
are gone. The list comprised 62 volumes in all : viz., 1 2 Missals, three with music ; 
11 Antiphonars, eight described as large; one Gradual (Graduale) with music; 
one Collect book ; two Martyrologies, one large, one small ; three Lesson books ; 
13 Processionals, of which two are 'ancient'; one Ordinal, and 18 Graduals 


1 LIBRI FA CUL TA TIS THEOLOGIAE de dono f. 3 ( b ). 
venerabilis patris Magistri Willelmi Reed, Episcopi Cicestrensis. 

In primis, una spissa biblia . 
1 06 Item, Liber Sententiarum 

Augustinus super primam quin- 

quagenam Spalterii (sic) 
Augustinus super secundam quin- 

quagenam Spalterii 
Augustinus super tertiam quinqua- 

genam Spalterii 
Augustinus de civitate Dei . 

„ de facultatibus ecclesiae 
„ de libero arbitrio : alias 
liber Confessionum : Augustinus 
Augustinus de Trinitate 
Omeliae Gregorii 

„ venerabilis Bedae presby- 

Magister Historiarum . 
Liber Concordantiarum 
306 Crisostomus de opere imperfecto . 

Postillae N. de Lyra 

Nicholaus de Lira super Penta- 
theuchum et Spalterium 

Secundo folio. 
stellis alii 2 

(in textu) cultatem vo- 

forte ut iudicentur 

ad David 

aurem tuam 

(in textu) bus hue 
sit prima 

non optemperabatur 
huius loci 

gens contra gentem 
bi vestri 

domus in scientia 
mum vel 

super totam Bibliam 3 . 
exterior est 

1 The headings printed in large italics are in red in the original. 

2 These are the first two words on the second leaf, the usual way of identifying 
MSS. in mediaeval times. The words ' secundo folio ' are added to every book in 
the original lists. These I have omitted as vain repetition. ' Item ' is also put in the 
original before each book. This has been omitted for the same reason. 

3 The headings given in small italics are, in the original, written in the margin 
outside in brackets, and in red. 


Idem super Josuae Judicum cum 

Super Parabolas Salamonis cum aliis 
„ Ysaiam cum aliis 
„ Mathaeum cum aliis . 
,, Actus Apostolorum cum aliis 


sic quod 

mxta et 
ibi ultra 

cita humanitatem 
est ipse 

Thomas super Evangelia. 
Idem super Mathaeum et Marcum crederent 

Lucam et Iohannem . nomine Zacharias 

Summa Sancti Thomae. 

Prima pars summae Sancti Thomae 


Prima secundae et secunda se- 


cundae in uno volumine 

Tertia pars summae eiusdem sci- 

(in textu) effectus 

licet de Christo 

Doctor Profundus 1 de causa Dei 

cognoscere causas 

contra Pelagium 

Johannes Salusberiensis in Poli- 

(in tabula) verba quidem 


Tractatus de actibus machemeti . 


Distinctiones Nicolai Goram 

assumptus est 

Epistolae Petri Blesensis 


Speculum Sancti Edmundi . 

in te 

Prophetiae Bridlyngton cum aliis . 

iam veniens 

Alphabetum narracionum 

num nomine 

Alexander Necham de natura rerum 

nos idem £ 



Postilla N. de Lira super Evangelia 

titudinem . . pretii 2 



Mathaei et Lucae 

Libri 2 sapientiales glosati . 

quasi .... 



Quaestiones super 3 m sententia- 




rum cum aliis 

Scriptum super primum sententia- 

dicendum . 



rum cum aliis 

Collaciones de temporali cum aliis 




Antiqui sermones de temporali et 





Lectura T. Alquini super 4 to sen- 

est tamen . 




1 i. e. Thomas de Bradewardina, Chancellor of London, i. e. of St. Paul's, after- 
wards Archbishop of Canterbury. 

2 The word ' pretii,' or rather the abbreviation ' p r c ! ' is in the original written 
before each price given, but this too has been omitted as unnecessary repetition. 




55 Evangelium Johannis et Apoca- 

tibile .... 



lypsis glosatum 

Sententiae super Apocalypsin cum 

de mensura 




Notulae super 2 m librum sententia- 

vel . 




70 Concordantiae Bibliae . 

4° macer 6° 



Tabula super moralia Gregorii 

coitu .... 



97 Auctoritates doctorum cum multis 

(textu) secundum ratio- 





92 Sermones Vasconici de temporali 

rex tuus 



et Sanctis cum aliis 

Sermones collecti de Sanctis et de 

debito Io 




Sermones veteres de temporali et 

et bene 



Sanctis cum aliis 

Sermones de epistolis et evangeliis 

quia ad 



dominicalibus cum aliis 

Sermones de temporali et Sanctis . 

(in tabula) dominica qua 



„ plures de temporali 

omnis arbor 



,, de temporali per circu- 

(in textu) -dint prope 



lum anni 


Sermones N. Gorham de communi 

(in textu) dulciter 




Summa sermonum W. Lugdu- 





Sermones dominicales cum medi- 




tacionibus Bernardi 

bilispatris et domini Domini Willelmi de Wykeham Episcopi 
Wyntoniensis fundatoris Collegii praedicti. 

Secundo folio. Pretii. 

£ s. d. 

In primis una pulcra biblia . . qui populo 
Item, alia biblia .... Quare natus es 

„ .... (in textu) vixit autem . 53 4 

Magna biblia veteris testamenti . (in textu) annis et ge 
1 Una biblia magna . . . talia perstabat 
Unus liber sententiarum . . utuntur ad id reserv 
Alius „ . de rebus 

Alius „ . de trinitate . . 20 o 




Alius liber sententiarum 
Tertius et quartus liber senten- 

Prima pars speculi historialis 
Secunda pars eiusdem . 

de gemina processione . 
contra Deum facta 

(in tabula) Maria nubit 
(in tabula) Goaris con- 

iungatur et ipse 

Una tabula speculi historialis . 


Prima pars Augustini super spal- ideo non resurgunt 

Secunda pars eiusdem „ Pascha transitur 

Tertia „ quia pollicitus est 

Libri Gregorii. 

Liber moralium Gregorii . . sunt divinae 

„ „ . se sumere 

Omeliae Gregorii cum multis aliis ne durabile 

Omeliae Gregorii . . . (in textu) nullo tempore 

Magister historiarum . . . dixitque Deus 

Spalterium (sic) glosatum 

Aliud „ 


Psalteria Glosata. 

. praeter hoc 

. libri caput 

. beatus vir 

f. 4 (b). 

60 Epistolae Pauli 

Epistolae Pauli Glosatae. 

(in glosa), aput Graecos 


Postillae super epistolas Pauli 

credentibus . 

sint inexcusabiles 
et epulari . 

Libri Crisostomi. 

Crisostomus de opere imperfecto sic quam diu 
in uno quaterno 

„ in quodam quaterno Eius inclinata 

Thomas super Evangelia. 

Thomas super Mathaeum et Mar- noscendi 

Idem super Lucam . . . et hoc 

1 o 


26 8 





. d. 

Idem super Johannem 

(in rubrico) origen in 

em sectam . 
Deum et Dominum 
(3 0 folio) telligibilem 1 

Scotus super primum sententiarum 
1 6 Liber genesis glosatus . 
r y „ Leviticus glosatus 

Biblia, glosata pro maiori parte. 

Liber Josuae glosatus . 

18 „ Paralipominon glosatus 
20 Parabolae Salamonis glosatus 
24 Liber XII Prophetarum 
23 „ Ezechielis cum aliis glosatus 

Evangelium Mathaei et Marci 

Evangelium Lucae et Johannis 

27 Actus Apostolorum glosati . 

19 Liber Job glosatus 

Libri bibliae glosati. 

semper assistit 
(in rubrico) incipit 
etiam dictis 
(in glosa) Domino 
(in glosa) racio 

(in textu) it autem 

(in textu) quos elegit 
sicud de aliis 

Liber Genesis glosatus 
25 „ Esdrae „ 
21 „ Ysaiae „ 
24 „ XII Prophetarum glosatus 

Postillae super XII Prophetas et 

Evangelia Lucae et Marci glo- 

Evangelia Johannis et Lucae 

Actus Apostolorum glosatus 

tempus angelicam 
(in textu) in anno 
(in glosa) audite . 
(in textu) uxorem 

„ fuit in diebus 

(in glosa) alii concede- 

(in textu) vel momenta 

Legendae aureae. 

Legenda aurea 
Alia ,, 

va Pentecostes 

in secunda Salutem 

De vita Sancti Thomae. 
Liber de vita Sancti Thomae . (in textu) ducentae 



et in dies 


2 3 


6 8 

1 The third folio is given because folio 2 is largely taken up with an illumination 
of God, standing in an open-air pulpit, addressing Moses. 

Q 2 



Racionale divinorum . 

-plic ritus 

£ s. 


Hugo de Sanclo Victore 


Summa Collacionum . 

secundae partis 

Prophelia Sibillae 

me dicet 

Epistolae Clementis Papae . 


Liber Innocentii de miseria condi- 

Deus erat . 



cionis humanae, cum multis aliis 

Pars oculi 1 

debet alienum 

f. 5. Innocentius Papa in libro de mis- 

David prophetarum 



terio et significatione missae 

98 Summa quae vocatur numerale . 

sicut et in manu . 



Liber vocatus Augustinus de civi- 

tatis Dei 

• 53 


tate Dei 

117 Thomas super tertium 

sere sed lignum . 



Magister Historiarum . 



Summa Willelmi, Cancellarii Lyn- 

virga . 




Postillae super Johannem . 


• 13 


Thomas super primum (i.e. Sen- 


• 13 



Manipulus florum 




Bartholomaeus de proprietate re- 

duae . 

• 53 



Thomas super primum et se- 

sed scientiae 

. 26 



47 Postillae super Mathaeum . 

magestate . 

• T 3 


1 01 Historia Scholastica . 


• 23 


108 Magister sententiarum 




Postilla super parabolas, cum aliis 

et non act . 



Sermones Bernardi 

quod autem 

Postillae super parabolas Sala- 

est ut . 




Summa Altisidorus 


• 30 


Augustinus de modo vivendi, cum 

proveniet . 




Libri Ambrosii de bono mortis, 


• 63 


cum aliis 

Haymo super epistolas Pauli 

quam perthos 

. 100 


Thomas super secundum Senten- 

bono . 




1 A ' Pars oculi Sacerdotis ' comprised in the possessions of the Parochial Vicar 
of Southwell in 1 369 was valued at 6s. 8d. Visitations and Memorials of South- 
well Minster, Camden Society, 1891. Edited by A. F. Leach. 





Augustinus de verbis Domini, cum 





Sermones Beati Augustini . 

non reprehendentem . 



Bonaventura .... 




Thomas super Johannem 




40 Postillae super Ysaiam, cum aliis . 




„ Epistolas Pauli 

ille querens . 



Petrus Scenonensis 

et similiter . 



Liber Anselmi .... 

quis nunciabit 



64 Expositio super Apocalypsin 

cavit .... 



Odo de Sermonibus . 

dediti .... 



Cronica ..... 

Capadocia . 



Augustinus de correctione et 

contrarius . 



gracia, cum aliis sermonibus 

Thomas super 3 tiura et partem 4W 

heu non pert. 



Distinctiones Biardi 

congregare . 



In vitas patrum, cum aliis . 

ut vivificet . 



Unus Liber qui incipit ' attendite ' 

valida .... 



Omeliae Gregorii super Ezechiel . 

Dei omnipotentis 

Libri Petri Parisiensis . 

et prolixitate 



Sermones „ 

et ad ro 



„ fratris G. de Tornaco 

alium .... 



Distinctiones fratris Nicolai de 

aquila .... 

J 3 



Sermones pro visitacionibus 




Legenda sanctorum 

de septem fratribus 

Unus doctor vocatus Notyngham 

qua per aliud . . 6 



super 4 or Evangelia 

1 Psalterium glosatum cum glosa 

Homo miser 




1 Doctor super Psalterium vocatus 

sedere est regnantis 




1 Doctor vocatus Fyschaker {sic) 




super primum Sententiarum 

1 Doctor vocatus Stephanus Can- 

(primae partis) -tis cum 



tuariensis super ecclesiam, in 

igitur ; (secundae 

duobus volurninibus 

partis) trium ger- 

Evangelium Mathaei . 

(in textu) transmigrator 



„ Iohannis glosatum . 

concepcio . 



^4 „ 

(in textu) lumine . 



56 Quaternus sermonum . 

Ierusalem . 






£ s. 


Postillae ad Romanos in quaterno 

quod non 



Biblia versificata 

sit ... 



Notulae super Bibliam 

tempora sanctae . 



Postillae super librum Sapientiae, 




in quaterno 

Liber de Gestis .... 

te Inferior . 



Quaternus sermonum . 

(in textu) penitentiae . 



Postillae super Mathaeum, in qua- 

voce patris . 




Exposicio super psalterium, cum 

ad altare 




Epist'olae Sidonii, in quaterno 

ut acuset 


1 2 

Augustinus de cognicione verae 

cum quanta 



vitae, in quaterno 

Sermones pro diversis temporibus 

(in tabula) estote ; (in 



anni, in quaterno 

textu) fugientem 

Quodlibet, in quaterno 

fortiter ut . 



Unum quaternum 




Alium quaternum 

sufficienter . 




duobus voluminibus 

(De dono Magistri Henrici Whytefeld.) 
super Evangelia, in (primae partis) dicta 

haec sunt; (secundae 
partis in textu) erat 
autem in proximo 

(De dono Magistri W alter i Skyrlowe, Episcopi Ditnelmensis.) 

Prima pars summae Sancti qui habet scientiam 

1 Biblia parva . . . 
Josephus antiquitatum 1 
Liber concordantiarum 
Augustinus de mirabilibus sacrae 

scripturae, cum aliis 
Sermones Petri Ravennensis 
Determinaciones Gandavi 
Tractatus de penitentiis, cum aliis 

id est docibiles 
in principio 

Psalmo 5 t0 d. virum sanum 
cum suo modo 

(in tabula) curaret 

1 It is difficult to say whether this book and those following are of the Founder's 
gift or not. There is a gap after Josephus. The next book however seems to be 
written in the same hand, but Augustinus and the rest seem to be in a different and 
perhaps later hand. 


Summa de confessione et peni- 

tentia et peccatis 
Tabula in quaternis 

Beati Gregorii 

deus et Alius 

{De dono Magistri Thomae Burton?) 

Tarentinus super 4 Sententiarum . 

Una biblia sum qui 

Bonaventura super 2 m Sententia- conveniens metui 

rum ; ex donacione venerabilis 
viri Gaysgoyn\ S.T.P. facta 
dido Collegio A.D. 1449, mense 
Septembris, et die Saudi Iero- 
nimi ; et ilium librum sibi feci- 
mus ac\c\omodari ab eode?n ad 
terminum vitae suae 

Ista subscripta bona dedit Willelmus Porte [1458]. 

[Chalices, missal, vestments, &c] 
Item, librum de miraculis Sanctae 

Primam partem Redactorii moralis 
Summam praedicantium 
Psalterium glosatum . 
Rudulphum super Leviticum ; con- 

tinentur pastoralia Gregorii ; 

dialogi Gregorii; omelias eius- 

dem super Ezechielem ; omelias 

eiusdem super Evangelia 
Augustinum de civitate Dei . 
Glosam plenam et utilem, super 

4 or Evangelistas 
Augustinum de verbis Apostoli 
Vincentium in speculo historiali in 

duobus voluminibus 
Collaciones Sanctorum patrum 
Ieronimum super Matheum . 
Secundam partem dictionarii 

gratissima obtulit 

stulta enim 


um aliquando 

sed hoc verbum 


(in textu) Iacobus 

2 di Imperio 
primi, tore, 




1 This or another of the name, Mr. Thomas Gascoinge, priest, of the diocese of 
York, S.T.P. gave in 1456 the undermentioned relics. [A piece] of the Lord's 
sepulchre : of the place where Christ sweated blood : of the place where the 
B. V. M. gave up the ghost : of the flesh of St. Paul the Apostle. Bone of Blessed 
Mary Magdalen. Two small bones of St. Brigitt, widow. Bone of St. Vincent the 
Martyr. Bone of St. Ambrose, Doctor. [A piece] of the tomb of St. Gregory, 
the Pope. 

2 3 2 


Catholicon generacio 

Catoncm morelisatnm . . . neccssaria 

[After a long list of other ornaments, altar cloths, copes, 
&c, and in a different hand.] 

Prima pars dictionarii . . . Aron 

Augustinus De civitate Dei ; et de tempore 

retractationibus suis 

Liber moralium .... stabilis 

Exposicio Sancti Augustini super rorate caeli desuper 

Epistolas Pauli 2 nda parte, quidam 


Melliloquium Augustini . . in fine 

Josephus antiquitatum . . . processit 

Secunda pars eiusdem Josephi . inter eos 

1 Vita et epistolae Sancti Thomae virtutum 

In consideration of these ' precious gifts,' as they are called, 
the Warden, Thomas Chaundler, and Fellows, by Deed Poll 
dated 8 February, 145J (f. 240-1), promised special mention 
of the donor, William Port, and Alice his wife, among the 
chief benefactors of the College in their services and prayers ; 
any one convicted before the Warden and Bursars of 
omitting it, to be fined 4d. 

The books are described as 'libris, videlicet notabilibus 
viribus ad optancium sapienciam animi cicius reficiuntur, 
haereses et errores ceteri in ecclesia Christi eradicantur.' It 
is said that the donor besides these books ' tarn utiles Collegio ' 
gave other goods, jewels, and ornaments. 

Bona legata Collegio per Magistrum Iohannem Bowke 
quondam custodem Collegii antedicti. 

In primis, unum missale pro altari 

Sancti Nicholai 
[Certain vestments, &c, for the 

same altar.] 

1 Portiforium, ad usum unius socii praeterquam in 
collegii praedicti dum steterit in 

1 This is followed by an item, which I cannot help giving, though irrelevant, 
' apparatus nigrorum pannorum pulverisatorum cum leonibus fulvis pro magna 


Magistrum Historiarum . . labores hominum 
Legendam Sanctorum, ad usum (in calendario) De 

M. Nicolai Osulbury l , custodis sancto Mathia 

collegii praedicti, dum steterit in 

eodem, ita quod postea idem 

liber imperpetuum remaneat 

collegio supradicto. 

Memorandum quod Reverendissimus in Christo pater et f. 
dominus, Dominus Willelmus War ham ^ Archiepiscoptis 
Cantuariensis A.D. 1508 contidit collegio Beatae Mariae 
Wyntoniensis in Oxonia libros 2 subscripts, vis. 

In primis, unum missale, im 

pressum in pergameno 
6 1 Item, Gorham super epistolas Pauli 

et epistolas Canonicas 
Glosam super epistolas Pauli 
Magistrum Sententiarum 
129 Epistolas Ieronimi 

Augustinum De civitate Dei 

„ De natura et gratia 

cum aliis opusculis 
Expositorem super Epistolas Pauli 
„ „ libros Augus 

tini De civitate Dei 
Librum de Suetonium de vita 

Sanctum Thomam super quartum 
Primam partem summae Sancti 

Moralia Gregorii 
Racionale divinorum . 
Hugonem de Viennia super Apo- 


Librum de ministeriis (sic) missae 
Scotum super 2 uda parte Senten- 

libri racionibus 
Ad exemplum 
ut inter se 

(In textu) manendum 
Sic id est 

Nolo dicere 

Paulus servus 

primum maiorum 

Sicut Baptismus 
libri posteriorum 

vicium corporis 
Distinguitur autem 
Naturalis scientia 

Quia quis quidem 
Non enim potest 

1 Warden 1435. 

2 These books were followed by another large gift, partly of MSS. partly of 
printed books, by Warham's will, but this does not appear in the Liber Albus. 
He was a keen Wykehamist. 



Scotum super 3 a partem (sic) Sen- Ad ipsum 

Scotum super 4 parte Sententia- possit in virtute 

Unum aliud pulcrum missale, 
et nobiliter scriptum, deauratum 

Domini fundatoris praedicti. 

In primis, Bartholomaeus de pro- et de omnibus 

prietatibus rerum 
Item, liber de regimine Principum, contumelia 

cum multis aliis 

Boycius de consolacione philo- (in textu) istud opusculum 

Tractatus de spera, in parvo volu- transiens 

mine £ «y. d. 

Albertus, de Yride, et sompno et sit a luce . ,. 40 o 

vigilia, cum multis aliis 
Albertus de vegetabilibus et plantis, sit au tern . . 53 4 

cum multis aliis 

Thomas super libros Ethicorum . met . . . 10 o 

Textus philosophiae . . . subiciant que . . 16 o 
Commentator super libros phisi- ater aqua . . .134 

Textus Metha[physi]cae . . scientiam que . . 10 o 
Commentator super libros De nibus verbi gratia . 10 o 

Anima, et super libros Meta- 


Commentator super libros Caeli et quantitates unum . 5 o 

Commentator super libros De similibus et si . . 100 
Anima, et aliis multis 
229 Albertus super librum Metheo- Redeamus igitur . . 268 
rum et alios multos 

(De dono Magistri W. Reed, Episcopi Cicestrensis.) 

Liber de Anima, continens 3 libros esse dicit ... 6 
cum aliis 

Textus naturalis philosophiae . neque quale 

16 o 


£ s. d. 

Textus naturalis philosophiae 




)5 55 55 


r 3 


Egidius super libros Physicorum . 

non esset 



1 Textus naturalis philosophiae . 

et haec sine 



Exposicio Ihomae de Alqumo 

habebunt et sunt . 

• 13 


super Methaphysica Anstotehs 

1 Doctor vocatus Burley super 

incomplexa . 

• 50 


libros Physicorum 

Tractatus de Animalibus 

et oportet . 



Commentator Physicorum abbre- 

non separabile 


viatus, cum aliis, in quaterno 

Quaternus cum Commentatore 

sit si autem 


super quosdam libros Phisi- 


Quaternus cum Commentatore 

universis de vita . 


super libros Phisicorum 

(De dono Magistri W. Reed, Episcopi Cicestrensis.) 

Rethorica Tullii .... 




Arsimetrica (sic) Boecii, cum aliis 

actus . 



Textus naturalis philosophiae 

gistas . 



Unus liber perspectivae et pos r 

in collo 

cum aliis 

Unus Commentator Caeli et Mundi 

et corpus 

9 Partes Dumbelton x . 

Quaelibet res 

Commentator super libros Physi- 



Quaternus cum questionibus, et 

Et eciam 

Burlee de potentiis animae 

Domini fundatoris praedicti. 

Libri Decretalium. 
In primis, Liber Decretalium . (in textu) dampnamus 
Item, alius Liber Decretalium non (in textu) fuerunt . 3 4 

Alius Liber Decretalium . . (in textu) nam concupis- 

centiam . . . 10 o 

1 This and the two following books are in a different and apparently later hand. 


£ s. d. 

Alius Liber Decretalium . . (in textu) git et tres sunt 16 8 

Alius Liber Decretalium . . (in textu) neque genita 16 8 

(De dono Magistri W. Reed, Episcopi Cicestrensis) 
Alius Liber Decretalium . . (in textu) unum asserit 

(De dono Magistri Iohannis Billyngton.) 

Alius Liber Decretalium . . (3 0 folio) in textu tas in 


Textus 1 Decretalium dictus Pau- satisfacere . . 10 o 


Textus libri Decretalium, unde earumdem . ..50 
4 tus glossatus 

Textus Sexti et Septimi libri De- ecclesia . . .100 

cretalium, cum multis aliis 

Glosa super Decretalia . . inspicienda . . .268 

Summa T. Chabeham de prima . beati Gregorii . . 50 

Summa Raymundi, pulcra . . voluntas . . .134 

Tractatus brevis de prima, cum ingratitudo . . 50 

aliis (scratched out in original) 

Libri 6 ti Decretalium. 
Unus liber Sextus Decretalium cum (in glosa) Io. Aud. clare 

Alius liber Sextus Decretalium, (in textu) super hoc 
cum tribus glosis 

(De dono Magistri W. Reed, Episcopi Cicestrensis.) 
Alius textus Decretalium . . (in glosa) alithi lit- 100 o 

-eris papalibus 

Libri Clementinarum. 
Liber Clementinarum, cum tribus (in glosa) notatur per gar 

Alius liber Clementinarum, cum (in textu) et in scolis 
duobus doctoribus 

183 Alius liber Clementinarum, cum „ communicare 53 4 
duobus doctoribus cum 2 doctoribus 


Unus Liber Decretorum . . (in textu) privilegium 

1 It must be understood that here, as elsewhere, we revert to Wykeham's own 
gift. The interpolations in brackets are in the margin in red in the original. 


(De dono Magistn W. Reed, Episcopi Cicestrensis.) 

£ s. d. 

1 Alius liber Decretorum . . sinit, sunt autem . . 100 o 

1 Alius liber Decretorum . . (in textu) cognominatae 

(De dono Domini Willelmi de Tyrington, Canonici 

1 Alius liber Decretorum . . (in textu) ad medias 33 4 


1 Glosa super Decreta . . racio habeatur 
Alius liber Decretorum . . porro 


Tabula super Decreta et Decretalia vel contra . . .468 
Glosa Iohannis Andreae super 3 0 fo. dere a solo patre 20 o 
sextum librum 

(De dono Magistri W. Reed, Episcopi Cicestrensis.) 

Glosa Compostolani, cum pluribus profundum 
aliis tractatibus 

Hostiensis in lectura, in 2 volu- -um debet dicere com- 
minibus missae excedat 

1 Alius Hostiensis in lectura 

Hostiensis in summa . 
Alius „ 
1 Speculum Iudiciale . 
1 Speculum Praelatorum 
212 1 Reportorium Durandi 


Stipendiis militare 

alibi studentes tonsuram 4 13 4 

hiis duobus testamentis 

Item theologiam . .400 

sed secundae partis 

s cuius racionem 

De Aposta . . 10 o 

(De dono Magistri W. Reed, Episcopi Cicestrensis.] 

Johannes Andreas in Add. . . contraria inde 

Summa Summarum . . . (4 0 folio) sic quod sic 

1 Alius liber qui vocatur Iohannes (3 0 folio) infra annum 

Unus liber decretorum . . decisio 

184 „ decretalium . . suggestione 

„ sextus . . . ab eo 

Clementinarum . . in unum 

2 3 8 


Unum par dccretalium 1 

Gofredum in summa . 
vjtus liber decretalium 1 
Alius liber sextus decretalium 


in principio 
habet locum 
damus quatinus 


30 8 
75 o 

( 2 De dono Magistri Iohannis Wykeham quondam Rector is 
de Crundale.) 

Iohannes in novella super libro quid dicam 
vjto cum opere mercuriali 
2 s Petrus de Anchorano super librum loquitur de religiosis 
Clementinarum cum extrava- 

Tabula per ordinem alphabeti . ut laxiorem 
Repetitiones Domini Frederici de ^ 

Senis / ue runtur 

Questiones Oldradi, et vocatur ( ^ 

summa ' 
Iohannes in novo opere super } 

speculo /■ dividerent 

Repertorium Baldi super speculo > 
Iohannes Caldini et Gaspar super v 

libro decretalium 
Tabula Baldi super glosis et doc- 

toribus per modum alphabeti 
Reportorium Baldi super Inno- 

cencium per modum alphabeti 
Cotidiana domini Innocencii et 

continet folia 32 
Tabula eiusdem Iohannis super 

bibliam et decreta 
Margarita Baldi super Innocen- 

cium, et continet x folia 
Repetitio Domini Francisci de 


Scriptum eiusdem super arbore 
consanguinitatis t 

1 In a later ink and hand. 

2 In another hand, together with all the books specified below it. This John 
"Wykeham was the Founder's nephew. In the Founder's will he says, 'Item 
lego Magistro Joanni Wykeham, Rectori ecclesiae de Buryton pro inceptione sua 
in theologica et aliis actibus scolasticis 

3 This is wrongly attributed to the Founder in Coxe's Catalogue. 



Summa Iohannis Andreae super \ 

quartum librum Decretalium 
Tractatus Bartholomaei super re- 

probatione testamentorum 
Petrus de Anchorano super 2 0 Vcomodum 

libro Decretalium 
Iohannes Andreas super libris 


Speculum domini Baldi / 

Petrus de Anchorano super 3 et 4 castigacio 

libris Decretalium 
Conclusiones Rotae : Tractatus Dilac 

Belial : Questiones Domini 

Frederici de materia permuta- 


Iohannes de Liniano super Cle- 1 placuit 

Summa Tancreti de Corneto 

{De dono Magistri Thomae Burton?) 

Liber Decretorum . . . pronunciant 

Liber 6^9 fideli 

Liber Clementinarum . . . et pro se 

Willelmus super librum Clementi- vel occultis 

Iohannes in novella super sextum collatis 

Speculator ..... recte 

Innocentius .... qui exceptione 

Innocentius .... cum accessissent f. 14. 

Bartholomaeus Bryxencis . . ri voluntas 

De libris datis per Magistrum J. Elmer ad usum f. 46. 
Sacerdotum de capella, A.D. 141 6. 

Memorandum quod Magister Iohannes Elmer, ad usum sacerdotum 
de capella, ut eum in suis orationibus specialiter habeant commendatum 
cum eisdem condicionibus et modis, sub quibus usus librorum Collegii 
sociis conceditur, secundum discreccionem et assignaciones Decani 
Canonistae per indenturas suas hinc inde factas, ex pia largicione 
concessit et donavit Collegio libros infrascriptos, ita quod semel in 
anno vel pluries, si opus fuerit, coram eodem Decano dictorum 
librorum realis visio habeatur, viz. 



librum Decretalium . . . catum per veram 
[a blank follows for the other books, which has never been filled.] 

Quod si nullus sacerdos de capella in iure canonico studere et 
praefatos libros effectualiter occupare voluerit, tunc eundem usum 
habeat indigenter socius, iuxta discreccionem Decani superius nominati, 
donee fuit alius capellanus, qui libros huiusmodi, indigens ut prae- 
mittitur, occupabit : quo casu absque difficultate liberacio sibi fiat. 

Dictorum vero librorum reparacio ad eos qui usum habent pertinere 

' Domini fundatoris praedicti. 

Libri Institucionum. 
Imprimis, Dominus Chinus . . me uno £ s. d. 

Item, Parvum volumen . . leges 
„ Aliud parvum volumen . mulo quirites . . 40 o 

. nos Virgilius 

„ „ debile par Institucio- proprio partim . . 20 

Libri inforciatum. 

Liber inforciatus . . . . ex die matrimonii 

Alius liber inforciatus . . . (in textu) quae nupta . 20 o 

„ „ „ ... „ tarn quo dotale 13 o 

Aliud inforciatum ... „ ut etiam si . 134 

Libri Digestorum novorum. 

Digestum novum non ligatum . (in textu) sin autem 
Aliud Digestum novum . . „ nam in hiis . 234 
„ . „ depupillo 

Libri codicis. 

1 Codex a prohemio . . . (in textu) applicans ex- 20 o 


1 alius codex prohemio . . (in textu) sedes doc- 


„ „ „ . . (in textu) ium hoc quod 6 8 

„ » imitatavel . 5 o 

Libri Digestum vetus. 

Digestum vetus . . . (in textu) scriba eius . 5 o 

Aliud Digestum vetus a prohemio „ videtur esse 





Aliud digestum vetus a prohemio . 

(in textu) uus in titulo 



Digestum vetus 1 .... 

„ gibus ideo que 

>> >> • • 

compositae sunt 

„ inforciatum . 

Item ob res 


j> » ... 

(erased and illegible) 
quis muro 

» >> ... 

simul erit 


fragium sanctioni 

Azonem in Summa 

Maria et homo 

Casuarium super codice 

iubemus dicitur 

Rofredum cum duobus aliis doc- 

secundum legem et se- 


cundum canones 

Codices empti de pecuniis Domini 

consularis . 



per manus Willelmi Reede 

Digestum vetus .... 

eo anno 

Digestum inforciatum . 

alii viro 



„ vetus . . 

(in textu) tribus quia 



1 Codex 

faciat .... 



cati nullatenus 




advocati nullatenus 



Digestum vetus .... 

ciones et libri 



Ex dono Magistri Iohannis quondam Rectoris Bonon. 
Opus Baldi super 10a collac 
Commentum eiusdem de Pace 

Lectura Domini Bartholi super 

3 bns libris extraordinariis, et 

quaestiones Iohannis Caldrini 

Presens inscriptio 2 deducat in noticiam praesencium et memoriam f. 
futurorum quod bonae memoriae Magister Robertus Keton, licenciatus 
in legibus, et quondam socius Collegii Beatae Mariae Wyntoniensis in 
Oxonia, qui a.d. 1429 in festo Bartholomaei migravit a seculo, ad 
honorem Dei et gloriosae virginis matris eius, et ob salutem animae 
suae et caritatis intuitu, ut eo specialius atque devocius inter ceteros 
dicti Collegii benefactores ipsius memoria in communibus eiusdem 
loci suffragiis recolatur, legavit eidem collegio bona subscripta, viz. 

1 The rest of the Civil Law books are in another hand, but whether later is 

2 In a later hand. 


intentum suum 



Unum corpus iuris civilis, > 

unum parvum volumen . 
Item, unum Corpus . 
Digestum vetus 

„ „ inforciatum 

„ „ novum 

„ Iacobus de Ravenna super 

Digestum novum 
Et qui hanc inscriptionem deleverit Anathema sit etc. 

secundo folio (in textu) eruditos 
„ studioque 
„ ingestente 
collapsum restituit 

vel ecclesiae. 

Libri donati Collegio per Magistrum Willelmum Pakeii ad usum 
Thomae Brent dum steterit in Collegio, deinde ad usum alicuius 
alterius socii. 

Liber Decretalium 


In antiqua compilacione 
Liber Clementinarum . 
W. in speculo 



(b.) Iohannes Bristow, capellanus ac vicarius perpetuus Collegii Sancti 
Stephani apud Westmonasterium, donavit librum Collegio Beatae 
Mariae Wyntoniensis in Oxonia vocatum Sophilegium, a. d. 1462, 
10 Februarii, per manus Georgii Dawne, custodis capellae praedictae. 


70 Ars medicinae 

Contentum de libris Galieni . 
Expositor super artem medicinae 
Antitodorium (sic) Nicholai . 
Liber Cirurgiae . 
,, medicinae . 

„ cum expositorio 
„ medicinae . 
Practica Bartholomaei 
71 Liber medicinae . 

Passionarium Galieni 

Caphonis . 

ab aequalitate 

historum musculorum 

tica musica 

fe ten* a 




non faciunt 



grossis alaudis 

labia ulcerata 



dicti sunt 


This list is in another and apparently later hand than the other main lists. 


Liber medicinae . 
„ artis medicinae 

Rasiz in Almos . 
63 Averoys in collecta 
67 Liber medicinae . 

Antitodorium Nicholai 
Liber medicinae . 

„ cirurgiae . 
Passionarium commune cum aliis . 
Liber alter Ypocratis . 
Pars Gilbertini Anglici, cum aliis . 
Girardus super viatico constanti, 

cum aliis 
Galienus de interioribus, cum aliis 
Passionarium commune 
Liber continens problemata auxi- 

liaria viatico constanti, cum aliis 
Antitodorium Nicholai cum aliis . 

cibus qui 
qua calor 
de residuo 

vera Trenesis 



et ideo 

cuius signum 

item Galienus 

Libri medicinae cathenati in libraria. 

f. 1 (b). 

Galienus de electis, cum aliis 

64 Collecta Averoys cum aliis . 
Ars Medicinae . 
Canon Avicennae 

68 Tractatus Mesue de simplicibus 
Tractatus Benvenuti Graphoei de 

medicina oculorum et aliis 
Exposiciones super artem medi- 
cinae, cum questionibus 

65 Gilbertinus 

Iohannes Alexander super epi- 

dimica Ypocratis 
Bernardus de methodo curandi 

morbos, cum aliis 
Girardus de medicinis laxativis, 

cum aliis 
Diascorides de summa medicina . 


et removere 

uni et decrescere 

(in tabula) Quae accidunt 



oportet tarn subtilem 

actioni membrorum 
et in bellis 

sunt vera 

habet enim 

elleborum album 

R 2 



Gadesden super aflectibus 1 . . et finire 
Rosa medicinae 
Alia Rosa medicinae 

f. 12 (b). LIBRI A S TR O NO MIA E. 

In primis, liber astronomiae . cicli 

Item, alius „ „ . Drawe hyt out 

1 In Benefactors' Book, 'Girardus super aphorismis.' The original MS. has 
• Gad. super aff.' I have not been able to identify it under either reading. 







[MS. Clarendon 128, Bodleian Library] 


C. E. DOBLE, M.A. 


I. Portrait from a Pencil Drawing by Thomas 

Forster (see p. 249) to face p. 246 

II. Decollated Head of Monmouth, from an Oil- 

Painting in the Possession of Sir F. Seymour 

Haden (see p. 250) to face p. 250 

III. Rough Plan of the Battle of Sedgemoor, from 

a Contemporary Sketch {see p. 250) . . . to follow^. 278 


{MS. Clarendon 128) 


THE following letters present several points of interest for 
all who concern themselves with Oxford history. They were, 
for the most part, written at a very critical time, by Henry 
second Earl of Clarendon, Custos Privati Sigilli, and High 
Steward of the University, to James first Earl of Abingdon, 
Lord Lieutenant of Oxfordshire 1 . They are without ex- 
ception holographs, and were presented to the University 
by Edward Geoffrey Earl of Derby, Chancellor of the 
University from 1852 to 1869, having probably passed into 
his hands at or after the sale of the third Lord Berwick's 
library (d. 1842) 2 . Lord Berwick was descended from a sister 
of Richard Hill, the eminent diplomatist (1655-1727), who 
was tutor to Lord Hyde, eldest son of Laurence Earl of 
Rochester, and nephew of Henry Earl of Clarendon, the 
writer of these letters 3 . 

The Vice-Chancellor to whom Lord Derby's letter was 
addressed was Richard Lynch Cotton, D.D., V.C. 1 852-1 856 
— the ' Humble Christian ' of Dean Burgon's Lives of Twelve 
Good Men. 

1 For the life of Henry second Earl of Clarendon (1638-1709), see Dictionary 
of National Biography, xxviii. 389 sqq. An engraving of Lely's portrait of him 
is prefixed to Singer's edition of the Correspondence. James Bertie was the son 
and heir of Montagu second Earl of Lindsey, by his second wife Bridget Baroness 
Norreys of Rycote. He succeeded his mother in the barony as Lord Norreys 
in 1679, an( i was created Earl of Abingdon November 30, 1682. He died 
May 22, 1699, in the forty-sixth year of his age. See Davenport, Lords Lieutenant, 
&>c, of Oxfordshire (1888), 7 sq. He was discharged from the Lieutenancy in 
1687, but was re-appointed by William and Mary in March, 1689. He was again 
discharged in 1697. Numerous references to him will be found in Luttrell's Diary. 

2 Roberts, Duke of Monmouth, i. 297, ii. 174. 

3 See Dictionary of National Biography, xxvi. 405, under Richard Hill ; and 
ib. 427, under William Noel-Hill. 



Mr. Singer, in his edition of the Correspondence of Henry 
Hyde Earl of Clarendon (2 vols. 4to, 1828, vol. i. pp. 133 sqq.), 
has printed the letters of Lord Abingdon to Lord Clarendon 
to which those appearing here for the first time supply the 
key. The relation of Lord Derby's gift to the well-known 
letters printed by Singer has, strangely enough, escaped notice 
hitherto. I have not thought myself justified in reprinting 
Lord Abingdon's letters, which are generally accessible ; but 
the correspondence of the two earls forms one series, and 
must be read together. 

The letters of Lords Clarendon and Abingdon, with those 
preserved in the Hatton and a few other collections, in 
conjunction with the very full account given in Mr. Clark's 
exhaustive edition of Wood's Life and Times, probably 
furnish the materials for as complete a sketch as we can hope 
to possess of our University and City during the Monmouth 

It is difficult to explain why Lord Abingdon found it 
necessary to prepare so many drafts of his letter — which 
does not after all appear in the Clarendon Correspondence — 
congratulating Lord Clarendon on the victory of Sedgemoor. 
Clarendon and Abingdon were among the very first English 
noblemen to join the Prince of Orange on his military 
promenade from Brixham to London ] but it is certain that, 
at this time, they were both staunch adherents — despite his 
creed, which they detested — of James the Second. 

The details of Monmouth's rising still possess a singular 
fascination for the wanderer in the by-paths of history. His 
landing, his marches and countermarches, the faint gleams 
of success and the final catastrophe, together with the terrible 
vengeance that involved a few of the leaders and a crowd 
of the ignorant followers in one common destruction, have not 
yet been fully told, though much has been brought to light 
since Mr. Roberts wrote his laborious but uninspired Life 
of Monmouth 1 . Several documents relating to the "85,' 

1 The Museum in the Castle at Taunton, the actual scene of the most terrible 
episodes of Jeffreys' 'campaign,' contains the letters of 'the proud Duke of 
Somerset ' relating to the ransom of the Maids of Taunton, together with very 
many of the ' relics ' of the rising which are mentioned in Macaulay's History. 


preserved in the Bodleian Library, have been printed in 
the Academy from time to time by the present editor 1 . 

No attempt has been made in the notes to do more than 
to identify the chief persons mentioned. Some are still suffi- 
ciently obscure ; but in most cases the rapid progress and 
approaching completion of the Dictionary of National Bio- 
graphy has rendered the work of the amateur biographer 
superfluous. I have, however, sought, in a note on Letter XIII, 
to trace the career of Captain Edward Matthews, whose part 
in the campaign has been all but ignored, and who afterwards 
became a cavalry officer of great distinction. He, like his 
fellow-rebel Dr. William Oliver — who is alleged to have 
travelled to London, after the rebellion and its sequel, in the 
train of Lord Chancellor Jeffreys himself 2 — returned to 
England in 1688 with William of Orange. 

A few words must be added with regard to the facsimiles 
that accompany these Letters. The portrait described by 
Lord Derby, which is now inserted in its oak frame in the 
cover of the MS. volume, has been reproduced as forming 
part of his gift ; but it is difficult to believe that it represents 
the Duke of Monmouth. On the back is written ' Duke of 
Monmouth by Foster.' On the spectator's right of the 
portrait is the artist's signature, ' Forster Delin. 98 [?].' It is a 
pencil drawing on vellum by Thomas Forster (fl. 1695-17 12), 
whose portraits are highly esteemed, and who finds brief 
mention in the Dictionary of National Biography (xxi. 21). 
I am greatly indebted to Sir Seymour Haden for the following 
remarks on Forster's drawing, which he has most kindly 
permitted me to publish, and for the interesting sketch which 
is here reproduced. 

' The portrait is of the time of Queen Anne ; and 
may be that of the Treasurer Godolphin, or possibly of 
his son, who married the daughter of Marlborough .... 

1 The ' Christmas books ' for 1895 include three tales of which Monmouth is the 
hero — In Taunton Town by Everett E. Green ; After Sedgemoor by Edgar 
Pickering ; and The Secret Cave by Emilie Searchfield. 

2 Monk's Roll of the Royal College of Physicians, i. 493. 

a 5° 


Monmouth, who was much younger, and wore his own 
hair, was not in the least like this portrait, as you will 
see by the sketch I send you l , which is that of an 
unmistakeable Stuart, and is a fair representation of 
the picture at Woodcotc. At the back of the picture, 
also, in Georgian writing, are these words : — 

' " From Miss Wray 2 and to her from her father 
Sir William Ullithorne Wray — the son of Sir Cecil 
Wray of Lincolnshire — in whose possession it was 

Monmouth " ' 

[No date] 

' It is supposed, however, that it was painted for 
Lady Henrietta Wentworth, who was Monmouth's 
mistress at the time of his death, and about the only 
friend he had/ 

The almost contemporary sketch of Sedgemoor inserted 
at the end of the Letters is probably from the pen of the 
Rev. A. Paschall, Rector of Chedzoy on Sedgemoor from 
1662, who naturally possessed unique opportunities of ac- 
quainting himself with the details of Monmouth's defeat. 
His account of some particulars of the fight has been printed by 
the Historical MSS. Commission (IX. iii. 5 sq.), together with 
a note of two plans of the battlefield which he drew up within 
a few months of the action. Paschall left a record of certain 
supernatural occurrences, which he considered, after the event, 
to be forerunners of the troubles of 1685 (Roberts, Duke of 
Monmouth, i. 21 7). In his letter, as in this sketch, he attributed 
special importance to the pistol-shot fired at the Langmore 
Stone by — as some suggested — Captain Hucker ; the name of 
the traitor, if traitor there were, is not mentioned in the plan. 
The original MS. has been mounted ; but, when held up to 
the light, it is seen to bear the endorsement in Dr. Arthur 

1 This sketch is after a beautiful oil-painting of the decollated head of Mon- 
mouth, in the possession of Sir Seymour Haden, which was shown at the Winter 
Exhibition of Old Masters at the Royal Academy, 1892. 

2 For the pedigree of Wray of Glentworth, see Dalton's History of the Wrays 
of Glentworth, Part III, ad init+ 


Charlett's unmistakeable handwriting, ' Monmouth March at 
Sedgmor 1686.' The next folio in the same volume of the 
Ballard Letters contains a MS. copy of ' King James 2d 
Declaration for y e Ease of his Catholick Subjects/ which no 
one who has acquainted himself with Charlett's scholarly if 
somewhat pedantic hand could attribute to any other writer. 


Oxford: December, 1895. 


Knowsley, Oct. 17, 1854. 

My dear Sir, 

In looking over some old Papers here the other 
day, I found (how they came here I know not) some 
original and apparently autograph letters which appeared 
to me to be curious. They are private letters addressed 
by Lord Clarendon to the Earl of Abingdon as Lord 
Lieutenant of Oxfordshire, during, and on the suppression 
of the Duke of Monmouth's Rebellion. I have no doubt 
of their genuineness ; and if from the connexion of the 
University with the Writer as well as the locality you 
think they would be worth depositing in the Bodleian 
Library, I shall have great pleasure in offering them to 
the acceptance of the University for that purpose; and 
in that case would send with them a Miniature Pencil 
drawing of the Duke of Monmouth, which is not too 
large to be let into the cover of the Portfolio which 
should contain the letters, and for the authenticity of 
which latter I can so far vouch that it has been in this 
house since 1729 at least, since it appears in a Catalogue 
of the Pictures and Engravings here, which formed the 
Collection at that time. 

I am 

My dear Sir, 
The Revd. Yours sincerely, 

The Vice Chancellor. DERBY. 


The Revd. 

The Vice Chancellor 

DERBY. Worcester College 




Oxford, May 21th, 1683. fol. 

My Lord, 

I came hither this morning with their Royal Highnesses *, and 
to morrow they will dine with your Lordship. I intended to have 
sent the Confectioner to you, but he tells me he has mett with some of 
the King's Confectioners who are come from London to wait upon 
your Lordship on this occasion ; I have sent the Cookes which were 
with me, whom your Lordship may dismisse, if you have no occasion 
of them. I am very sorry I cannot wait on you to morrow, but I am 
obliged to be at London to morrow before noon, but wherever I am, 
and at all times, I shall be with great respect 

My dear Lord 

Your Lordship's 

Most obedient humble Servant 

My very good neighbour Mr. Mayott 2 will be with you this evening, 
who will give all necessary informations. 

For the Right Honorable 
the Earle of Abingdon. 
At Rycott. 

1 The Duke and Duchess of York. There is a full account of this visit in 
Wood's Life and Times, ed. Clark, ii. 46 sqq. On May 22, ' At 10 in the morning 
they left Oxon, went to Rycot to dine with the lord Norrys earl of Abendon (who 
entertained them and their retinew, all countrie gentlemen and scholars that came, 
with a most noble and splendid diner). — And thence to Windsore, from whence 
they came.' 

2 Robert Mayott, of Fawler, Esquire, was High Sheriff of Oxfordshire in 1681. 
' He had the duty of conveying in his coach from Henley to Oxford that State 
prisoner Stephen Colledge [the Protestant joiner] for his trial for treason on 
August 17, and superintending his hanging and quartering in the gaol' (Davenport, 
Oxfordshire Lords Lieutenant, 1888, p. 74). He was a neighbour and 
intimate friend of Clarendon at Cornbury, and is frequently referred to in 
Clarendon's Diary, ed. Singer (ii. 308, and see Index). In 1690 Mrs. Mayott 
gave Clarendon ' a little cordial water, and some Venice treacle,' which he took. 
Next day he found himself ' much better for the treacle.' Roger Brent, Lord of the 
Manor of Thrupp, married Frances, daughter of Robert Mayott, Esq. (Mrs. Staple- 
ton's Three Oxfordshire Parishes, p. 123). For another Robert Mayott see 
Wood's Life and Times, iii. 36, and Roger North's Examen, 557. 




fol. ii. Whitehall Febr. \oth i68£. 

My dear Lord 

I have received your Lordship's favour of the 8th instant, and 
have obey'd your commands in presenting your Lordship's duty to 
his Majesty in as good termes as I could; and I can assure your 
Lordship the King is very well inform 'd of those who served his late 
Majesty 1 as they ought to doe, and is particularly acquainted with 
your Lordship's meritt, and the constant fidelity of your family to the 
Crown ; his Majesty intends to be served in Oxfordshire by no body 
but your Lordship, being satisfyed that none can doe it better; the 
King's Proclamation upon the death of the late King, is sufficient 
authority for your Lordship to act by, till you have a new Commission 
for Lieutenant of the County as you had before, and which you will 
fol. u b . have with all speed, the King having given order for the renewing | 
of it. Yesterday in Councell, the King declared that he resolved to 
have a Parliament meet in the beginning of May, which I find gives 
great satisfaction to all people here, and I hope your Lordship will be 
able to make such elections in your parts as you have a mind to ; 
Every body is very well satisfyed and pleased with all things which his 
Majesty has hitherto done, and certainly it will be our own faults if 
we are not the most happy people in the world, which I hope the 
wisdome of the approching Parliament will procure to the Nation by 
their dutifull behaviour to the King when they meet. I shall give your 
Lordship no further trouble at present, but beseech you to beleeve that 
I am from the bottome of my heart 

My Lord 

Your Lordship's 

Most faithfull and most 
humble servant 


1 Charles the Second died on Friday, Feb. 6. In Clarke's Life of James IL, the 
king states that ' he continued the generalitie of imployments throughout the three 
Kingdoms, in the same hands they were in at the late King's death : for there had 
been so great an union betwixt them, both in opinion and inclination, that it 
reconcil'd his present Majesty to any one his Brother had thought fit to trust.' 



Whitehall Feb. 26th i68f. fol. 14. 

My dear Lord 

I had wayted on your Lordship before you left the Town, but 
that I verily beleeved you had gone away on Thursday morning, as 
you designed, and I knew nothing to the contrary, nor of your being 
ill, till I mett your Brother Mr. Bertie 1 on Friday night ; on Satturday 
morning I endeavour'd to kisse your hands, as Mr. Mayott can testify, 
but your Lordship was not stirring, and before I came back to your 
lodging, you were gone. I have now received your Lordship's of the 
23th instant, and am very glad to find by it that the elections in your 
countrey are (tho' with some difficulty) like to goe to your mind ; for 
my Lord Falkland 2 , he will fully answer your expectation, being, in 
truth, as worthy a man as any you can choose ; I wish | you may be as fol. 14''. 
well satisfyed with Mr. Tipping, but I will hope well of him. The 
lettre which your Lordship sent me enclosed, and which was directed 
to the Mayor of Woodstock, shews the villany of some people, but 
I hope it will not be in the power of all their insinuations to doe any 
reall mischief : Many of those lettres have been thrown about the 
Town here. Here is nothing of news to tell your Lordship. The 
last lettres from Bruxelles say the Duke of Monmouth 3 is privately 

1 Captain Henry Bertie, at this time M.P. for the City of Oxford : died 1734. 

2 Anthony, fourth Viscount Falkland, Paymaster of the Forces ; died 1694. 
Wood describes the election {Life and Times, iii. 136) : ' March 18, W., election 
of Knights of the shire ; Anthony viscount Falkland stood, Thomas Tipping of 
Ewelme, esquire, Thomas Beard of Fritwell a phanatick (son of alderman Beard 
of London), and Thomas Hoord of Cote [in the parish of Bampton] esq. March 19, 
Th., about 9 or ten in the morning they concluded polling and Falkland and 
Tipping carried it. Hoord had many voices but gave no entertainment, and 
because he would not pay for their night's lodging they went home and he lost 
it.' Hord stood for the Convention Parliament, and for that of 1690, but was 
at the bottom of the poll (ib. 145, 260, 296, 525). Peter Wentworth, brother of 
Lord Strafford, married his daughter Juliana {Wentworth Papers, ed. Cartwright, 
3). A later Thomas Horde of Cote, Esquire, was High Sheriff in 1746 and 
1753. Tipping was outlawed under James II, being excepted from the General 
Pardon of 1688 {Autob. of Sir J. Bra?fiston, 318) ; and had his outlawry reversed 
under William III (Luttrell, i. 527). He was created a baronet in 1698, and in the 
same year was ' married to the only daughter of the late collonel Cheek, formerly 
lieutenant of the Tower ' (ib. iv. 344, 356). 

3 For the duke's position and plans at this time, see Roberts' Life of Monmouth, 
i. 184 sqq., and especially Ralph's History of England, i. 853. Ralph states that 



there, for he does not find encouragement to appear in publique, and 
that he 's preparing to goe into Germany to engage in the warr against 
the Turks. I doe most heartily wish your Lordship the perfect 
recovery of your health, and that you may have all your desires in 
fol. 15. this world ; and I beseech you to beleeve that | I am with great respect 
and esteeme. 

My dear Lord 

Your Lordship's 

Most faithfull and most humble 


For the Right Honorable 

The Earl of Abingdon 
at Rycott. 
To be left at the Post House 

In Oxford. 


fol. Whitehall June 20th 1685. 

My dear Lord 

I could not sooner dispatch your Lordship's Servant, by reason 
that your Commissions were not done, there being soe much busines 
in all offices, that 'tis not to be wonder'd at, if things are a little longer 
in doing then usuall ; I hope those Commissions will goe herewith, 
for your Servant is attending at the Secretary's office for them, and 
I have sent one with him, he being a stranger; The Commissions 
are for two Volunteer Companyes to be raysed in Oxford, with blanks 
for your Lordship to fill up as you de[si]red ; arms for them will be 
ready for them at Windsor, of which you shall have a further account 
in the beginning of the week. I thinke the King told your Lordship 
he designed a Troop of Horse for your Brother Henry, whose Com- 
fol. 1 7 b . mission I hope will | goe by this Messenger ; his Majesty likewise will 

the Prince of Orange had persuaded him to go into the Emperor's service ; and 
Echard that he proposed to spend the summer in the Court of Sweden. There is 
a curious account of Monmouth at Brussels in a broadside in the Bodleian Library 
(Ashm. F. 5. i. 114) entitled A True Coppy of a Letter Written by a Gentleman 
in Brussels, . . . giving . . a Brief Account of the Stale of those Provinces, in 
Relation to the War. As also some Remarkable Passages Relating to his Grace 
James Duke of Monmouth Since his Arrival in those Parts. It is dated 
Brussels, August the 10th, S. N., 1684. 


send a Commission to your Brother Richard 1 to raise a Troop of 
Horse, but that was resolved on but this day, and soe cannot be ready 
to goe now, but I will take care to send it to your Lordship, he being, 
as I am told, now with your Lordship. Herewith goes the King's 
lettre to your Lordship with orders to take up all such persons as you 
shall suspect 2 , and to putt them into the prison at Oxford, and some 
other orders which were directed yesterday. All the news I can tell 
your Lordship out of the West, is that the Duke of Albermarle 3 and 
my Lord Churchill 3 were both joyned at Axmister on Thursday last, 
and resolved to march in pursuit of the Rebells as yesterday. Mon- 
mouth was at Ilmister 4 on Thursday, and went thence that day for 
Taunton, his strength was not above 4000 foot, and 500 horse, most | 
rabble, and halfe of them unarmed. The Militia of Sommersett- fol. 18. 
shire 5 begin to take heart again ; my Lord Churchill has with him, 
besides 1500 foot of the Dorsettshire Militia, four Troops of my Lord 

1 Lord Abingdon's half-brothers are mentioned in Correspondence of the Earl of 
Clarendon — Richard, i. 134 sq., 139, and Charles, i. 140. They were sons, by his 
first wife, of Montagu Bertie, second Earl of Lindsey, father (by his second wife) 
of Lord Abingdon and Henry Bertie. Richard died unmarried in 1685, and Charles 
(of Uffington, co. Lincoln) died s. p. in 1716. 

2 Lord Abingdon writes to Clarendon; Oxford, June 21, 1685: 'I am now 
sending out warrants to seize Hord, Blake, and Bard, and will take up also what 
lesser men I can find out, there being not one Nonconformist minister that I know 
of in the county, and very few old officers.' For these arrests cf. Wood, Life and 
Times, iii. 145. Philip Henry was committed a close prisoner to Chester Castle at 
this time ' with some Gentlemen and Ministers that were fetch'd there out of 
Lancashire ' ; and he and many others doubtless considered the brief confinement 
their ' Security in a dangerous time ' (Diaries and Letters of P. H., 1882, 325 sq.). 

3 Christopher, second Duke of Albemarle, died in Jamaica, 1688 ; see D. N. B. 
xxxviii. 146. Churchill had received an English peerage on May 14, and was 
appointed Major-General on July 3 of 1685. His part during the rebellion has 
been related once for all by Lord YVolseley in the Life. Lord Wolseley writes 
(i. 299) : ' The study of this campaign makes it evident that Churchill was 
the only officer on either side who displayed activity, vigilance, or any knowledge 
of war.' 

4 For this portion of the expedition, see Roberts' Duke of Monmouth, i. 299 sq. 
One of the best original accounts of the rebellion from the Royalist side is that 
printed in Hist. MSS. Comm. Report IX. iii. 2 sqq. 

5 The militia of Somerset had executed a very swift strategic movement to the 
rear. The Axminster Book of the Independent Chapel (quoted by Roberts, i. 289) 
records : ' The Lord sent a hornet of fear amongst them, so that a dreadful 
consternation of spirit seized on them, that in some places they fell one upon 
another, in other places some ran away with amazement. Some were so stricken 
with terror that they were even bereft of their reason, and like distracted persons ; 
others threw away their weapons of war and would take them up no more ; and 
many watched opportunities to leave their colours and old officers, and came and 


25 8 


of Oxford's 1 Regiment, two Troops of Dragoons, and nine Companys 
of Foot of the standing forces ; and this morning are march'd towards 
the West three Battalions of the foot guards, under the Duke of 
Grafton 2 , and a hundred and fifty of the horse guards, under my Lord 
Feversham 3 . Your Lordshipp shall not fail of a constant account 
of all that passes, and of all other service that can be pay'd you, by 
My Lord 

Your Lordships 

Most faithfull and most 
humble Servant 



fol. 20. Whitehall June 22th 1685. 

My dear Lord 

I should be out of countenance to have written your Lordship 
such a lettre as I did on Satturday, if I could have help't it, but there 
was really soe much busines at the Secretary's office, that was to be 
dispatched that night, that those which concern'd your Lordship and 
your two Brothers could not be dispatch'd, and those for the Volunteers 
were not done as they ought to be, which made me take them from 
your Servant, and it was soe late, that I had not time to alter my lettre 
to your Lordship ; bift he carryed you all the necessary orders con- 
joined with this new company.' Among the last class was John Coad, whose 
Memorandum of the Wonderful Providences of God (Longmans, 1849) is perhaps 
the most graphic account extant of one of the sufferers in Monmouth's 

1 Aubrey de Vere, last earl of the first creation ; d. 1702. 

2 Henry Fitzroy, first Duke of Grafton, mortally wounded at the assault of Cork, 
1690 (see D. N. B. xix. 205 sq. ; Wolseley's Marlborough , ii. 196 sq., 201). His 
duchess, daughter of the Earl of Arlington, was re-married to Sir Thomas Hanmer. 
Swift (Journal to Stella, Nov. 22, 171 1) records : ' I dined to-day with Sir Thomas 
Hanmer ; his wife, the Duchess of Grafton, dined with us : she wears a great high 
head-dress, such as was in fashion fifteen years ago, and looks like a mad woman in 
it, yet she has great remains of beauty.' 

3 For Louis Duras Earl of Feversham, see D. N. B. xvi. 247 sqq. He was 
a nephew of Turenne, Marlborough's master in the art of war. 


cerning your Militia and your selfe, soe that now you know fully what 
you have to doe, and if there be anything you desire further directions 
in, upon the least notice from your Lordship, you shall have immediate 
satisfaction therein; I have been forced to keep your Servant who 
arrived here yesterday morning with your Lordship's of 20th instant, 
till this I morning, that he might carry everything with him, which could fol. 
not be ready before, and now, your Lordship will receive by him, 
according to the desire of the University, blanke Commissions for two 
Volunteer Troops of Horse, and for six Volunteer Companyes of foot, 
which the Bishopp of Oxford sayd in his lettre 1 the University would 
be willing to rayse ; the Commissions are from the King, because of 
their priviledges, but they are to be given to such persons as your 
Lordship shall approve of, and they are to be commanded by your 
Lordship. You will likewise now receive two Commissions for your 
two Brothers, for each of them to rayse a Troop of Horse, when they 
have chosen their officers, if your Lordship please to send up their 
names, Commissions shall be sent for them. As for news, I will not 
fayle writing to your Lordship by every post, which is every night, 
that you may know all that we know here. For what came yesterday 
by expresse from Scotland, it is fully related in the Gazett, that 
I cannot add to it. | This morning an other expresse is arrived, with an fol. 
account of an engagement between the King's army and Argile 2 , 

1 The bishop's letter of June 20 is printed in Clarendon Correspondence, i. 132 sq. 
He wrote to the Earl of Clarendon : ' I offered that my Lord Noreyes, who is 
a student in this place, might be commissioned, with such others of our body as my 
Lord Abingdon should approve ; for this would be most acceptable to the University, 
and avoid the jealousy which otherwise would be occasioned, if the Lord Lieutenant, 
by his ordinary power, should put the University in arms, from which they are 
exempt by their charters : and accordingly, in the time of the late rebellion, the 
University had their commissions immediately from the King.' He accordingly 
suggests that blank commissions should be sent down to the Lord Lieutenant's 
hands. Lord Abingdon writes to Clarendon on the same day : ' The Vice- 
Chancellor and Bishop have been with me, and propose to raise two troops of 
horse, and six companies of foot ; only they desire they may be under my son's 
command, by an especial commission from the King, to distinguish them from the 
militia, being jealous of I know not what punctilio of privilege, which I am afraid 
may spoil the whole design.' Some very important letters of Bp. Fell on this 
subject are printed in Hatton Correspondence (Camden Soc), ii. 55 sqq. 

2 For the reception in Oxford of the news of Argyle's defeat and capture, see 
Clarendon Corresp. i. 136 sq. ; ' the people . . . were in hopes that news had been 
come of the defeat of Monmouth.' Abingdon had written on June 20 : ' I cannot 
but observe to your Lordship, how ill it looks that his Majesty's enemies can give 
such exact accounts of the rebels, when we, who are his servants, can speak 
nothing certain. I therefore desire, if your Lordship thinks fit, that you will 
be pleased to send me some account thereof that I may show about.' 

S 2 



the particulars whereof I have not time to relate, but in one word noe 
losse on the King's side, the Rebells fled, and Argile himselfe was 
taken, and when the lettres came away was in very safe custody in 
Glascow. As for news out of the West, your Lordship will see what 
the Gazett sayes, which is all we knew the last night ; this morning 
the lettres which are come from Lord Churchill bring nothing, there 
having been no late action ; but that Monmouth was certainly at 
Taunton on Friday in the evening. Armes for the Volunteers which 
you rayse at Oxford, are ready at Windsor, of which you shall have 
a further account by my next, which shall be written by this night's 
post. I am with very great respect 

My Lord 

Your Lordship's 

Most faithfull humble Servant 


fol. 23. Whitehall, June 2^th 1685. 

My dear Lord 

Since my last we have not had much news; the Duke of 
Albermarle writes that the Rebells had left Taunton, and were gone 
to Bridgewater, and that from thence he beleeved they would march 
towards Bristoll \ if that should be his designe, my Lord Churchill 
with his party, will follow him close, and my Lord Feversham (who 
arrived last night with the Horse at Chipenham, where mett him the 
Earl of Pembroke with the Militias of Wilts and Hampshire, and the 
foot guards will be there to-morrow) will give him some trouble ; 
besides Bristoll it selfe is in a very good condition, the Duke of 
Beaufort 2 being there with 5000 very good men in the Town, such 

1 The design on Bristol is described in Roberts' Life, ii. 1 sqq., who quotes 
especially Wade's narrative and Oldmixon's History. 

2 Henry Somerset, third Marquis of Worcester, created Duke of Beaufort 1682 ; 
d. 1699. As Lord President of the Council in Wales, he had made in 1684 his 
official progress through the Principality, of which Thomas Dineley has given 
us a valuable record, reproduced in facsimile by Messrs. Blades in 1888. 


as he can rely upon. The king has been told that your Brother 
Mr. Richard Bertie had a desire | to have Mr. W. Mildmay 1 for his fol. 2^. 
Lieutenant, and is very well pleased with it ; I doubte not but he 
may nominate his Cornett too, and that your Brother Mr. H. Bertie 
may likewise nominate his officers, and therefore if your Lordship 
please that they may send up the names of those they desire, the 
King shall be moved for his approbation, which I dare say he will 
readily give. 

When the Rebells left Lime, they left behind them forty barrells 
of powder, and backs, breasts and potts for five thousand men; 
which are taken into the King's stores 2 . I have nothing more worth 
troubling your Lordship with, but the assurance of my being 

Your Lordship's Most faithfull humble Servant 

For the Right Honorable 
the Earle of Abingdon. 
At Oxford. 


Whitehall June z^th 1685. fol. 26. 

My Lord 

I have received the favour of your Lordship's of the 23th 
and am glad you had the Commissions for the Volunteers, and that 
they were to your satisfaction ; as for raysing a Company or two in 
the City, I beseech your Lordship to consider, whether as Lord 
Lieutenant you have not power sufficient to doe it ; if you have not, 
upon the first notice from you, I will move the King in it. I could 
not immagine you still wanted the Commissions for your two Brothers, 

1 Mr. Walter Mildmay is mentioned in Clarendon's Diary, 167 and 311. He 
was commissioned as Lieut, of Horse, June 18, 1685 ; of Peterborough's regiment, 
1687 ; Major of Col. Holman's Regiment of Horse, Oct. 10, 1688 (D' Alton's English 
Army Lists, ii. 191, &c). 

2 They were captured in the Pink and Dogger within the Cobb (cf. Wolseley's 
Marlborough, i. 273). The Duke's frigate had sa ed for Spain ; a letter from 
Thomas Tye, surveyor of the Port of Lyme, describing his adventures on board, 
was printed for the first time in the Academy, March 23, 1895, 257 sq., from the 
Tanner MSS. by the present editor. 



till 1 received your last lettre, for Mr. Bridgeman 1 assured me they 
should be deliver' d to the same person who tooke those for the 
Volunteers ; but I will now see them given to him my selfe. The 
King is very well pleased that you have secured Tom Hord and his 
fol. 26 b . friend Bard 2 ; I wish you could meet with | some of the Non-Con- 
formists Parsons 3 , who run about the Kingdome doing all the mischief 
they can. This afternoon an expresse is arrived from Scotland, with 
an account of the utter and entire destruction of those Rebells, and 
that amongst the many prisoners who are taken, the Rogue Rumball 
is one : Ayliffe was taken ripping up his owne belly, he's not dead, 
but 'tis thought he cannot live. Argile is in Edenburgh Castle, he 
complayns much of Monmouth's not comming into England soe soon 

1 William Bridgeman, grandson of John Bridgeman Bishop of Chester, and 
nephew of Sir Orlando Bridgeman, Lord Keeper, was a successful placeman. He 
was at this time Clerk of the Council, and afterward became Under-Secretary 
of State, and Secretary to the Admiralty (see Luttrell, passim). He died « of 
a feavour,' May 10, 1699, and was succeeded as Clerk of the Council by 
Mr. Southwell (ib. iv. 515). References to him occur in Secret Services of 
Charles II and James II; and he appears to have had fifty convicts 'given ' to 
him after the suppression of the Rebellion (Roberts, ii. 242). Cf. also Original 
Letters of the Duke of Monmouth, ed. Sir G. Duckett (Camden Miscellany viii) ; 
Macray, Annals of the Bodleian library (ed. 2), 237, 462. 

2 For Hord and Beard, see p. 255 supra. 

3 In his letter of June 25, Abingdon assures Clarendon {Corresp. i. 136) : ' I am 
endeavouring, as fast as I can, to pick up the worst men about the country ; but cannot 
yet meet with one Nonconformist parson, having taken some pains heretofore to ferret 
them out.' The Nonconformist divines of other counties (e. g. John Hicks) were less 
fortunate. There is a broadside in the Bodleian Library, containing a manifesto 
issued at the General Quarter Sessions for Devon held at Exeter October 6, 1685, 
part of which may be quoted here. ' And, whereas it hath appear'd that Non- 
conformist Ministers, and Conventicle Preachers have been the Mischievous Factors 
that have for a long time propagated and upheld the Faction, and under pretences 
of Religion, have seduced the unwary People from their Allegiance and Duty, and 
that considerable numbers of them were actually in the late Rebellion (fit 
Chaplains indeed for such a Mushrom King, and fit Spiritual Guides for such 
lewd Rebels). We resolve to Issue out Warrants from this Court for the Appre- 
hending of all Non-conformist Preachers, that we shall be informed by the 
Presentment of the head Constables or the Grand Jury, or by our own Knowledge 
have been seen at any time within the space of three years within this County, as 
Inhabitants, Sojourners, or Strangers. And whereas we have formerly ordered 
Forty Shillings as a Reward to any that should Apprehend or secure them, we 
resolve now, as a farther Encouragement, to give to any Person that shall appre- 
hend or secure any one of them the Sum of Three Pounds. . . . I do Order and 
Require all the Clergy of my Diocess in the County of Devon, deliberately to 
Publish this Order the next Sunday after it shall be tender'd to them. — Tho. Exon. 
(Lamplugh). Licensed, October 15, 1685. R. L' Estrange.' 


as he promised 1 . Lettres from my Lord Churchill of the 22th at 
night from Langport, say that Monmouth was then at Glastenbury, 
and that he Lord Churchill, intended the next day to endeavour to 
attack him. Lord Feversham is now at Bristoll, where all the Foot 
will likewise be to morrow, soe that he will have a very good body 
both of Horse and Foote, either to joyn Lord Churchill, or to meet 
the I Rebells, as he thinks best. The Duke of Beaufort has putt fol. 27. 
Bristoll into a very good condition ; soe that that place is safe, tho' the 
Rebells should attempt the attacking it. I am with very great respect 
My dear Lord 

Your Lordship's 

Most faithfull humble Servant 

For the Right Honorable 
the Earle of Abingdon. 
At Oxford. 


Whitehall June 25M 1685. fol. 29, 
10 at night. 

My dear Lord 

I write this purely to performe my promise to your Lordship, 
for I have nothing to entertain you with, worth giving you the trouble 
of a lettre; The last news we had from the West tells us that 
Monmouth was last night at Pensford, which is with in six miles of 
Bristoll, which is very well provided to receive him, and my Lord 
Feversham was there this morning ; the rest of the King's forces are 
very neer, and ready to fall into his reare, soe that by the blessing of 
God, we shall have a very good account of them, and perhaps by 
to morrow morning ; whenever any thing comes that is considerable, 
I will not fail to send it by an expresse to your Lordship. I will take 
the liberty to referr your Lordship to | the Gazette for the Scotch fol. 29A 

1 The history of this expedition is told by Macaulay, i. 268 sqq. (crown 8vo. ed.). 
Argyle was executed June 30 ; Rumbold June 29 ; and Ayloffe, who did not 
succeed in his attempt at self-destruction, October 30 {Diet. Nat. Biog. ii. 284). 



newes ; it is soe particularly related there by order from the King, 
that nothing can be added to it. 

I have nothing further to trouble your Lordship with at present, 
but the assurance of being 

My Lord, 

Your Lordship's Most faithfull humble 


Disnie 1 was tryed this day for printing Monmouth's Declaration, 
the evidence was very full, and he's condemned. 

For the Right Honorable 
the Earle of Abingdon. 
■ At Oxford. 


foL, 32. Whitehall June 26th 1685. 

10. at night. 

My dear Lord 

The lettres we have this day received from the Duke of 
Beaufort, and from my Lord Feversham who is with him at Bristoll, 
and likewise from my Lord Churchill, who was then at Wells, are all 
dated on the 24th, and doe all agree that Monmouth was that night 
at Pensford, within five miles of Bristoll, which made them all beleeve 
that he has some designe upon that place 2 , of which we shall have 
an account in all probability to morrow morning, if it be anything 
considerable your Lordship shall have an account of it, with all speed. 

1 William Disney was executed on Kennington Common June 29, and his 
quarters were fixed on the City gates (Roberts, i. 233 ; Luttrell, i. 348-350). The 
Declaration — ' the masterpiece of Ferguson's genius,' as it is styled by Macaulay — 
is printed in full by Roberts, i. 235 sqq. An original copy is preserved in Bodley, 
Pamphlets 170, 1685. 3 : a well-printed small quarto of eight pages. 

2 For the attempt on Bristol, see Roberts, ii. 8 sqq. ; and for the somewhat 
exaggerated account of the skirmish at Keynsham, ii. 14 sq., Hist. MSS. Comm. 
V, 328. There is a life of Sir Theophilus Oglethorpe (d. 1702) — made a Brigadier- 
General after Sedgemoor — in the Diet. Nat. Biog. xlii. 50. His widow is 
familiar to all readers of the Journal to Stella. Swift wrote of her, December 12, 
1 71 1, when Oxford's ministry was in extreme peril, as 1 so cunning a devil, that she 
could find a remedy, if they would take her advice.' 


I have just now received your Lordship's favour of the 25th and 
have nothing further to trouble you with at present, but the assurance 
that I am 

Your Lordship's 

Most faithfull humble Servant 

For the Right Honorable 
The Earle of Abingdon. 
At Oxford. 


Whitehall June 27M 1685. fol. 

My dear Lord 

I have just now received yours of the 26th and am very glad 
you are soe forward in raysing your Volunteers, but all things find 
a quick dispatch which are under your Lordship's conduct. I will 
know the King's pleasure to morrow concerning your raysing 
Volunteers in the City of Oxford, and will acquaint your Lordship 
with it by the next. 

Lettres this morning from the Duke of Sommersett 1 dated the 
25th say, that a party of the Rebells of two hundred horse, being 
at Cainsham upon the River Avon, with in four miles of Bristoll, 
Colt. Oglethorpe with a hundred of the horse guards, fell upon 
them, and kill'd eighty upon the place, and the rest fled ; of our 
side, was only one man missing, and my Lord Newburgh 2 was 

1 Charles Seymour, 'the proud' Duke of Somerset, d. 1748. He played an 
important part, as a Trimmer, under Queen Anne ; and he and his duchess (the 
victim of the Windsor Prophecy) figure often in Swift's caustic pages. 

2 Charles Livingston, second Earl of Newburgh, had but a brief and troubled 
career. He succeeded to the peerage in 1670. In 1681 he fought a duel with 
Lord Kinsale (the principals were 'two striplings under twenty,' Luttrell, i. 150) ; 
in 1691 he was ■ sco wring the streets, and committed some disorders,' with ' several ' 
other 4 persons of quality,' and shortly after, with 4 some others, rambling in the 
night, fell upon the watch, and beat them severely' (ii. 234, 238). In 1692 
proclamations were issued for his arrest with other prominent Jacobites (ib. 448) ; 
and later in the year he surrendered with Mr. Griffin (ib. 477) ; married Lady 
Frances Brudenell (ib. 565) ; in 1693 his brother killed Mr. Charles Howard in 
a duel (iii. 208). He died April 6, 1694 (ib. 291). For the action of June 25 
see Roberts, ii. 13 sqq. 



sholt dangerously in the belly; here is a report in Town, that 
• 35''- Monmouth with his whole army | was after this engagement marching 
towards Cainsham, and that Lord Churchill fell upon his reare, and 
destroyed many of them; but this last I only tell your Lordship 
as report, for the King has yett no account of it : When we know 
more, your Lordship shall be sure to have it. 

This afternoon the King came to the Parliament, and pass'd all the 
Bills which were ready 1 ; but I beleeve we shall not adjourne till 
towards the end of the next weeke. 

I am with very great respect and esteeme 

My Lord 

Your Lordship's most faith full humble Servant 

For the Right Honorable 
The Earle of Abingdon. 
Att Oxford. 

fol. 40. XL 

Whitehall June 2%th 1685. 

My dear Lord 

I can add little to what I writt to you the last night, there 
having been no engagement in the West since that of Cott. Oglethorpe; 
lettres which were writt from Bathe yesterday morning, say that all 
the King's forces, viz : my Lord Feversham, my Lord Churchill, and 
the Foote under the Duke of Grafton, were all joyn'd together, at 
Bathe, and were yesterday morning to march in pursuite of the 
Rebells, who, meeting with soe ill entertainment at Cansham, were 
retired quite back again to Froome ; being now all joyn'd, we may 
expect every day to hear of some action, which as soon as we have 
any account of, your Lordship shall know it. My Lord of Pembroke 2 , 

1 The titles of these Bills are given in Echard, iii. 761, the last being ' An Act 
for rebuilding, finishing, and adorning the Cathedral Church of St. Paul, London? 

2 Thomas Earl of Pembroke is now best remembered by the antiquities which 
he brought together at Wilton, and by Swift's intimacy with him when the earl 
was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland ; for their puns and their ' Castilian language,' see 
Craik's Life of Swift, 141 sqq. James was anxious that Pembroke should be 
appointed commander of the British troops in the Dutch service in 1685, on the 
ground that ' he has really served me eminently well in this last affair, against the 
Duke of Monmouth ' (Dalrymple, iii. 136 sqq.). His report on the beginnings of 
the rebellion at Frome is quoted by Roberts, ii. 23 sq. 


with the Militia of Wilts, is at Troubridge, his men keep in very good 
order : I hope my next will give your Lordship a good account of 
the Rebells. I am, 

My Lord, 

Your Lordship's most faithfull 
humble Servant 


For the Right Honorable 
the Earle of Abingdon. 
At Oxford. 


Whitehall Jtine 29M 1685. fol. 

My dear Lord, 

We have this day received lettres from the West, with this 
account, that on Satturday morning, the King's army march'd from 
Bathe in pursuit of the Rebells, whom a party of our army, under 
the command of the Duke of Grafton, overtooke at a place call'd 
Philips Norton 1 ; our men marching into the lane, (the hedges being 
lined on both sides by the Rebells,) were something galFd by the 
shott, but our horse came to the relief of the foote, and soe after 
some dispute, the Rebells march'd off towards Froom, and our party 
retreated to the body of our army, which was at Bradford ; on our 
side were eight men kill'd, and twenty wounded, but noe officer 
neither kill'd nor hurt : On the Rebells side many were kill'd (but the 
certain numbers not knowne as yett) and amongst them (as is 
confidently written) Captain Mathews \ sonne-in-law to Sir Thomas 

1 There is a full account of Philip's Norton fight, the issue of which was scarcely 
so favourable to the King's troops as is here represented, in Roberts, ii. 18 sqq.; 
Macaulay, i. 292 sq. James II wrote (Dalrymple, iii. 132) : ' Mathews that com- 
manded the rebels' horse [was] killed by Lieutenant Vaughan ; ' and in Account 
of the most Remarkable Fights and Skirmishes between his Majesties Forces and the 
Rebels in the West (Ashm. 739. 30) it is stated (p. 3) that ' the Rebels lost Captain 
Mathews who commanded that party, and divers others of lesser note.' The report 
was false. Edward Matthews had married Jane, daughter of Sir Thomas Armstrong 
(JD. N. B. ii. 101). He discouraged Monmouth from the expedition, but joined 
him after his landing with assurances of aid from Hampshire (Roberts, i. 196 sq., 
265, ii. 17) ; having absented himself with Wildman, Speke, and Trenchard 
(Luttrell, June 4, 1685 ; see also Hist. MSS. Comm. XII, App. Part vi, 395 sq.). 



Armstrong, and who was one of the most considerable men Mon- 
mouth had about him. Lord Feversham intended to rest yesterday, 
to refresh both his men and horses, and as this day to draw neer the 
Rebells again, who seem'd to fix at Froom. This is all the | account 
we have at present. I am now to acknowledge the favour of your 
Lordship's of the 28th, and am very sorry you find soe much difficulty 
in raysing your Brother's troop : Indeed I thought the Commissions 
for his Lieutenant and Cornett had been sent to you before this, 

After Lord Grey's misconduct at Bridport, to Monmouth's inquiry ' what should 
be done with him,' Matthews replied that ' there was not a General in Europe that 
would have asked such a question but himself (Roberts, i. 278). On the eve of 
Sedgemoor he urged Monmouth to divide his cavalry, with the object of saving 
a portion from Grey's incompetent leadership. In the battle he commanded the 
Duke's left wing (Roberts, ii. 60, 72, 82), and managed to escape from the field. 
Evelyn {Diary, July 8, 1685) states that 'the Archboutefeu Ferguson, Matthews, 
&c, were not yet found.' Edward Matthews, of Lincoln's Inn, Esq., was excepted 
from the General Pardon of 1685 (Roberts, ii. 259), and from that of 1688 {Autob. of 
Sir J. Bramston, Camden Soc, 3 1 8) . If Mr. Robert s is right in identifying him with 
the ' Mathieu ' of Barillon, he must have been captured not long after Sedgemoor, as 
James II read to the French ambassador, about Sept. 10, 1685, ' from the originals, 
the deposition of Mathieu, the attendant of Monmouth, as to what this person 
knew of the designs of the French Protestants' (Roberts, i. 187). Matthews 
received in 1690 a grant of £100 from William III, out of secret service money 
(Rawl. MSS. A. 306, 184). On Dec. 24, 1691, the royal assent was given to 'an 
Act for settling a jointure on Jane, the wife of Colonel Edward Mat[t"|hews, 
daughter of Sir Thomas Armstrong, deceased ' (Hist. MSS. Comm. XIII, App. v. 
273). In August, 1690, his regiment of dragoons arrived at Hoylake from Ireland 
(Luttrell, ii. 87) ; and shortly after he went with Marlborough and Colchester to 
Portsmouth, for the attempt on the French coast (ib. 95). He was sent to Ireland 
in October (ib. 119, 123) ; and July, 1692, his dragoons were in garrison at Ports- 
mouth (ib. 520). He was now colonel in the Royal Regiment of Dragoons 
(H. M. C. XIV, App. vi. 188). June 21 he was president of a Court Martial at 
the Horse Guards (Luttrell, iii. 122). He was expected to be a candidate for 
Wigan (ib. 243), vice Sir Richard Standish, Bart., deceased ; but John Byrom, Esq., 
was returned, Jan. 24, 1694. In March, 1694, his regiment embarked for 
Flanders (ib, 285 sq.) ; and in July of the same year he was made Brigadier- 
General (ib. 345). Two or three years after the Battle of the Boyne, at the Duke of 
Leinster's table, the courage of James II was affirmed by his enemies, ' and this was 
supported by Brig : Edward Matthews, a late creature of the Duke of Monmouth ' ; 
who later on repeated his assurance, ' and cited the late Duke of Monmouth, his 
patron, for his author, and who had assured him that there was not a man of more 
valour to his knowledge, as having been eyewitness ' {Memoirs of Thomas y second 
Earl of Aylesbury, 267, 343). On Aylesbury's return from his secret mission to 
France, May, 1693, Brigadier Edward Matthews' Royal Regiment of Dragoons 
had lately been quartered on the Kentish coast, and the earl was nearly taken (339). 
Matthews died May 28, 1697 (Luttrell, iv. 230; three officers of the same surname 
are confused in the Index). He has not found a place in the Dictionary of 
National Biography. [See PS., p. 278 infra.'] 


but since they are not, I will take care they shall be sent to you 
to morrow : as shall likewise be the Commissions for the inferior 
officers of the Volunteers for the University : and for which there 
ought to be no fees pay'd, of which I will give you an account 
to morrow when I send you the Commissions. I have no more to 
trouble your Lordship with at present, but the assurance of my being, 
with great respect, 

My Lord, 

Your Lordship's 

Most faithfull and most 
humble Servant 


For the Right Honorable 
The Earle of Abingdon 
At Oxford. 

For his Majesty's 
special 1 service. 


Whitehall, June 1685. fol. 

My dear Lord 

I have received your Lordship's of the 29th but have nothing- 
new to tell you, there being noe lettres come from the West since 
yesterday morning, of which your Lordship had an account in my 
last. I have acquainted the King with what your Lordship desired, 
and his Majesty commands me to tell you, that if a Habeas Corpus 
should come for Mr. Hord and Bard \ it must be obeyed, but his 
Majesty hopes care will be taken they may be brought up safe. As 
for the Commissions of the inferior officers of the Volunteers, they are 

1 Lord Abingdon had written on June 29 {Clarendon Corresp. i. 140) : 'I told 
your Lordship Messrs. Hord and Bard had sent for Habeas Corpus, which I hear is 
now coming ; and I desire your Lordship will know his Majesty's pleasure what 
the gaoler shall do therein. I have sent your Lordship a list of prisoners that 
were brought in yesterday from Northampton, which have filled our gaol very 
full ; and yet I have more to send for out of this county, as fast as I can get 
horse to fetch them in, my own being harassed with constant duty.' The 
commissions for the 'inferior officers 3 are mentioned ib, 139 sq. 



not yctt ready, but I am promised them to morrow with out fail, and 
then they shall be sent to you. Rumbold was executed in Scotland 
fol. 44 b . on Thursday last ; he dyed very stubbornly, | without the least repent- 
ance, and owning his Republican principles. Argile was to be 
beheaded this day, an account of whose death we shall have by the 
next flying Packett ; I am with great respect, 
My Lord, 

Your Lordship's most faithfull humble Servant 

For the Right Honorable 
The Earle of Abingdon. 
At Oxford. 

For his Majesty's 
special 1 service. 


fol. 47. Whitehall July 2nd 1685. 

My dear Lord 

I have now upon my hands both your Lordships of the 30th 
past, and of the 1st instant, and am to begg your Lordship's pardon 
for omitting writing by the last night's post, but the truth is, it was 
very late before I gott home, and was very weary ; and besides I had 
nothing new to tell you ; for we had nothing from the West neither 
yesterday nor to day, only this evening we had an account that the 
Rebells have made an other turne, and came to Wells again on 
Tuesday in the forenoon ; and the King's forces were then at Froom. 
I am out of countenance that you have not yett the Commissions for 
the officers of the Volunteers Troops, I am promised them positively 
to morrow, the reason of the delay has been only the multitude of 
busines in the offices, and Mr. Bridgeman having been sick these two 
dayes, but to morrow I shall certainly send them to you : I am very 
sorry to find by your Lordship's that the Bishopp 1 is soe ill, I hope 

1 Bishop Fell's health was rapidly failing. Prideaux wrote to Ellis a week 
later {Letters, Camden Soc, 143) : 1 Our good Bp. is fain very ill, and I fear will 
not long last. We begin already to be sollicitous who may be his successor.' 
The same solicitude probably shortened the bishop's life ; but he survived until 
July 10, 1686. 


he will quickly recover. | My Lord Dartmouth has given orders to fol. 47 b - 
your Brother Charles to send your Lordship halfe a tun of match, and 
a proportion of powder and bullets. Captain Cannon \ an officer in 
the King's army is just now arrived, he left my Lord Feversham at 
Froom at five last night; he sayes the Rebells plunder' d Wells 
yesterday 2 , and that then they removed to Glassenbury ; he sayes they 
are very poor, have noe money, and pay for nothing, and that their 
numbers decrease dayly ; they keep in the close countrey, and will not 
come in a possibility of fighting ; I have no more to add at present, 
but that I am 

My Lord 

Your Lordship's 

Most faithfull humble Servant 


For the Right Honorable 
the Earle of Abingdon. 
At Oxford. 

For his Majesty's 
speciall service. 


Whitehall July id 1685. fol. 50. 

My dear Lord 

I have received your Lordship's of the 2nd instant, for which 
I am to return you my thanks. We have had nothing this day from 

1 Cannon was sent immediately after Monmouth's landing to assist the Duke of 
Somerset (Roberts, i. 310). James II writes, Aug. 10, 1685 : ' for a regiment, as 
I keep Canon here, he, lord Pembroke, may have it' (Dalrymple, iii. 137). 
Cannon afterwards served under Dundee, whom he succeeded in the command 
after Dundee's death at Killiecrankie ; but he was defeated at Dunkeld and at 
Cromdale (see Macaulay, ii. 55, &c. ; Burton's Scotland, 1689-1748, i. 139, &c). 
The latter action will be familiar to readers of The Memoirs of Captain Carleton, 
where Cannon is mentioned ; but the book is altogether unhistorical. Particulars 
of Alexander Cannon (or more properly Cannan) 's career will be found in 
D' Alton's English Army Lists, esp. vol. ii. 230. 

2 There is a full account of the proceedings of Monmouth's followers at Wells 
in Plumptre's Life of Ken, i. 213 sqq. James II wrote to the Prince of Orange 
that ' the rebels had sufficiently plundered Wells, church and all.' Cf. Hist. MSS. 
Comm. X (Wells) 264; Roberts, ii. 36 sq. Monmouth's resources had now failed 
(Roberts, ii. 35). 


the West, nor have we had any thing from thence since the news of 
the Rebells having plundered Wells. I am very glad your Lordship is 
soe well pleased with your Volunteer Militia, but there is no doubte, 
whatever your Lordship undertakes will be better performed, then 
what is done by any one else. It is better to end here, then to trouble 
you with a long lettre when I can tell you noe news ; I am ever 
My Lord 

Your Lordship's most faithfull 
humble Servant 


For the Right Honorable 
the Earle of Abingdon. 
At Oxford. 

For his Majesty's 


fol. 53. Whitehall Jtily \th 1685. 

My dear Lord 

The news we have heard since my last is very little; only 
a Gentleman who came to Town late last night, sayes that on Thursday 
the Rebells march'd towards Bridgewater, and that my Lord 
Feversham with the King's army march'd the same day from Frome 
towards Wells, and that he intended to gett up to the Rebells, and 
encamp within a mile of him, which will make them keep close, and 
not ramble soe much abroad 1 : the same person sayes positively the 
Rebells are not above 5000, and many of those ill armed, and ill 
mounted. I am ashamed your Lordship has not yett received the 
Commissions for the inferior officers of your Volunteers, but I know 
not how to help it ; nor can I lay the fault any where, but purely on 

1 Bishop Fell had written on June 28 {Hatton Corresp. ii. 57): 'It will be high 
time that somewhat be attemted upon the rebells by the King's forces, for it is an 
unaccountable thing that they should be sufferd to ramble up and down for 
several weeks without any notice taken of them, or so much as a single troop 
falling upon their rear. Whatever bystanders think of it, neighbor princes will 
imagin that we ar a very easy prey to an invading army, who cannot make head, 
in three weeks time, to a desperate man who landed with only an hundred and 
fifty with him.' Cf. Memoirs of Sir J. Reresby, 338 (ed. Cartwright) ; Reresby's 
brother was a captain in the Duke of Grafton's Regiment of Guards. 


the great | glutt of busines ; I call every day at the Office my selfe, fol. 53**. 
besides sending thither, and I am certainly promised them on Munday. 
The three Scotch Regiments 1 which came out of Holland, are this 
day march'd to Branford, on their way towards the King's army in the 
West, they are excellent men, and well disciplined. I have nothing 
more worth troubling your Lordship with, but the assurance of my 
being with great respect 

My Lord 

Your Lordship's most faithfull 
humble Servant 


For the Right Honorable 
The Earle of Abingdon. 
At Oxford. 

For his Majesty's 


Whitehall July *jth 1685. f 0 j. 56. 

My dear Lord 

I am in soe great a hurry at this time, that I cannot answer 
your Lordship's lettres ; but I must not omitt telling you, that yester- 
day morning the Rebells with their whole army fell upon our army, 
who were encamped with in three miles of Bridgewater 2 , and after 

1 James wrote of them to the Prince of Orange on Jnly 3 (Dalrymple, iii. 132) : 
' There cannot be, I am sure, better men than they are, and they do truly look like 
old regiments, and one cannot be better pleased with them than I am, and must 
again thank you for them. They quarter this night in Southwark, and are to 
march to morrow for Houndslow.' But James had no real confidence in them. 
{ The King found he could not even trust his own Subjects that came from thence, 
much less Strangers ; for being advertised by some Officers of those three Regi- 
ments, and by their seditious discourses in their quarters, that many not only 
of the Souldiers but of the Officers too, were So well affected to the Duke of 
Monmouth that he durst not send them downe to the West, but rather trust to 
the few Troops he had there already, than run the risque by sending a seeming 
reinforcement to his own Army to send a real one to his enemy/ (Clarke's Life 
of James II, ii. 2 7.) 

2 For the rejoicings in Oxford at the news of Sedgemoor, see Hatton Correspon- 
dence, ii. 58. The letter of Sir C. Lyttelton (ib. 60) is a severe indictment of the 
judges engaged in the Bloody Assize : 1 Y° countrey lookes, as one passes, allready 




a liltle contest, their horse commanded by my Lord Gray 1 ran away, 
the foot quickly followed, and in a word, they are totally routed, neer 
two thousand of the Rebells left dead upon the place, and not above 
one hundred of our side kill'd, and very few wounded; yesterday 
about noon the King's forces were in quiett possession of Bridgewater, 
and not ten of the Rebells to be found any where together ; Where 
Monmouth is we doe not yett hear : for to morrow you shall have 
a particular relation ; for the present I begg your Lordship s pardon, 
and am in hast 

Most faithfully yours 


; For the Right Honorable 

The Earle of Abingdon. 
At Oxford. 

For his Majesty's 


fol. 59. Oxon 8 July 

My very good Lord 

A servant of my owne brought mee yesterday from the Campe 
an account of the successe of his Majesty's forces against the Rebels 
at Bridgewater, and I hope to heare from your Lordshipp this night 
of their total defeate our army beinge in pursuite of the enemy when 
my servant came away. The news was received here with bonefires 
and tho' I cold not bee much abroade having been ill all the morning 
my Brother Charles acquaintinge mee that your Lordshipp had been 
so kinde to the University as to gett the powder and other stores for 
them without money I immediately gave them an account of it who 
are very sensible of his Majesty's favour and thankefull for your 

like a shambles.' Cf. Wood, Life and Times, iii. 151. There is a copy of the 
Form of Prayer and Solemn Thanksgiving to Almighty God for His Majesties 
Late Victories over the Rebels, to be observed upon Sunday, July 26, in Pamph. 
170, 1685. 3. 

1 For Forde Lord Grey of Werk, see D. N. B., xxiii. 182. He ransomed him- 
self at a great price, and was created Earl of Tankerville in 1696; d. 1701. 
Macaulay's portrait of him must be fresh in the recollection of all readers. 


Lordshipp's and have sent two waggons and a guarde to fetch them 
hither which will bee some charge to them and therefore I begg your 
Lordshipp will bee pleas'd to gett them dispatch'd as speedily as 
possible and I doubt not but that magazine with the armes they have 
will bee a security to this place and the whole County on all emer- 
gencys. I am not yet very well and begg your Lordshipp's pardon 
if I add no more but that 1 am 

Your Lordshipp's 


To L. C. 


10 July 

My very good Lord, 

I thanke your Lordshipp for the good news of the total 
defeate of the Rebels, and I shold bee glad to have confirm'd by your 
Lordshipp what comes from severall hands in the West that their 
head is taken 1 . I have us'd all diligence to stopp and secure all 
suspicious persons but cannot yet meete with any of them which 
makes mee thinke that as none went to them out of this County 
so few will come this way. I was in hopes of takeing one Lee 2 
a nonconformist minister who hath a farme in this County and usually 
comes once a yeare to his tennant but resides cheifely at London, but 
I cold not meete with him tho' I found some hogsheads of his bookes 
(as his tennant sayes). I presume my Militia Horse will speedily 
return hither and all of them have orders to returne to their owne 
homes, and their moneths pay being out about Wednesday next 

1 Monmouth was captured early in the morning of July 8 (Roberts, ii. 107). 
It is difficult to understand Reresby's statement (Memoirs, ed. Cartwright, 339) 
that the duke ' from the beginning of this, his desperate attempt, had shown the 
conduct of a great captain, insomuch as the King said himself, he had not made 
one false step.' 

2 There is an excellent Life of Samuel Lee in the Diet, of Nat. Biog. xxxii. 37 sq. 
He possessed an estate at Bignal, near Bicester, and was at this time minister of 
an Independent congregation at Newington Green. He very wisely emigrated to 
New England in 1686. Lee was a writer of some mark ; but Lord Abingdon's 
suspicion of 1 some hogsheads of his books ' seems to be uncalled for. 

T 2 



I wold begg of your Lordshipp to take care I may have some 
directions before that time. Wee had last night bonefires and as 
general and greate expressions of joy for this victory as ever I saw on 
any occasion, and I heare this morninge that a zealous sister who had 
often said &c. was soe unable &c. that she hath &c. I heare Mr. Bard 
is at liberty and I shold bee glad to have some orders to dispose of 
those horses I tooke from him and Mr. Hord, and haveing no body 
but your Lordshipp to apply to must begg you will pardon this and 
the many other troubles have been given you by 

My Lord 


My University officers begin to looke blancke for feare they shold 
not have their Commissions. I hope your Lordshipp will take care 
they may have them which the zeale they have showne and the expense 
they have been at deserves. 



fol. 5 9 b . [Draft.] 

Oxon 10 July. 

My Lord 

I thanke your Lordshipp for the good news of the total 
defeate of the Rebels, which I immediately communicated to the 
Vice-Chancellor and Maior, and I must needes say there was as 
general and greate expressions of joy on this as ever I saw on any 
occasion. I likewise that night sett guards on all the passages about 
this towne and not onely sent out a good petrol upon the roads for 
4 or 5 miles round but a Company of the Volunteers under C:. 
Finch march' d to Islipp where is a considerable road from Worster \ 

1 For Captain the Hon. Leopold William Finch, afterwards Warden, it is only 
necessary to refer to Prof. Burrows' Worthies of All Souls, 297, &c. The drum 
used by him is still preserved in the College Bursary. See also Wood, Life and 
Times, iii. 146, 149, &c. Mr. Andrew Clark shows (Wood, Life and Times, 
iii. 151) that Islip was an important point on the great road from London to 
Worcester and the West. Wood records that the footmen of Merton ' went to Islip 
to secure London road, and to stop all suspicious persons going to London. — At the 
same time the Universitie horse rode all night and dispersed themselves on the 
roads by Dorchester, Abendon, Farringdon,' &c. Prideaux wrote July 9 {Letters 


I have likewise search'd some suspicious [persons crossed througli\ but 
I cannot yet meete with any of the Rebels which makes mee thinke 
that as none went out of this County so few will make this way and if 
any doe I have taken such order that I hope they cannot escape. 
Whatever commands his Majesty shall bee pleas'd to send mee farther 
shall with all readynesse and cheerfullnesse bee obey'd by 

My Lord 

Your Lordshipp's 


In searchinge after one Lee a Nonconformist Minister who lives 
about London but hath an house in this County I have found 5 hogs- 
heads of bookes and his horse and if hee bee in this County I hope to 
take him. 


Whitehall July gth 1685. fol. 

My dear Lord 

This Bearer Sir Edmund Warcupp 1 will tell your Lordship all 
the news we have here, and therefore I need not give your Lordship 
any trouble at this time, but only to congratulate with you the taking 
of Monmouth, for which God be praysed ; it is not to be doubted but 
the same God, who hath putt soe happy and speedy an end to this 
Rebellion, will blesse the King with a long and happy reigne over us ; 
under whom your Lordship will find the reward of your many and 
zealous services. 

to Ellis, 142 sq.) : ' Our rebellion is now over, Monmouth and all his party beeing 
routed. Instead thereof we have now got a standeing Army, a thing the nation 
hath long been jealous of; but I hope y e King will noe otherwise use it then to 
secure our peace. The war now from y e feild I suppose will passe into y e roads, 
w ch we must expect will a while be infested with the remainder of those rogues.' 

1 Edmund Warcupp, of Northmoor, Oxon, was created M.A. 1663, and D.C.L. 
1670; knighted, Dec. 15, 1684 ; refused to take the oaths and test 1687 (Luttrell, 
i« 3 2 3> 396). He was a nephew of Speaker W. Lenthall (Madan, Supplementary 
Catalogue, iii. 379) ; and served 'in 1659 as a captain in the Parliamentary Army, 
in the Regiment of Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper. After the King's return he was 
made a J. P. for Middlesex ; and he was actively engaged as a Magistrate in 1678, 
when the Popish Plot was pretended to be discovered ' (Davenport, Oxfordshire 
Lords Lieutenant, &c, 66 sq.). See Wood's Fasti (ed. Bliss), ii. 325 ; Tanner 
MSS. xxiii. 50; Macray, Annals of the Bodleian Library, 242, 254. 



The King has sent for this grand and ungratefull Rebell to be 
brought up as soon as may be, but I doubte he cannot be here till 
fol. 63 b . Munday | at soonest; his friend Grey is to come up with him 5 . The 
King has this day thought fitt to send Monmouth's children to the 
Tower. Your Lordship will now have time to take your rest, and 
therefore 'tis not fitt I should interrupt you any longer ; I am ever 
My Lord 

Your Lordship's 

Most faithfull humble servant 


For the Right Honorable 
the Earle of Abingdon 
At Oxford. 

1 The duke and Lord Grey were committed to the Tower on the evening of 
Monday, July 13 (Roberts, ii. 121). Clarendon accompanied the duchess on her 
first visit to her husband in his prison (ib. ii. 132) ; and the duke's children were 
committed to the Tower on July 9, the duchess accompanying them voluntarily. 
The daughter (Anne) died August 12, and was buried in Westminster Abbey, 
August 13, 'in Monmouth's vault, privately' (Chester, Westfninster Abbey 
Registers, 214); and the two sons were released on November 17. Evelyn's 
remarks {Diary, July 16, 1685) will probably commend themselves to most 
readers : ' Thus ended this quondam Duke, darling of his father and the ladies, 
being extremely handsome and adroit ; an excellent soldier and dancer, a favourite 
of the people, of an easy nature, debauched by lust ; seduced by crafty knaves, 
who would have set him up only to make a property, and taken the opportunity of 
the King being of another religion, to gather a party of discontented men. He 
failed, and perished.' But he prepared the way for a better soldier and more 
astute statesman, after a brief interval, to gain the throne to which he had aspired. 


D' Alton states {English Army Lists, ii. 250) that Matthews began his career 
as a volunteer at Tangier ; and gives the date of his commissions as follows : 
Lieut, in Viscount Mordaunt's Regiment of Foot, Nov. 10, 1688 (247 ; in the 
same regiment was Capt. E. Norton, ' probably the Edward Norton, Esqr. indicted 
for high treason as a fellow-conspirator with the Duke of Monmouth in 1685,' 243) ; 
Lieut-Col. of Col. Leveson's Regiment of Dragoons, Dec. 31, 1688 ; Col. 
of the Royal Dragoons, 1690; Brigadier-General of Horse in Flanders, Oct. 4, 
1694 {ib. 250). Is he identical with the Edward Matthews who was Ensign in 
the Marquis of Worcester's Regiment of Foot, June 13, 1667 ; and Captain in 
Col. Stradling's Regiment of Foot (Feb. 28, 1678) ? 



The King has sent for this grand and ungratefull Rebell to be 
brought up as soon as may be, but I doubte he cannot be here till 
fol. 63 b . Munday | at soonest; his friend Grey is to come up with him 1 . The 
King has this day thought fitt to send Monmouth's children to the 
Tower. Your Lordship will now have time to take your rest, and 
therefore 'tis not fitt I should interrupt you any longer ; I am ever 
My Lord 

Your Lordship's 

Most faithfull humble servant 


For the Right Honorable 
the Earle of Abingdon 
At Oxford. 

1 The duke and Lord Grey were committed to the Tower on the evening of 
Monday, July 13 (Roberts, ii. 121). Clarendon accompanied the duchess on her 
first visit to her husband in his prison (ib. ii. 132) ; and the duke's children were 
committed to the Tower on July 9, the duchess accompanying them voluntarily. 
The daughter (Anne) died August 12, and was buried in Westminster Abbey, 
August 13, 'in Monmouth's vault, privately' (Chester, Westminster Abbey 
Registers, 214); and the two sons were released on November 17. Evelyn's 
remarks {Diary, July 16, 1685) will probably commend themselves to most 
readers : ' Thus ended this quondam Duke, darling of his father and the ladies, 
being extremely handsome and adroit ; an excellent soldier and dancer, a favourite 
of the people, of an easy nature, debauched by lust ; seduced by crafty knaves, 
who would have set him up only to make a property, and taken the opportunity of 
the King being of another religion, to gather a party of discontented men. He 
failed, and perished.' But he prepared the way for a better soldier and more 
astute statesman, after a brief interval, to gain the throne to which he had aspired. 


D'Alton states {English Army Lists, ii. 250) that Matthews began his career 
as a volunteer at Tangier ; and gives the date of his commissions as follows : 
Lieut, in Viscount Mordaunt's Regiment of Foot, Nov. 10, 1688 (247 ; in the 
same regiment was Capt. E. Norton, ' probably the Edward Norton, Esqr. indicted 
for high treason as a fellow-conspirator with the Duke of Monmouth in 1685,' 243) ; 
Lieut.-Col. of Col. Leveson's Regiment of Dragoons, Dec. 31, 1688 ; Col. 
of the Royal Dragoons, 1690; Brigadier-General of Horse in Flanders, Oct. 4, 
1694 (ib. 250). Is he identical with the Edward Matthews who was Ensign in 
the Marquis of Worcester's Regiment of Foot, June 13, 1667 ; and Captain in 
Col. Stradling's Regiment of Foot (Feb. 28, 1678) ? 






Richard Newton was born probably in October 1 , 1675, 
at Yardley Chase in Northamptonshire, but on the borders 
of Buckinghamshire, and not far from his father's estate of 
Laundon or Lavendon Grange 2 in the latter county. He 
was ' educated in Grammar learning,' as he tells us, at West- 
minster, was admitted to a Westminster Studentship at Christ 
Church at Christmas, 1694, and took the usual degrees of B.A. 
in 1699, M.A. in 1701. He was ordained deacon at Fulham 
May 26, 1700, and for four years seems to have devoted him- 
self to teaching, as a College and private tutor, at Oxford. 
In June, 1704, he was ordained priest, and was presented by 
Bishop Compton of London to the rectory of Sudborough 
near Kettering in his native county. It must have been soon 
after this that he vacated his Studentship by marriage 3 : but 
he continued his pupils in his country cure, and had established 
such a reputation that in 17 10, on the death of Dr. Thos. 
Smith, Principal of Hart Hall, pressure was put by his friends 

1 Newton to Rawlinson (MSS. Rawlinson, v. 18. 147) : ' I do not certainly know 
the day of my Birth, the 8th of November was the day on which I was Baptis'd.' 

2 He was the second son of his father, Thos. Newton of Laundon, but succeeded 
to the estate, his elder brother James having died in 1690. 

3 His wife was Katherine, daughter of Andrew Adams of Welton in Northants, 
and sister of Dr. Adams, a fellow of Magdalen, of whom Hearne (April 24, 1711) 
gives a very indifferent account. 


— among whom were Bishop Compton and Dean Aldrich — on 
the Chancellor 1 to nominate him to the Principalship, and on 
himself to accept it 2 . Newton was admitted Principal July 28, 
1710, and from this date begins his public life at Oxford. 

Newton returned to Oxford with decided views on the 
necessity of reform in the University: he accepted the charge 
of the Hall in the hope that he might make of it a model for 
imitation in learning, discipline, and economy. Hart Hall was 
not an unpromising field for his experiment : its character had 
always been respectable, and Dr. Smith, though his rule had 
been short, had an excellent reputation as a scholar and dis- 
ciplinarian 3 : within the limits of the Aularian Statutes, 
Newton was free to make what regulations he pleased. Un- 
fortunately the building operations of some of his predecessors 
had burdened the Hall with debt : so, in spite of his dislike of 
pluralities, he decided to retain for the time his rectory, and 
devote the income of his headship, as it came in, to the dis- 
charge of its liabilities 4 . In the University pulpit he very 
soon distinguished himself. Hearne is loud in the praise of 
this ' ingenious honest man,' as he calls him 5 . One knows 
that in Hearne's vocabulary honest and Jacobite are convertible 
terms ; but, though it is likely enough that Newton shared 
the Tory sympathies of the majority of the clergy, he was, 
as he frequently tells us, of no party 6 : and he had at this 
time the charge of two pupils who may have somewhat com- 
promised him in the eyes of keener politicians — the two sons 

1 The Duke of Ormonde, Chancellor 1688-1715. 

2 ' The Station I am in was not Coveted by me ... I was sent for, from a very 
Peaceful Retirement by my now Deceased Friends to Do what I have been attempt- 
ing.' University Education, p. 271. 

3 Hearne, June 2, 1710. Smith had been Principal only since October, 1707. 

4 Letter to Dr. Holmes, p. 6. 

5 Hearne, July 29, 1 7 10. Even after Hearne has become disgusted with Newton's 
general conduct, he looks back with regret to the sermons of those early years : 
April 12, 1726, he writes, 'I can never now expect anything curious and usefull, or 
done with any tolerable skill and judgment (whatever words may be in it) from this 
Gentleman, who however was formerly an excellent Preacher, as I have heretofore 
intimated more than once, till he was spoild by too great an opinion of himself.' 

6 In Univ. Ed. p. 218, a father's advice to his son is, ' Have nothing to do with 
Politicks, which when you have studied all your life, you will not have found out, 
what will hereafter be the Humour, or Resentment, or Private Interest or Public Views 
of Men in Power.' Decidedly an affair of Men, not Measures, in Newton's opinion f 


of Lord Pelham : Thomas, afterwards Duke of Newcastle, and 
his brother Henry 1 . But Hearne, though his good opinion 
of Newton was short-lived, is still fair enough to him in 17 12 
to protest against the quibble by which he was excluded from 
becoming a candidate for the vacant office of Public Orator. 
The Statute then regulating the election required that the 
person elected should be a Master of Arts or Bachelor of 
Civil Law 2 : hitherto these words had been interpreted as 
though they had been followed by the usual qualifying phrase 
- at the least 3 ' : but on this occasion a strong party in Con- 
vocation were prepared to hold that all degrees were excluded 
except those expressly named. Newton, who had taken the 
degree of D.D. shortly after his appointment to Hart Hall, 
thought it best to withdraw ; and the rival candidate, Digby 
Cotes of All Souls, was elected, largely, as Hearne tells us, 
through the influence of the head of his College, Dr. Gardiner, 
then Vice-Chancellor, who seems to have been the inventor of 
the new interpretation put upon the Statute 4 . 

But Newton's chief care at this time was the new scheme 
of discipline which he was introducing into his Hall, and which, 
he now began to hope, might be established on a permanent 
footing by the incorporation of the Hall by charter. Mean- 

1 To the future duke, who went to Cambridge, Newton was private tutor : but 
Henry Pelham was matriculated at Hart Hall in September, 1710. 

2 Under the existing Statute (Tit. 17, sec. 5) membership of Convocation is the 
qualification for the office : a B.C.L., as such, would now therefore be excluded. 

3 E.g. Dr. Hammond, having become D.D. in 1638, was elected Public Orator 
in 1645. 

4 Plearne, Dec. 2, 171 2. On Cotes' death in 1746 Thomas Lisle, fellow of 
Magdalen, was elected, though a D.D. of three years' standing. Newton, in 
Appendix iii to his Statutes (p. 103) has some remarks obviously referring to these 
two elections and the part taken by certain Colleges in them. ' If the University 
be disposed to prefer no Other than the Person Fit for the Vacant Office, They 
will of themselves Promote One to it, whom they shall think Worthy to fill it 
. . . This being the Case, Computations are no more Necessary that a Fit Man 
should be chosen, than it is necessary to this End, that a Great College, divided in 
their Opinions of the Fitness of Competitors, should make it a Rule to Vote all 
One Way ; the Minority, contrary to their Opinion, going over to the Majority ; 
Or that the Greater Colleges should agree among themselves to Lend each other 
Mutual Assistance towards carrying All Elections for One or Other of their respective 
Members.' And again : ' I have lived to see the Same Great College, retaining, 
if not All, yet several of the Same Members, for and against the Same Thing, in 
the Same Circumstances, with Marvelous Unanimity, or at least Uniformity.' The 
Statutes were printed in 1747, when Lisle's election was fresh. 


while the debts incurred by former Principals were paid off; 
some of the small tenements which then crowded and confined 
the boundaries of Hart Hall were purchased ; and a lease was 
obtained from Christ Church on very easy terms of an unde- 
fined piece of ground to which they had a claim On the 
area thus obtained Newton built, partly with the aid of sub- 
scriptions, the existing Chapel of Hertford College, and the 
south-eastern corner of the quadrangle : this was the famous 
Angle, the model for three others, which Newton intended to 
build on the same plan. Fortunately for posterity, he never 
had the means to carry out this part of his design. The 
Chapel was consecrated by Bishop Potter of Oxford, Novem- 
ber 25, 1 716 2 : Dr. Newton gradually established his discipline; 
and in 1720 printed an outline of his scheme, professedly for 
the purpose of inviting criticism ; though, since he added an 
appendix of remarks designed to meet all possible objections, 
it is most likely that the alterations subsequently made were 
due to his own revision. The essential features of the New- 
tonian discipline are the same in this scheme and in the later 
Statutes of the College. Already the outward form of the 
buildings is minutely prescribed : the quadrangle is to be 115 
feet in length and 100 in breadth ; the four angles are every 
one of them to contain fifteen sets of rooms, the central set to 
be occupied by a tutor 3 , who was to be responsible for the 
good order of his Angle. The sides of the quadrangle were 
to contain — the Chapel already built, on the south, the Gate 
with the Library above it on the west, the Hall on the north, 
and the Principal's lodgings on the east. All was to be 
uniform, and to correspond with the buildings already com- 
pleted 4 . The new foundation was intended to be a training 

1 It seems that Newton built, or was thought to have built, over this ground 
without knowing of the Christ Church claim to it. A tenant of Christ Church 
discovered from his lease that part of the property which he held of the House was 
a 1 Garden in Hart Hall.' This, he protested, ' he had never seen in his life, nor 
knew where to find.' Christ Church accordingly transferred this part of the lease 
to Dr. Newton at a quit rent of \d. per annum 4 without consideration.' See 
Conybeare, Calumny Refuted, pp. 109 sq. Newton, Grounds, c. ix. p. 54. 

2 Newton's sermon on this occasion was printed and 'dedicated to the sub- 
scribers.' Hearne, Dec. 21, 1716. 

3 Profanely called an ' Angler.' Amhurst, Append, to Terrae-filius , p. 283, 
' a precarious angler in your hall.' 4 Scheme, p. 5. 


school principally for the clergy ; but Newton did not approve 
of a plebeian clergy 1 , and did not care to give much encou- 
ragement to ' poor scholars.' So, though every one was to be 
endowed, no one was to have a maintenance : the income of 
the tutors was to be chiefly dependent on their pupils ; the 
students, as they were to be called, were to receive just enough 
to induce them to submit to the discipline 2 ; just enough, an 
unfriendly critic might say, to enable them to pay the fines 
by which the discipline was to be enforced. In one respect 
this first design was less ambitious than the later one ; Hart 
Hall was not to be a College but an Incorporated Hall 3 , an 
anomalous institution, which seems to foreshadow the New 
Foundation 41 of modern times. This feature of the scheme 
soon disappeared : probably it was found that it would be 
easier to get the Society incorporated as a College of the 
well-understood type than in a way for which there was no 

The design of the new College encountered opposition at 
the very outset. Dr. George Clarke, M.P. for the University 5 , 
writes to Dr. Charlett 6 Jan. 10, 1721 : — 

' I hear from Oxon that y e Principall of Hart Hall is very fond of 

1 Newton's views on this point deserve to be noted. Appendix to Scheme, p. 2 : 
' It seems Inconvenient that many more should aim to be educated Clergymen, 
than who can Themselves bear the Charge of a Liberal Education. For the 
Narrow Notions and Ordinary Behaviour of Persons meanly Born and in low 
Circumstances ; their Want of Books for the Improvement of their Understandings, 
and even of decent Apparel for their comely Appearance in their high Stations ; 
their Liableness to Improper Compliances with Great wicked Men for Bread, and 
the little Interest they will always have to Protect Themselves or their Brethren 
from Oppression in bad Times, will naturally subject them to Contempt, to the 
great Disservice of Religion.' He thinks there are ' Servitor's Places enough in 
the two Universities to bestow on all the Poor Youth in the kingdom,' who deserve 
a University education. Four are provided for in this scheme : in the later Statutes 
the objectionable name of servitor is changed for that of scholar. 

2 In particular, to strict residence in Term. App. to Scheme, p. I . 

3 Scheme, p. 5 : ' This Society shall continue in the same State with regard to 
the rest of the University, after it shall have received the aforesaid small Endow- 
ment, as it was in before, and be called by the same Name, as it now hath, and hath 
had for above these four hundred Years.' 

4 Of which Keble College is as yet the only example. 

5 Fellow of All Souls 1680-1736; he represented the University in Parliament 
continuously from 1717 to his death in 1736. He had recently taken a considerable 
part in the foundation and endowment of Worcester College (1714). 

6 Master of University, 1692-1722. 

2 86 


founding a College, but would be content to doe it in another con- 
venient place if one could be found for him ; he intends to apply to 
y e Chancellor 1 for his approbation, of which I have given his L d P 
notice this morning, that he may not be surprised into a consent, but 
take time to know the thoughts of his humble servants at Oxford. 
I told him that I could wish Dr. King 2 and Dr. Newton to exchange 
their Halls, and reminded his L d P of the claime we layd in, when he 
was at Oxford, for Hart Hall, if it should become vacant V 

The scheme partly revealed in Clarke's letter was this : 
a certain Dr. Worth 4 had, it seems, a promise from the Duke 
of Ormonde when Chancellor of the Principalship of Hart 
Hall on the next vacancy. If the Hall were incorporated 
under Newton's Statutes, he would have been cheated of this 
prospect. So it is proposed that Dr. Newton should take 
St. Mary Hall in exchange for his own, and found his College 
there — a cool proposal, considering his recent purchases and 
buildings. Though this particular plan was not pressed, yet 
consideration for Dr. Worth's interest in Hart Hall seems to 
have made many of the Heads of Colleges unwilling to give 
to Dr. Newton's scheme the approval which the Chancellor 
required 5 as a preliminary to his own consent. 

Dr. Charlett died not long afterwards 6 : and in the disputed 
election for the Mastership of University which followed, 
Dr. Newton had an opportunity of which he did not fail to 
take advantage, of making his peace with the Heads 7 . The 

1 The Earl of Arran, who had succeeded the Duke of Ormonde in 171 5. 

2 Dr. William King, Principal of St. Mary Hall, 1719-1763. 

3 MSS. Ballard, 20. 107. 

4 Worth had been deprived in 1 707 of a fellowship to which he had been irregu- 
larly elected at All Souls, being then Archdeacon of Worcester. (Hearne, Jan. 9, 
1707.) He was a good scholar, and probably wished for a locus standi at Oxford : 
but I suspect that this scheme was part of a larger one, the object of which was to 
add to Charlett's preferments. It may be noted that both King and Newton long 
survived Dr. Worth, who died in 1 742. 

5 Here, I presume, Dr. Clarke's influence comes in. 

6 December 18, 1722. Dr. Newton was inclined to attribute all his subsequent 
troubles to the check which Charlett had given to his designs : ' He is in his 
Grave, having first been the Instrument of defeating My Project, without accom- 
plishing His Own.'' Letter, p. 7. 

7 At least it seems that his action had this effect. Conyb. C. R. p. 53. Newton, 
Grounds, c. vii. p. 32 n. Perhaps his fondness for writing was always a sufficient 
cause for a pamphlet. 


two candidates for the mastership were Thomas Cockman, a 
former, and William Denison, an actual fellow of the College. 
At the election Cockman obtained five votes out of ten, and 
Denison, who threw away his own vote, only four. But it 
was contended that a canonical election being required by the 
Statutes, one candidate or the other ought to have had an 
absolute majority of the electors present. Denison's sup- 
porters appealed to the Visitors : five days afterwards 

' The Visitors met. The Proctor for the Appellants returned the 
Process duly executed on the Parties Appellate. They were severally 
call'd. None of them appear'd. The Visitors pronounced them 
Contumacious, and decreed Procedendum fore etc. Hereupon Eight 
of the Visitors exhibited a Protest in writing, wherein they declar'd, 
that inasmuch as they had not Determin'd this Cause within Three 
Days after it was brought before them, their Visitatorial Power was at 
an end. . . . Then came Mr. Cockman into Court and declar'd he had 
been admitted, that morning, to the Mastership of the College ; and 
that the Visitors had no further Jurisdiction. . . . The Court adjourned 
to the next day, Dec. 12. . . . The Protesting Visitors absented. The 
Acting Visitors proceeded to hear the merit of the Appeal. They 
found Mr. Cockman's Election had not been made agreeably to the 
Statute de Canonica Electione. They . . . order'd the Fellows to pro- 
ceed to a new Election. They were regularly cited for that purpose. 
Nine appear'd. Five proceeded to elect. Four refused. Mr. Denison 
was elected. There was no Appeal to the Visitors. His Election 
was Confirmed. He was Admitted. He is Master.' 

Such is Newton's account of the matter 1 : but who were 
these Visitors ? They were the Vice-Chancellor, Doctors in 
Divinity and Proctors, who styled themselves and wished to 
be believed 1 the true lawful and undoubted Visitors of Uni- 
versity College.' In fact their position was open to serious 
doubt. They had certainly acted on former occasions as 
Visitors, but only as delegates of Convocation, in which the 
Visitatorial authority really resided, and to which there lay 
an appeal 2 . In the end Cockman obtained the Mastership: 

1 Proceedings, &=c. Vindicated. Introd. 

2 W. Smith {Annals of Univ. Coll. p. 376) sums up to the effect that ' it is as 
impossible for one Side to shew that ever a Master of University College was 
admitted by any Fellow till his Election was approved by the Vice-Chancellour 



but it was at the expense of overthrowing the Visitatorial 
authority of both Convocation and its Delegacy, and estab- 
lishing that of the King as the successor of Alfred 1 . 

But six years were yet to pass before the case of University 
College was finally decided at Westminster : meanwhile Dr. 
Newton put forth a pamphlet to vindicate the authority and 
proceedings of the self-constituted Visitors. The Heads of 
Houses 2 were conciliated ; his principal opponent amongst 
them had been removed : and on the representations of 
Newton's friends, among whom was Mr. Strangeways 3 , an 
intending benefactor to the new foundation, the Chancellor 
gave a cordial approval to the scheme of incorporation 4 . 

But troubles from another quarter had meanwhile appeared. 
In an unhappy moment, ' some time towards the latter end of 
the year 3722 or the beginning of 1723,' John Conybeare, 
fellow of Exeter College, had ' discover'd casually 5 a memo- 
randum in Eveleigh's Register Book of Exeter College estates; 
which suggested, that the Title of Exeter College to Hart Hall 
was much clearer than the Title of Magdalen College to Mag- 
dalen Hall ; and that Hart Hall might be recover'd to Exeter 

Doctors and Proctors ; as it is for the other Side to prove that those last named 
persons are the true and absolute Visitors of the College, or any more than a stand- 
ing Delegacy, from whose Judgment Appeals may and frequently have been made 
to the Convocation.' 

1 And, it may be added, of setting up the Alfred legend as an article of Faith. 
See a letter of May 2, 1727, quoted by Smith (p. 339) : ' It has been said in West- 
minster Hall by one of the Interpreters of the Law, that king Alfred must be 
confirmed our Founder, for the sake of Religion itself, which would receive a Greater 
Scandal by a Determination on the other Side, than it had by all the Atheists Deists 
and Apostates from Julian down to Collins : that a Succession of Clergymen for so 
many years should return Thanks for an Idol, or mere Nothing, in Ridicule and 
Banter of God and Religion, must not be suffered in a Court of Justice.' 

2 Who practically controlled the Delegacy, seeing that it consisted precisely 
of the Hebdomadal Board with the addition of such Doctors in Divinity as were 
resident. Newton himself acted as a Visitor on this occasion. 

3 Thomas Strangeways or Strangways had been a member of Hart Hall, and wa s 
now M.P. for Dorset. 

* Earl of Arran to Lord Carteret, May 17, 1723: 'I am so far from being 
a hindrance to this good Work, that I do not only readily give my Consent to it, 
but make it my request that your Lordship would please to give Orders for the 
expediting of this matter, so that the Principal's good Intentions may have effect as 
soon as may be.' S. P. Dom. Geo. I. B. 56. 115. Carteret was Secretary of State 
until April, 1724, when the Duke of Newcastle succeeded. 

5 Newton thinks rather ' sought after with diligence.' Grounds, c. vi. p. 23. 


College, if it should be ever thought worth while to contend 
for it V Conybeare did think it worth while ; and with the 
co-operation of some of the fellows and the support of their 
Vis'itor, the Bishop of Exeter 2 , started a formidable opposition 
to the granting of Dr. Newton's Charter. 

Indirectly this was the cause of another misfortune : Dr. 
Newton himself shall tell the story : 

' One of my Tutors, whilst I was attending the Grievous Opposition 
given by Exeter College to the Incorporation of My Hall, had under- 
taken to be the Publick Lecturer 3 , in my Absence and in my Stead ; 
and, for proper Reasons, had alter'd the Hour of the Lecture, as I 
My self have often done, from Two in the Afternoon till Four ; and 
had given early Notice of it to Those who were concern'd. A certain 
Leader, who Assum'd to himself to be the Protector of the Com- 
moners in their Privileges, that nothing of Hardship might be impos'd 
upon them by their Tutors, took the Liberty to expostulate with the 
Reader of the Lecture (though not himself subject to it) about the 
Alteration of the Hour, in so unbecoming a Manner, and with such 
improper Insinuations, as could not but have very ill Effects upon 
the Society. Accordingly, Many of them enter' d into a Conspiracy 
not to submit to the Lecturer's Injunction, and the Rule of the House 
in that particular. They came not to Lecture; they were Impos'd. 
They refused to make their Impositions ; they were put out of 
Commons. They broke open the Doors to come at the Provisions ; 
they were Sconc'd. They hiss'd the Tutors of the Society, and 
shew'd other Marks of Insolence and Contempt ; and went in a Body 
to offer Themselves to be Admitted into Another House : They were 
rejected, return'd home, cool'd in a day or two, came to themselves, 
were asham'd and confounded at what they had been doing, begg'd 
Pardon in proper Epistles, made their Impositions, were received 
again into Favour, their pecuniary Penalties were remitted, the Hall, 
for the present, was Exposed, but the Discipline of it, as I appre- 

1 Conyb. C. R. pp. 13 sq. It must be noted that Conybeare would give the 
impression that the title of Magd. Coll. to Magd. Hall was clear, and the title of 
Exeter Coll. to Hart Hall much clearer: whereas it had been decided in the 
Common Pleas in 1694 that Magd. Coll. had no effective title to Magd. Hall. 

2 Dr. Lancelot Blackburne, the cheerful prelate who ' had been a buccaneer, and 
was a clergyman,' according to Horace Walpole. He was translated the next year 
(1724) to York. But his successor, Dr. Stephen Weston, took up the quarrel with 
still greater ardour. 

3 The Public Lecture was given by the Principal to all the Undergraduates of the 
Hall every Thursday at two o'clock. 




hended, most effectually Establish'd \ And so, indeed, I had Reason 
to apprehend, 'till it received this Wound from Mr. B. and from the 
P — s/ of 0 — /, than which a greater hath not been given to Discipline 
in general, in the Memory of Man, nor, indeed, can possibly be 
given V 

'This Wound' was the admission of William Seaman at 
Oriel College. Seaman had been implicated in the revolt 
and had returned to his duty with the rest. But ' in Act 
Term, 1723,' he applied for a discessit from Hart Hall. On 
Newton's refusal to give him one, he took his name off the 
books and went into the country. Towards Christmas he 
reappeared and was admitted a Commoner of Oriel College 
in the absence of both the Provost and the Dean by Joseph 
Bowles 3 , a fellow of the College, but not even, as Newton 
complains, the senior in residence. Dr. Carter, the Provost, 
was a man of peace : perhaps the thing done could not be 
undone : at any rate he acquiesced in the irregular admission, 
paying at the same time the fine of forty shillings imposed by 
the Statute in such cases. 

Dr. Newton had in this matter good cause of complaint, and 
he was not the man to let it pass in silence ; but the book 
which he thought fit to publish on this occasion under the 
somewhat misleading title of University Education magnifies 
the grievance beyond all reason. His excited imagination 
pictured Hart Hall deserted by all its scholars, fleeing from 
the wholesome discipline which he had established : 

' I seem to have only this Choice left me, Whether I will Suspend 
the Use of the Statutes which the University hath laid me under an 
Oath to observe, or Evacuate this Ancient House of Learning by 
putting them in Execution.' 

1 Terrae-Jilius, Appendix, p. 306 : ' I joyfully congratulate your Majesty upon 
this occasion ; hoping that none of your subjects will attempt to disturb your reign 
any more ; but join with a loud voice in crying, Long live Dr. Newton, monarch 
of Hart Hall.' 

2 Univ. Ed. pp. 106-108. 

3 The e Mr. B.' of Newton's book. He had been himself a Commoner of Hart 
Hall (Univ. Ed. p. 74). 'His own merit had not been overlook'd in that obscure 
House of Learning.' Indeed, according to Amhurst, Newton had made difficulties 
about his leaving it (App. to Terrae-filius , p. 283). He was Bodley's Librarian 
from 1 719 to his death in 1729. 


And yet the thing complained of had never happened but 
in this one instance since 1548. That the forty-shilling 
penalty, originally fixed in 1489, had become trivial, is true 
enough ; still it was all that the statute required ; nor had 
such a disciplinarian as Archbishop Laud thought fit to in- 
crease it in 1634. The fine, it seems, had ultimately come 
out of Seaman's pocket ; but it was idle for Newton to insist, 
as he did, that it was the Provost who should have paid it. 
In the case of the year 1 548 the Rector of St. Mary's College 
was ordered by the Vice-Chancellor to restore a scholar whom 
he had admitted without a discessit from White Hall. Even 
as he presents the case, Dr. Newton allows that the restora- 
tion of the scholar was an alternative to the payment of the 
penalty; yet he contends that the Provost of Oriel should, 
after paying the fine, restore the scholar into the bargain : 

'Will now so Wise and Good a Man as Mr. P — st of O — / 
content himself to say, " That the Statute is Penal and that the 
Penalty is paid"? Will a Good Man rest in this, that the Statute 
Demands no more, and that therefore he Needs do no more ? If he 
Can do more ; if it be agreeable to the Intetition of the Statute that 
he should do more ; if, in every respect whatsoever, it will be Better 
that he should, than that he should not, do more ; methinks, as he is 
a Good Man, he must Needs do more. The Letter of the Law is one 
thing, the Equity of it another. He must of Necessity desire, that 
however defective the Expression of the Law may be, the Intention of 
it should not be fruitless. Defect in the Terms of the Law, however 
this may be a Refuge to One, who aims only to be Safe, never fails to 
be supply 'd by Him, who loves to be Obedient^.' 
But the Provost's refuge was in silence : 

'Newton with open mouth demands a Stray; 
Carter looks wisely and will nothing say: 
Newton remonstrates ; Carter's wondrous shy : 
Newton then prints; but Carter won't reply: 
O endless Question, should it last so long, 
Till Carter speaks, or Newton holds his tongue 2 ! ' 

1 Univ. Ed. p. 83. 

2 Hearne, Nov. 16, 1724 : ' Communicated to me last night by Mr. James West 
of Balliol College, who said the author of them was Mr. Davies, formerly Vice- 
Principal of Hart Hall. I should rather think they were done by Mr. Jones of 
Balliol College.' 

U % 



Needless to say, Newton never got back his 1 Stray/ It 
seems that one motive for Seaman's migration, which perhaps 
could not well have been avowed, was that he had a prospect 
of a fellowship at OrieL He died fellow in 1735 1 . 

Seaman's was not the only case dealt with in Newton's 
book ; another of his scholars, Joseph Somaster by name, had 
applied for a discessit to go to Balliol, alleging that he could 
live cheaper there than at Hart Hall, that he was promised 
tuition for nothing, and finally that he was eligible for a 
scholarship. On the last ground Newton felt obliged to let 
him' go, though the gratuitous tuition seems to have been 
a delusion. But he was indignant at the reflection on the 
economy of his Hall. To defend it he prints Somaster's 
account 2 for one quarter of continuous residence, showing 

1 Hearne, May 12, 1735. 

2 I reproduce this account with Newton's own notes from p. 196. It is interest- 
ing as showing the average expenses of an undergraduate in a College which aimed 
at economy. The quarter is from Midsummer to Michaelmas, 1723, in which 
period Somaster ' was not Absent from the Hall one Day.' His home being as far 
off as Kingsbridge in Devon, he lived no doubt at Oxford, Term and Vacation 

£ s. d. 

1 Chamber-Rent 01 00 00 

a Tuition and Officers Stipends 02 05 00 

b University Dues . . . 00 01 03 

c Charter 00 00 06 

Bedmaker's Wages 00 06 06 

Domus . . . . . . . . . . 00 00 03 

d Decrements . . . . . . . . . . 00 04 02 

Servitor . . . . . . . . . . 00 02 06 

Commons and Battels {Cook and Butler's Salaries 9 included) 03 16 11 

£o*l 17 01 

a To the Tutor, £1 10s. To the Publick Lecturer, $s. To the Vice- Principal, 
Chaplain, Catechist, and Moderator, 2s. 6d. each. [These charges, Newton adds, 
are rather above the average, but undergraduates at Hart Hall gain by having fewer 
Fees to pay than elsewhere.] 

b To the Readers of the Unendowed Lectures, 6d. To the Bedell of Arts, 2d., 
called Culet, i.e. Collecta. To the Keeper of the Galleries at St. Mary's, 6d. To 
the Clerk of St. Mary's, id. 

c Paid to the University, at Michaelmas and Lady Day only, for the Defence of 
their Privileges. 

d Each Scholar's Proportion for Fuel, Candles, Salt, and other Common Neces- 
saries : originally so call'd as so much did, on these accounts, decrescere, or was 
discounted, from a Scholar's Endowment. 

e \d. a week to each of those Servants from every Commoner of the Society, in 
lieu of all Fees and Perquisites, before receiv'd by them.' 


that the whole expense of his eating and drinking did not 
exceed \o\d. a day: 

'After this manner did This Commoner Live in Hart Hall; and 
after this manner . . . have Other Commoners Liv'd, and do still Live 
in Hart Hall; and after this manner, whenever my Family are not 
with me ... do I Myself "Live in Hart Hall. Upon these Occasions 
I hardly ever Dine or Sup out of the Common Refectory ; I neither 
Vary the Meat 1 nor Exceed the Proportion that is set before the 
Lowest Commoner ; Ten-pence b. Day hath paid for my Breakfast, 
Dinner and Supper, even when there was Ale in the Society, which 
now there is not V 

However, a scholarship of £3 2s. 6d. a year seemed a 
sufficient reason to Dr. Newton for granting Somaster 
a discessit. 

But Newton had his triumphs in this controversy as well as 
his defeats : here is another story he has to tell : 

'No sooner was W — m S — ns Settlement in 0 —I C — e in ap- 
pearance fixed and certain, but Another Young Man of the Society, 
equally reluctant to the Discipline of it, and under the like Resent- 
ment and Influence, sollicites a Discessit from me to go to Trinity 
College. The Reason offer'd for this Removal being disapprov'd by 
Me, a Different One was given to the Vice-Chancellor : Which was, 
that at Trinity they had a very Fine Garden ; and he hoped to have 
his Health better there than at Hart Hall.' 

But this would-be deserter found no favour either from the 
Vice-Chancellor or the President of Trinity; nor would Dr. 
Newton give him a discessit until he had returned to the 
Hall 3 and had there given ' a Specimen of Behaviour that 
was fit to be Approv'd in Trinity College.' Then, it appears, 
he allowed him to go, and he now ' takes the Liberty, for once, 

1 Terrae-filius, Append, p. 301 n., remarks, ' This part is liable to dispute ; I will 
only put you in mind of the late instance of pease and bacon. You remember what 
you said upon that occasion, viz. Is such diet as this to descend to the populace . ? ' 

2 Univ. Ed. p. 199. Ale is of course the strong Ale, now to be found only in 
a few Colleges. ' Small beer ' was the drink of Hart Hall : Terrae-filius, 1. c. 
PP- 2 93> 3 J 7> makes merry over the diet of small beer and apple dumplings,' the 
prescribed fare for dinner on Fridays in the Hall. 

3 P. 120. Like Seaman, he seems to have taken his name off the books ; unlike 
him, to have failed to get another house to take him in. 


to intrude into this young Gentleman's Retirement ' with ' this 
faithful Advice : 

That he do not Mistake the Use of that Fine Garden, which he 
pretends so much to Admire ... I would have him consider, that the 
proper Use of that Fine Garden is not to create in Philosophers an 
Appetite to Elegance, but to set forth to Young Men the Advantage 
of Education : for those Fine Eughs 1 could not have been so beauti- 
fully form'd, if they had not been Obedient to the Bender s Will 2 , and 
suffered with Patience the Amputation of every luxuriant and super- 
fluous Branch, in confidence that all this Art, and Care, and seeming 
Severity of the Pruner, would contribute to the Improvement, and to 
the Reputation of the Plants V 

One cannot but suspect that in such a passage as this 
Newton was not altogether unconscious of the humorous 
quality of his style 4 : and, whatever we may think of the 
argument of University Education, the pleasure he took in 
writing it is manifest in every line. Hearne bluntly calls the 
book ' a most wretched silly trifling thing 5 ' ; and indeed the 
idea from which Newton sets out, that the whole body of 
University and College Statutes was rendered useless as long 
as the particular statute about migrations remained as it was, 
is absurd enough. It was no doubt annoying to a man who 
was attempting to establish a particular rule of discipline to 
see his scholars evade it by going elsewhere ; but Seaman's 
example was not allowed to be made a precedent, and 
Newton's gloomy predictions had been falsified before his 
book appeared. But after all the book in detail is better 
than its design, and the following passage, which sets forth 
some of the practical results of free migration, may serve to 
refute Hearne's statement that it contains not a single 'good 
or curious observation ' ; while it certainly justifies Newton's 
unwillingness to grant discessits. 

1 Meaning no doubt Yews : but is there any authority for Newton's spelling? 

2 Spenser, b. I. c. i. 9. 3 Univ. Ed. pp. 121 sq. 

* Cf. his pleasing description of All Souls, p. 211. A friend had commissioned 
him to enter his son at a College, if possible All Souls. But that, says Newton, 
was not possible, 1 it being an Excellent Part of the Constitution of that Society to 
Admit no Other Members of it, but such as having liv'd with Reputation in the 
University for some Years are Ambitious to be Elected into it.' 

5 Hearne, April 12, 1726. 


' When I have already an Irregular Scholar in My Society, there 
are these Reasons for Detaining such a Scholar, for a time, tho' 
Irregular. 1 . That if I readily let Him go, because he hath made Me 
Uneasy, and I am Weary of him, Others will infallibly behave in the 
same Manner, with the same View. 2. That when I shall have given 
him Leave to go, he will not be gone for all that. He will Enter 
Himself in Another House indeed ; but as, when he was a Member 
of This House, he Liv'd half his Time in Another) so now he is 
Removed to Another, he will Live here still as much as at home ; and 
will give me abundantly more Trouble now, than he either did, or 
possibly could do before, since he now finds he may do it with 
Impunity; for his Present Governor is not here to take Notice of 
him, and his Former Governor hath nothing further to do with him. 
He is Departed, indeed, but his Ghost still hovers about the Ground ; 
haunts the place of his wonted Abode ; disturbs the several Apart- 
ments with unseasonable Visits, and with strange Noises ; and scares 
all Those who never expected his Return to This Region any more V 

But to return to the controversy with Exeter. It was ad- 
mitted on both sides that the College had some claim upon 
some part of the Hall. Indeed there is no doubt that the 
original Hart Hall, with the adjoining Arthur Hall, was pur- 
chased by Bishop Stapeldon from the then proprietors in 
131 2-14, and that these two Halls were the first home of the 
Bishop's new foundation. After Stapeldon's scholars had 
moved to the present site of Exeter College, they continued 
to receive rent for the two Halls, soon merged into one under 
the name of Hart Hall 2 . But in the course of centuries Hart 
Hall had absorbed other Halls 3 and tenements : consequently 
the yearly rent of £1 13s. ^d. which was paid to Exeter 
College in Dr. Newton's time 4 , was due only in respect of 
a part of what was then Hart Hall, the site of the two Halls 
originally purchased by Stapeldon. According to Newton 

1 Pp. 50 sq. Amhurst happily appropriates the last sentence (He is Departed, 
&c.) as a motto for Terrae-Filius. Throughout his bantering Letter (Appendix to 
T. F.) he delights in addressing Newton as his fellow-labourer in the great work of 
reforming the Universities. 

2 See Boase, Reg. Coll. Exon. iii-x. and the documents, pp. 284-288. 

3 As Black Hall, Cat Hall, &c. 

4 Newton was mistaken in thinking that the rent had been unvaried for 400 
years (v. Boase, I.e.), but right in what he asserted, that it had been the same for 
185 years. 



this quit-rent, as he regarded it, was the utmost the College 
had a right to : the College asserted that they were owners 
of the soil, and that they could and would recover posses- 
sion, unless satisfactory terms of compensation were agreed 

Meanwhile, Dr. Newton's petition for a charter had been 
presented, and referred to the opinion of the Solicitor-General, 
Sir Philip Yorke 1 : Exeter College put in a caveat, desiring to 
be heard in opposition. After a delay of some months, in the 
course of which the Solicitor-General became Attorney-General, 
and Exeter College, as Conybeare complains, lost the assistance 
of their counsel, Sir Clement Wearg, now promoted into the 
place of Yorke, the hearing at length took place February 25, 
1724. The Attorney-General's Report to the King followed 
on October 1. He expressed doubts — which were amply 
justified in the sequel — as to the adequacy of the proposed 
endowment for the new College ; but against the claims of 
Exeter he pronounced without reserve : the evidence produced 
by the College proved only, in his opinion, that the College 
had in times past, by means of collusive leases granted to 
former Principals, attempted, and failed, to set up the very 
title to the Hall which they now claimed. Hart Hall had, 
he considered, as good a title against Exeter College as 
Magdalen Hall had been allowed to have against Magdalen 
College by the judgement in the Court of Common Pleas of 
1694 2 . 

But Dr. Newton's troubles were by no means at an end. 
Dr. Hole, indeed, the Rector of Exeter, acquiesced in the 
Attorney-General's decision : but the leading spirits of the 
opposition among the fellows took immediate steps to con- 
tinue it. The triumvirate, as Newton calls them, Conybeare, 
Atwell, and Bailey 3 , instructed their legal agent to petition 

1 Afterwards Lord Hardvvicke. 

2 See Attorney-General's Report in Appendix. 

3 Joseph Atwell (F.R.S. and distinguished as a man of science) held a general 
power of attorney from the College to prosecute their claims, at least until the 
hearing of Feb. 1724. He was throughout the informing spirit of the opposition 
to Newton. Thomas Bailey did not take a prominent part in the business, except 
in joining with Conybeare to coerce the Rector (Conyb. C. R. p. 33 ; Newton, 
Grounds, c. viii. p. 35). He died in 1733. 


the Duke of Newcastle, ' in case they should desire to be 
further heard against Dr. Newton's Petition before His Ma- 
jesty in Council, that your Petitioner may have time to pre- 
pare matters for that end, before any Warrant issue out of 
your Grace's Office for a Charter 1 .' The Duke consented, 
and Conybeare and his friends thought themselves 'safe for 
the present.' Their confidence might have proved misplaced 
had Dr. Newton been the man of sharp practices that Cony- 
beare endeavours to prove him. If at this moment he had 
pressed his old pupil the Duke for the Warrant, it is difficult 
to see what obstacle the College could have opposed to its 
being issued. The Warrant would have gone to the office 
of the Lord Privy Seal ; there the College could have secured 
a fresh hearing for their claims, before the issue of the charter. 
But what the triumvirate really desired was delay ; they had 
no fresh evidence to produce, and they never did produce any; 
though some circumstances gave plausibility to their pretence 
that Dr. Hole was now entirely in Newton's interest, and was 
withholding from the fellows documents which would prove 
their rights. 

Dr. Newton, meanwhile, secure in the judgement of the 
Attorney-General, was busying himself about certain amend- 
ments which he wished to have made in his charter 2 . That 
the charter itself was in danger, he does not seem to have 
imagined. But a powerful adversary had just been added to 
the ranks of its opponents. Bishop Blackburne of Exeter 
had concurred with the College in demanding a hearing for 
their claims : he might perhaps have been satisfied by the 
Attorney-General's report ; but in the meantime he had been 
translated to York ; he was no longer Visitor of the College. 
The new bishop, Dr. Stephen Weston, took up the cause which 
he believed to be that of the College with ardour ; and his 
influence soon appeared in the disagreeable intelligence that 
Newton received from the Under Secretary under date May 
18, 1725, 'That he [the Secretary] had, that day, had an 
opportunity of offering my instruments for the Incorporation 
of the Hall to the Duke of Newcastle for His Majesty's 

1 Conyb. C. R. p. 32. 

2 See the Correspondence in Appendix. 



signing ; but his Grace bid him let me know, that the Bishop 
of Exeter opposed it : and that it would be necessary for me 
to wait upon the Bishop and make him easy in the first place; 
and then his Grace would move His Majesty upon it 1 .' 

Thus began the long opposition, which wasted fifteen weary 
years of Newton's life, and, worst of all, outlived his friend, 
' Mr. Strangeways, who waited to see the Hall incorporated, 
that he might settle his endowments upon it 2 ' : so that the 
new foundation, when at length it emerged from the struggle, 
emerged with a mortal wound. Not only was the remaining 
endowment insufficient, as the Attorney-General foresaw, for 
any College ; but it was insufficient to secure the establish- 
ment of the scheme of discipline, which was to make Hertford 
College what, for want of it, it never had a chance of 

The opposition subsequent to the Attorney-General's report 
must be distinguished from that which preceded it. Exeter 
College had a prima facie case, and it is no wonder that 
Bishop Blackburne took the view that it was the duty of the 
fellows to fight it. They did so, and the decision had gone 
against them. So far the whole College had acted together ; 
henceforward it was only a party that wished to continue the 
struggle. It was still possible to appeal from the Attorney- 
General's judgement, and this the opponents of the Charter 
at first determined to do. They petitioned the Duke of 
Newcastle, as we have seen, for delay; they induced the 
Rector to put the College seal to a petition to be heard before 
the King in Council ; and they lodged a second caveat at 
the office of the Lord Privy Seal. But as soon as they had 
persuaded their new Visitor of the justice of their cause, the 
petition was allowed to lie idle ; the caveat expired and was 
never renewed ; in the influence of the Bishop of Exeter they 

1 Grounds, c. ix. p. 38. 

2 Univ. Ed. p. 18 note. Strangeways had undertaken to provide the endowment 
for the whole body of students. He died Sept. 22, 1726, at the age of 43, without 
having made any provision for the carrying out of his intentions ; which Conybeare 
therefore professes to doubt. ' If he had intended anything of the kind, he might 
easily have secured it to Hart Hall in trust, to be paid when the Charter should be 
granted ' (C. R. p. 69). But Strangeways' premature death, and Newton's assur- 
ance {Grounds, p. 42 a) dispose of this objection. 


had found a force of obstruction which they hoped would 
compel Dr. Newton from sheer exhaustion to desist from his 
design. The position was this : while the Caveat was waiting 
— or supposed to be waiting 1 — at the Privy Seal Office, to 
arrest the charter as soon as it should arrive there, Bishop 
Weston's influence was sufficient to prevent its ever leaving 
the office of the Secretary of State. The Duke would not 
let the charter go forward until Dr. Newton had ' made the 
Bishop easy,' which, after repeated attempts, Dr. Newton 
found he had no chance of doing. 

It is not unlikely that Bishop Weston had been persuaded 
of the truth of Conybeare's assertions, that Dr. Hole was 
entirely in Newton's interest, that he withheld the muniments 
of the College from the inspection of the fellows, while he 
allowed Newton to search freely amongst them for anything 
that might favour his views. Dr. Hole was a man of weak 
character, not greatly respected in his College ; his prestige 
had been diminished by a quarrel with the fellows not many 
years before, in which he had been worsted on an appeal to 
the Visitor : he had a certain fund of senile obstinacy, but his 
great age — he was eighty-four at the time of the Attorney- 
General's report — had also weakened his memory, and made 
him incapable of persisting in any settled course 2 . He wished 
to befriend Newton ; but the only effective action he took in 
his friend's cause was his refusal — in spite of his friend's re- 
quest — to refund to the College the expenses which with his 
own consent they had incurred — some ,£80 — in opposing the 
charter before the Attorney-General 3 . His obstinacy in this 

1 It had been allowed to expire ; but it could be renewed whenever the Bishop 
gave them warning that he could, for any reason, no longer stop the progress of 
the Charter. 

2 Newton, Letter, p. 10 d. ' Tho' he often fled to me in his Distress, yet he never 
followed my Advice in a single instance. By thus applying to me and consulting 
me and favouring me with his good Opinion and kind Expressions, he might, for 
ought I know, have induced a Belief that I had some Influence over him, which 
I never had .... Any kind of Terror, real or feigned, would at any time have 
made him recede from his Purpose. ... He was an Honest Man, as far as 
a Timorous Man can be so, an excellent practical Preacher and Catechetical 
Lecturer, but a very unfit Governor of a College.' Conybeare, C. R. p. 117, calls 
him, less politely, ' a weak, forgetful, fanciful, inapprehensive Old Gentleman.' 

3 Avarice was notoriously one of his failings. Terrae-Filius, viii. p. 39, and 



particular, and his pliability in others, did Newton more harm 
than good. As for the charge of his refusing access to the 
College muniments, Newton has sufficiently answered it. It 
was among those muniments that Conybeare first discovered 
the memorandum from which he started : it was from those 
muniments that the documents in support of the College pre- 
tensions were produced before the Attorney-General, and no 
complaint was made at the time that any evidence had been 
suppressed. More than that, no fresh documents were forth- 
coming, when Dr. Hole died and Conybeare himself succeeded 
to tfye Rectorship. Still, as long as Dr. Hole lived, it was 
possible to represent to the Visitor that the College was 
denied the use of its archives and at the same time to plead 
the Rector's age as an excuse for not compelling him to pro- 
duce them. So about the year 1727 it was generally under- 
stood that the Bishop would continue to obstruct the progress 
of the charter for the remainder of the Rector's life 1 . 

Dr. Newton, too, placed his hopes in the election of a new 
Rector. William Stephens, whom rumour, founded on half- 
forgotten promises, had designated as Hole's successor, was 
his friend 2 . But when at length Dr. Hole died a nonagena- 
rian in 1730, it was not Stephens, but Conybeare, who was 
elected in his place. At least it could not be said that Cony- 
beare had not access to his College muniments 3 . Newton 
attempted to reopen the question ; but his attempt ended in 
a fruitless interchange of civilities with the new Rector, and 
a more decided rebuff from the Bishop, to whom a last appeal 
had been made 4 . It was evident that his opponents did not 

1 In fact Conybeare had requested him to do so. C. R. p. 44. 

2 Grounds, c. x. p. 47. Stephens had ceased to be a fellow as far back as 1719, 
and was at this time vicar of St. Andrew's, Plymouth. 

3 Accordingly he is reduced to hinting that Newton had purloined some of 
them (C. R. p. 128). But the charge is hardly serious : the only important docu- 
ment missing was the original grant of Hart and Arthur Halls from Bp. Stapeldon 
to the scholars of his foundation. Its tenour was known and its existence presumed 
in other documents produced before the Attorney-General. It was known to have 
been sent up to London for Archbishop Laud's inspection during his Chancellor- 
ship, and had not been seen in Oxford since. Probably enough, as Newton suggests, 
{Grounds, p. 25) it was seized with the rest of Laud's papers when the archbishop 
was committed to the Tower. 

4 Newton's Sixth Letter to the Bp. of Exeter, May 16, 1732 : printed in Letter, 
pp. 17 sqq. 


intend to allow his charter to proceed, or to let the claims of 
Exeter to the Hall come to a second trial. A fresh change 
in the Rectorship did not alter the situation. In January, 
1733, Dr. Conybeare became Dean of Christ Church : in the 
following month Atwell was elected Rector of Exeter in his 
place. Overtures were made to him, this time by the Vice- 
Chancellor 1 : Atwell quoted a late utterance of the Bishop, 
which was reported to Newton as meaning that the matter 
was still open. The usual misunderstandings followed : 
Newton wished to press the Bishop with his own words. 
Then (I quote Newton's narrative) : 

'The Vice-Chancellor desired he might speak with Me, before I 
proceeded. When I waited upon him early on the nineteenth [Apr. 19, 
1733] I found him of Opinion there had been no Mistake 2 ; but 
since I was determined to make the Matter Publick, He desired once 
more to ask Mr. Atwell, whom he was to Admit that Morning to the 
Degree of Doctor in Divinity 3 , whether there had or no. I equally 
desired he would do so, and that he would acquaint him, at the same 
time, with my Resolution. When this was understood, Mr. Atwell 
said " No. The thing was not so as He 4 had represented it. What 
he had said to Him was, that he would do as the College would do, and 
the College would do as their Visitor would have them do" or to this 
Effect. As the former Conversation was not remembered by Mr. At- 
well, so this was New to the Vice-Chancellor. The Discourse hap- 
pened in the Apodyterium. After they entered the Congregation, and 
Mr. Atwell had had a Conference with Dr. Conybeare, who attended 
there to Scio for him, He came up to the Vice-Chancellor as yet 
sitting in the Chair, and observed to him, " There was another thing, 
that he believed the Principal was not aware of, and that was, that 
if he had got clear of Exeter College, the Dean of Christ Church would 
oppose him ; for the Principal held something of Christ Church." And, 
that this might make the Deeper Impression upon me, when I should 

1 Dr. Wm. Holmes, President of St. John's, Vice-Chancellor 1732-35. 

2 i. e. as to what Atwell had said. 

3 Atwell took both degrees in divinity while still a layman. His election to 
the Rectorship as a layman was probably intended to establish a precedent, as it had 
been only recently (1721) decided by the Visitor that it was not necessary for the 
Rector to be in Holy Orders. See Newton, Exp. Red. postscr. p. 55 ; Grounds, 
p. 2 ; and Boase, Reg. Coll. Oxon. p. 133. Atwell was in orders when he resigned 
the Rectorship in 1737. 

4 i. e. the Vice-Chancellor. 



be told of it, the Dean himself, in a Visit to the Vice-Chancellor that 
Afternoon, or very soon after, repeated to him that He believed the 
Principal was not aware, that he might meet with Opposition from 
Christ Church, for that he held something of Christ Church^! 

Conybeare's opposition, it appears from this, was now 
frankly personal. In 1727 Newton had written anonymously, 
in the cause of economic reform, a pamphlet, in the form of 
a letter to a nameless fellow of Exeter, entitled The Expence 
of University Education Reduced. As he was quite unable 
to keep his grievances out of anything that he wrote at this 
period, he had devoted to them four or five pages of this 
pamphlet 2 , reflecting sharply on the conduct of the fellows 
of Exeter and their Visitor. Conybeare, as if to show that 
his removal to Christ Church had made no change in his 
sentiments, chose this time to threaten a prosecution, under 
the Statute de libellis famosis, against the (formally) unknown 
author of the work. The author immediately reprinted it, 
first with one, then with a second postscript, vindicating his 
remarks. A new edition of University Edtication also ap- 
peared, with fresh notes on the ' grievous opposition ' of 
Exeter College. Finally, in July, 1734, Dr. Newton pub- 
lished his formal arraignment of his adversaries before ' the 
tribunal of fame,' under the title of A letter to the Rev. Dr. 
Holmes , Vice-Chancellor of the University of Oxford and 
Visitor of Hart Hall. As the fellows of Exeter had invoked 
the aid of the Visitor to oppress him, he would turn to his 
Visitor for relief. This is but a rhetorical artifice : the appeal 
is really to the academical public at large. 

' Hitherto/ he says, ' when I have told my Story in Private Con- 

1 Grounds, c. xi. p. 53 sq. The something which the Principal held of Christ 
Church was that which he held on a lease at 4^. a year (v. above, p. 284 n.). 
Conybeare (C R. pp. 109 sq.) tries to make the most of this something, by sug- 
gesting that Dr. Newton's chapel was built upon it, and that Ch. Ch. had been 
defrauded by its having been consecrated. But the plot of ground turned out to 
be really unknown and insignificant. 

2 Exp. Red. pp. 45-50. So little has this passage to do with the main subject 
of the book, that nothing appears to be missing from the 4th ed. (published in 
after Dr. Newton had got his charter), from which it is cut out. The book is 
reduced from 51 to 47 pp. In the 2nd and 3rd edd. containing the two postscripts, 
it is swollen to 60 and 64 pp. 


versation, I have hardly been Believ'd. My Friends would reply, that 
there must be something more in this Matter than I was aware of ; 
or, suspect that I had Omitted something in my Account of it, which, 
if related, would give it Another Appearance. For, as it appeared by 
my Representation, the Thing was Incredible. For, either there never 
were such Men in the World as my Opponents, or, if there Were, 
they could not conceive how so Hard a Case should be utterly 
without Remedy. I now therefore tell my Story to the Publick, that 
These Men may refute it if it be not True ; or, that if they do not 
refute it, it may be seen, there Are such Men in the World ; and that 
as Hard as the Case is, both with respect to Me, and to the Society, 
there is no possible Remedy but That which I am taking, if That 
be Any V 

So he tells the whole tale of his misfortunes, adding several 
of his letters to the Bishop of Exeter, in which may be traced 
the history of his attempts, and their failure, to induce the 
College either to compromise their claims or bring them to 
a second trial. Of late the Rector had been threatening 
Common Law proceedings ; but the threat was a brutimi 
fulmen to Newton, who was well assured that the College 
would have no better success against him than Magdalen 
College had had against Magdalen Hall 2 . He only wishes 
they would bring their action : 

' They have since suffer d Three several Assizes to be held at their 
Door, without submitting this Matter to the Cognizance and Decision 
of the Court. As often as the Essoign Days have approach'd and the 
Declaration of Ejectment threaten d to be deliver d hath been ex- 
pected, or rather Wished for, so often have I found Myself amus'd 
and disappointed 3 .' 

At any rate an answer to the Letter was soon forthcoming 


1 Letter, p. 19. 2 See above, pp. 289 n., 296. 

3 Letter, p. 20. And again, at the end of the book, ' The Assizes are over, and 
there is Nothing done ' (p. 22). 

* In MS. Ballard, 47, 37, are some ' Verses to Dr. Newton of Hart Hall ' : 
On an ill-fated day, In your former dispute 

When a lad ran away, The defendant stood mute ; 

You open'd your grievance to Carter : Not so in the present, I fear ; 
But to Conybeare now For tho' not Yea nor Nay 

You no quarter allow The good Provost would say, 

For wantonly stopping your Charter. The Dean may be tempted to swear. 



Early the next year 1 appeared Calumny Refuted, in which 
the Dean of Christ Church professed to reply to the ' Personal 
Slanders ' of Dr. Newton, and to vindicate the conduct of 
Exeter College and its Visitor. It is a very clever book : it 
is not really an answer to Newton, but it makes a very fair 
show of answering him. Conybeare goes through the story 
from the Exeter point of view. He draws a picture of the 
College, threatened by Newton and his powerful friends the 
Pelhams from without, endangered by the treachery of 
the Rector 2 from within, and only enabled to survive, one 
would think, by the protection of the Visitor. But he 
assumes, rather than attempts to prove, that the College had 
rights beyond those allowed by the Attorney-General's 
report : above all he fails to give any reason whatever for 
their unwillingness to submit those rights to the decision of 
the law : he seeks rather to create the impression that Newton 
himself is the obstacle to a trial 3 . 

Dr. Newton's complaint was just. People could not believe 
that the case was as he had represented it. Hearne, who had 
shown some signs of relenting towards Newton when the 
Letter appeared 4 , is completely muddled by Calumny Refuted. 
He does not believe in the Exeter claims, but, he says : 

' This being a plea of the College, it ought to have been tryed, and 
no Charter should be granted till their Right be disproved ' ; 

1 Dr. Newton had read the Dean's book by Jan. 28, 1735, when he notices it in 
a Postscript to his Letter. 

2 Dr. Hole. 

3 For example, this is his answer (C. JZ. pp. 104 sq.) to what Newton had said 
about the threatened suit at Common Law, which ' no body supposes they ever 
intend ' : — ' Mr. Atwell offered this Gentleman, shortly after the Opposition first 
began, to proceed by Ejectment, if the Doctor would stop the Prosecution of his 
Charter.' But this only means that when the case was yet to go before the 
Attorney-General, Atwell tried to gain time by suggesting that it should be heard 
in another Court. Speaking of a later time, he asks triumphantly : ' Did the 
Doctor upon this [i. e. the Bp. of Exeter's reply to his sixth letter, referring him 
to the College] ever make any Application to me ; or signify, that he desired that 
we would proceed to an Ejectment ? Not in the least.' But when the College 
were threatening an Ejectment, why should the Doctor do anything of the kind ? 
£ Since this was the Case, the College surely were at liberty to take these Measures 
at what time they pleas'd.' Quite so : and they were equally at liberty, if Dr. Newton 
had applied to them to proceed : his applications to the College were not generally 
treated with such respect as Conybeare would have us believe. 

4 Hearne, Nov. 2, 1734, had written: ' 'Tis Pity Charities and Benefactions 


ignoring the Attorney- General's decision. He proceeds : 

' This book of Conybeare's refutes Newton much better than I 
expected, and shews him to have misrepresented things in his Quota- 
tions . . . and to be guilty of calumny and lying; and yet in that, 
Conybeare is likewise to be blamed, and really I cannot tell which of 
them is the most to be credited. I have no opinion of Conybeare's 
veracity 1 . 

Indeed Newton seems to have convinced the Bishop of Exeter 
himself that Conybeare's reports of his language and conduct 
were not to be trusted 2 : and those parts of Conybeare's book 
which Hearne not unnaturally characterizes as ' silly 3 ,' the 
aim of which is to prove that Newton's foundation is unneces- 
sary 4 , and Newton himself a Jacobite 5 , seem to be addressed 

should be discountenanced and obstructed. But it sometimes so happens, when 
the persons that make them are suppos'd to be mente capti, and aim at things 
in the settlement that are ridiculous, which seems to be the case at Hart Hall, 
as it is represented to me. However, after all 'tis better not to publish the 
failings of persons, especially of clergymen on such occasions, least mischief follow, 
the enemy being always ready to take advantage.' He had previously remarked 
that ' Dr. Newton is commonly said to be founder-mad.' 

1 Hearne, Jan. 28, 1735. Hearne is much struck by what Conybeare says about 
Dr. Newton's offer of fifty years' purchase for the quit-rent of £1 iy. \d. mentioned 
above (p. 295). Conybeare professes to have believed that this offer was of fifty 
years' purchase for what the College claimed (C. R. p. 40), and on learning the 
truth, says that ' the Proposal amounted to this : That if we would give up all 
we had been contending for, he would then give us a handsome Purchase for 
what had never been disputed.' But how could Newton have offered any number 
of years' purchase for what the College had never set a definite value on? and 
which he denied they were entitled to ? 

2 Grounds, c. x. p. 53. ' What I writ so staggered his Lordship, that he was 
then in a mind to have reconsidered the whole Matter of the Obstruction given to 
me.' And in Grounds, c. ix. p. 44 one of Conybeare's misrepresentations is 

3 Hearne, Jan. 29, 1735. 

* Conyb. C. R. pp. 74 sq. The Dean's argument is that ' the real interests of 
Hart Hall are the same without a Charter as with it, since Benefactions for the use 
of the Hall may be secured by granting them to the University on Trust.' But 
Newton's benefactions were intended to secure the observance of certain Statutes. 
I suspect that Conybeare relies on the Bishop's Cambridge education — he was of 
King's College : for somehow Cambridge men, with Trinity College and Trinity 
Hall before their eyes, have always found a difficulty in quite appreciating, though 
they may be aware of, the difference between a College and Hall at Oxford. Besides, 
Sir Philip Yorke, who was of neither University, had further confused matters by 
speaking unadvisedly of the Principal and Fellows of Hart Hall in his Report. 

5 Conyb. C. R. p. 78. After all, the Dean can lay no more to his charge than 
that he ' hath never employed any of his Eloquence either to support His Majesty's 

3 o6 


directly to the Bishop, to keep him firm in his opposition to 
the charter, rather than to any other readers. Calumny 
Refuted had no sooner appeared than Newton added a post- 
script (Jan. 28, 1735) to his Letter to Dr. Holmes, in which he 
gives a very just description of his opponent's book : 

' I have read the Answer of the Dean of Christ Church to the fore- 
going Letter. What was promised is not performed. I do not 
apprehend that I have been guilty of any Calumny, or written any 
Libel. Some Things are denied by Mr. Dean, which I still affirm ; 
others affirmed by him, which I deny. I do not see there is any 
Thing Refuted more than that, whereas, in p. 9. I have said the new 
Petition was for another Hearing before the Lord Privy- Seal, I should 
have said, before the King in Council. The Conduct of the Society 
of Exeter College is not Vindicated, neither That of their Visitor, nor 
yet That of the Dean. The main View in this Answer is, I find, to 
discredit Me in Matters not at all relating to the Dispute between us, 
that the Reader may from thence infer how little Credit is to be given 
to what I say of Matters that Do relate thereto. In this View I think 
he will not succeed. Neither is it generally believed, that he had 
ever any reasonable Hopes of succeeding. But having, either through 
Impatience of Censure, or Dream of a rich Stock of Materials for an 
Answer, put out a rash Advertisement of it, not to be recalled when 
he should Awake and find himself Poor, he brought himself, as it 
were, under a Necessity of saying Something, though never so little 
to the Purpose; and in a manner that is Angry, as if he, therefore, 
had Reason. Accordingly it is a Scolding Piece ; but it is so of One, | 
who, all the time he is scolding, is walking off, while his Adversary 
keeps his Ground/ 

Perhaps the cleverest touch in Conybeare's book is his 1 
expressed determination not to write any more on the subject, j 
since he knows Newton will have the last word 1 . 

Thus the Dean covers the last steps of his retreat. He 
would indeed have found it difficult to make any effective ! 
reply to the exhaustive treatise which Newton, in answer to | 
Calumny Refuted, published in the course of the year 2 . The 

Title, or to recommend His Administration.' Newton naturally answers that the 
King's title being indisputable, he sees no occasion for defending it. Grounds, 
c. xiii. p. 60. 

1 Conyb. C. R. pp. 133 sq. 

2 The Grounds of the Complaint of the Principal of Hart Hall, &c. went through 


Grounds of Dr. Newton's Complaint is the last word of the 
controversy, and it is final. 

But Newton might gain victory after victory with his pen ; 
while any of the triumvirate were in a position to oppose 
him, so long would his charter be obstructed. Conybeare 
was removed to Christ Church, Bailey was dead, Atwell still 
remained. But Atwell, though his authority as Rector and his 
influence with the Visitor were sufficient to keep matters as 
they were, now stood alone in his College. A new genera- 
tion of Fellows had sprung up ; in the whole body Newton 
did not know of a single enemy, besides the Rector : and even 
the Rector's enmity, he suspected, was due rather to his friend- 
ship with the Dean of Christ Church than to any other cause \ 
The extreme bitterness with which the Dean pursued Newton 
and his projects it is now, perhaps, impossible to account for. 
That the quarrel was personal there can be little doubt. 
Conybeare was himself a reformer: both Exeter and Christ 
Church were successively indebted to him for the restoration 
of good order 2 ; but Newton and Newton's scheme of reform 
he was determined by all and any means to thwart and 

In March, 1737, Dr. Atwell resigned the Rectorship. Under 
his successor 3 the opposition of Exeter to the incorporation 
of Hart Hall melted away. Bishop Weston ceased to 
obstruct 4 ; and ' the way to the Privy Seal Office/ where 
there was no longer a caveat in waiting, lay open to 
Dr. Newton. It was at a less hopeful time than when he 
had compiled his first Statutes in 1720 that he now set about 
revising them for the royal approbation. At that time the 
idea of University reform was in the air ; it had taken definite 

two editions in 1735. Hearne, who died June ro in this year, probably did not 
live to see it. 

1 Newton, Grounds, c. ix. p. 46 d. 

2 It should also be remembered to his credit that, after being Dean of Ch. Ch. 
for twenty-two, and Bishop of Bristol besides for five years, he died poor. For an 
account of the reforms inaugurated by him and carried out by his successor in 
Exeter College, see Boase, Reg. Coll. Exon. pp. 350 sqq. 

3 James Edgcombe, Rector, 1737-50. 

1 4 Being no longer importuned by the College to do so : possibly also the Bishop's 
own views may have been changed since the publication of Newton's Grounds of 
\ Complaint. 

X 2 

3 o8 


shape in the schemes of Prideaux and Lord Macclesfield 1 ; 
a royal or parliamentary Visitation of the Universities was 
looked for : and the founder of a College, had it come into 
being at that juncture, might have flattered himself that he 
was providing a model for the expected reform of the older 
Societies. But it had now become pretty clear that the 
Visitation was not to take place. Public interest in the 
matter had abated, and there was but little chance of another 
Strangeways coming forward to support the project of a 
reformer with endowments. But Dr. Newton was as sanguine 
as ever; having now no endowments beyond what he had 
himself undertaken to settle on the College, he boldly added 
eight Junior Fellows to his foundation. In the general scheme 
there was practically no change ; but those alterations were 
made which Newton had with such ill fortune attempted to 
introduce into his Charter in 1735, and which provided for 
the immutability of the Statutes after the founder's death, and 
the termination of fellowships with the eighteenth year after 
matriculation 2 . The new Statutes received the royal appro- 
bation November 3, 1739, and on September 8 the next 
year, Dr. Newton received his long wished-for Charter for 
the incorporation of Hertford College. 

It is now time to examine the Statutes of the new Society. 
The Charter reserved to the founder the right of altering the 
Statutes, with the consent of the Visitor and of the Crown, 
until the day of his death. Then they were to be printed, and 

1 Humphrey Prideaux, Dean of Norwich, wrote Nov. 26, 1715, a Letter to Lord 
Townshend containing a syllabus of fifty-eight articles for the Reformation of the 
Universities. Lord Macclesfield's scheme is dated 171 8 (Gutch, Collectanea, ii. 
pp. 53 sqq.). One part of it — the providing of exhibitions for deserving persons — 
was for a time carried out. Lord Macclesfield entrusted the recommendation of 
deserving persons to Bishop Potter, who in his turn consulted Dr. Newton. Whether 
Newton did or did not recommend Conybeare for one of these exhibitions, was part of 
their quarrel. See Conyb. C. R. pp. 110 sqq. and the Postscript to Newton's Letter. 

2 A similar provision is to be found both in Prideaux's (art. 13) and Lord 
Macclesfield's schemes. Prideaux would have a hospital ' to be called Drone HalV 
in each University, wherein Colleges are to maintain such of their Fellows as after 
twenty years are unable to earn their own living. But Newton is more severe in 
limiting the time to eighteen years from matriculation, instead of twenty years after 
election. I cannot understand his proposal to turn his Tutors — for his Fellows 
were necessarily Tutors — adrift at the age of thirty-six or so. Of the original ! 
Fellows named in the Charter, two were already above standing for the position. 


to become the laws of the College for ever. But in the year 
1747, Dr. Newton, having made as many alterations as he 
thought he was likely to make, printed and published his 
Statutes, ostensibly, as in 1720, with the view of inviting 
further suggestions, but accompanied by a still more copious 
appendix of notes, by which he probably considered that he 
had placed his legislation beyond the reach of criticism. 

Section I. opens with a few historical remarks on the Hall, 
now become a College ; to which Dr. Newton adds a note to 
the address of possible benefactors — 

' Being Letten to Scholars, [the Tenement] was call'd a Hall, and 
being Letten by Hertford 1 , Hertford Hall ; and is now with the same 
Simplicity stil'd Hertford College ; but may be call'd by the Name of 
any Other Person who will compleat the Indowment of it, or become 
the Principal Benefactor to it.' 

The College is said to be 'a Society Incorporate for the 
Education chiefly of young Scholars design'd for Holy Orders, 
consisting of a Principal, Four Senior Fellows or Tutors, and 
Eight Jtinior Fellows ox Assistants! The Principal is to hold 
office for life, the four Tutors until they are of eighteen years 
standing from their matriculation, and the eight Assistants 
for the three years only between the Bachelor's and Master's 
Degrees in Arts. The Students were to be strictly limited to 
the number of thirty-six, of whom four were to be called 
Scholars 2 . All were to be endowed, the scholars sharing 
a sum of £\d 13s. 4a 7 ., arising from an old benefaction from 
certain lands of the Abbey of Glastonbury, and paid yearly 
from the Exchequer, since the dissolution of monasteries, to 
the Principal of Hart Hall 3 . 

Each Tutor was to take charge of exactly one-fourth of the 
undergraduates, and to see them through the whole of their 

1 i.e. Elias de Hertford, 1282. 

2 This is an improvement. In the Statutes of 1739 they are still called Servitors, 
so Dr. Newton may be credited with the wish to get rid of an offensive name. 
But his Scholars were Servitors all the same. 

3 The lands were given to the Abbey by a knight named Bignell, charged with 
a yearly exhibition for ten scholars of Hart Hall. The rent-charge amounted at 
the time of the dissolution to £$2 i$s. \d. So Wood (Gutch's Wood's Colleges ; 
p. 643), who adds that £16 of it 'was begged of Q. Eliz. by Sir W. Mildmay for 
his foundation of Emmanuel Coll., Cambridge/ on what ground, does not appear* 


University career: had Dr. Newton been able to get the 
machine into complete working order, exactly eight students 
and one scholar would have come into residence every year, 
to be handed over to the Tutor who had for the moment no 
pupils on his hands, having just seen his last batch of nine 
take their degrees. Each Tutor was to have the services of 
two Junior Fellows to work under him ; and to take in his 
turn the yearly College offices of Vice-Principal, Catechist, 
Chaplain, and Moderator. 

The rest of the section is devoted to the endowment. The 
Principal is to have the rent of all the rooms in College, with 
certain fees, from all the undergraduates as their ' Publick 
Lecturer,' and from all members of the College as ' Perpetual 
Burser V The endowment of each Fellow was to be £13 6s. 8d. 
a year, one-fourth, that is, of the rent-charge settled by 
Newton on the College arising from his Lavendon estate 2 . 
With tuition fees and allowances for room-rent and commons, 
a Tutor's income might amount to ^"110. Each student was 
to have £6 13s. 4d. during his first year, and then £13 6s. Sd. 
until he took his B.A. degree. If after that he was appointed 
a Junior Fellow, he was to receive the princely income of 
£%6 j$s.4d. for three years more: but unfortunately no funds 
were ever provided from which the incomes either of Students 
or Junior Fellows might arise. 

These, for the most part imaginary, revenues 3 are on no 
account to be augmented, 6 unless with Commons 4 ' : they are 
to bind those who receive them to residence every Term, under 

1 The whole amounting, according to Newton's figures, to something over ^280 
a year. This seems to have been considered as a fair income for the head of 
a house in those days. The Rectorship of Exeter, for example, is said to have 
been little more than ;£ioo. See Grounds, c. x. p. 49. On the other hand, the 
value of Newton's fellowships is only a third of the then ordinary £\o. 

2 It was to have been £60, but is now reduced to ^53 6s. 8d. 

3 It will be seen that Dr. Newton, having no actual endowment to deal with 
beyond his own ^53 6s. Sd. a year, seems to have amused himself by dividing that 
sum by two over and over again in order to fix the various revenues mentioned 
in the Statute. 

4 An allowance for Commons might be settled on all members of the society 
at the rate of 6d. task. per diem for thirty-one weeks in the year. Dr. Newton adds 
a sanguine note (p. 6) to the effect that the Principal and Tutors being already 
fully endowed, ' a provision is wanting only ' for some ^586 \^s. ^d. a year to 
complete the endowment, and £244. 2s. 6d. more for Commons. 


a penalty of a shilling for every day's absence ; and they are 
to entitle all the Students to scholars' gowns. The obliga- 
tion fell through for lack of the endowment : whether the 
privilege was exercised, does not appear. Provision also is 
made for £ some few Persons of superior Condition ' — gentle- 
men-commoners in fact — who c may possibly not be inclin'd to 
accept of the Indowment.' They are to be allowed to wear 
1 a Tuft,' but the same gown as the rest ; and they are to 
'stand to Double Commons,' and to pay double for tuition 
and everything else. 

Section II. deals with the Chapel prayers, which every one 
was to attend under a penalty of id. for each absence. It 
may be noted that Dr. Newton insists on the division of the 
services, which we are apt to regard as a modern improvement ; 
but in those days it was a practice gradually falling into disuse; 
Newton's note is : 

• These Services being Distinct, it was originally Intended they 
should be read at Different Times 1 . They are so read in some 
Cathedrals to this day ; and ought to be so in All Parochial Churches. 
... I do not find any Order of Convocation for the Jumbling these 
services together. The Practice seems to have crept into the Church 
by the NegHgence of Incumbents, and the Occasions of Pluralists. 
But it is time to let the Reason of things take Place, and to give 
Invitations, rather than create Reluctances, to Religious Duties.' 

The undergraduates are all to take their weekly turns by 
twos to read the Lessons in Chapel c on Sundays, Holidays, 
and their Eves ; and on every Other Day, a Chapter out of 
the Gospels before Dinner in the Hall, and another out of the 
Epistles before Supper, both the Lessons for the Day 2 .' 

Section III. contains the two oaths, the first, to be taken by 
the Principal on his admission, to the effect that he has not 
obtained his place by corrupt means, and that he will not 

1 Accordingly it is prescribed that the first Service (i.e. Mattins) is to be at 
7.30 from Oct. 1 to Feb. 1 ; 6.30 from Feb. 1 to Oct. 1. ' The second Service, with 
the Litany, on Litany Days, at Nine.'' The time between the two was to be filled 
on Sundays and Holidays by a Catechetical Lecture to the College Servants. 
Evening Service was to be always at 6.30. 

2 It would appear from this that the Lessons were not read in Chapel on 
ordinary days, or perhaps the First Lesson only. 



corruptly resign or exchange it ; the second, the oath of every 
member admitted, that he will not damage the goods of the 
College nor defraud it of its dues. A sensible, though some- 
what prolix, note is appended, condemning the usual practice 
of exacting an oath to observe the Statutes \ 

Section IV. is 'Of the Choice and Settlement of the Prin- 
cipal.' He is to be chosen by the Chancellor of the University 
from among the Westminster Students of Christ Church, or, 
failing them, the existing Fellows of the College 2 . He must 
be a Master of Arts and in priest's orders, but not above 
standing for the degree of D.D., and he must be prepared to 
resign any incompatible preferment that he may hold. The 
Dean of Christ Church has the right, not only of admitting 
the Principal, but of nominating him, if the Chancellor should 
allow a month (or three months, ' if he shall be beyond the 
Seas ') to elapse after a vacancy has been duly notified to 
him. The Principal was to be admitted with some ceremony: 
he ' shall make a Latin Speech to the Society in the Common 
Refectory ; take the Oath prescribed by the Statutes ; proceed 
from his Seat in the Common Refectory to his Seat in the 
Chapel; and having read the First Service in his Seat, and 
the Second at the Communion Table 3 5 receive the Sacrament 
himself, and give it to the whole Society then resident. When 
the Sacrament is over, the Dean of Christ Church, or his 
Representative, shall conduct him into the lodgings of the 
former Principal, and give him Possession of those also.' 

Section V. deals with Exercises, by which are meant (1) 
Lectures, (2) Disputations, (3) Themes, (4) Collections. 

(1) The Principal's Thursday lecture to all undergraduates 
has been already mentioned 4 . The Tutors are to lecture to 
their classes on all week-days except Saturdays, and there is 
to be an evening lecture at nine o'clock three days a week ; 
also a Divinity lecture to all undergraduates every Sunday 

1 The omission of such an oath is due to a revision of the Statutes since 1739. 
In the draft of that year it appears, as in that of 1720. 

2 There is no mention of the Fellows of the College in the Statutes of 1739. 

3 On this occasion only the Services were to be 'jumbled ' : p. 311. 

4 See p. 289. 


(1) Undergraduates are to dispute in Philosophy only on 
Mondays and Wednesdays ; Bachelors on Fridays in Philosophy 
and Theology. By the following regulation Dr. Newton 
hoped to improve the character of the public disputation in 
the Schools \ at least as far as his pupils were concerned : 

' That this Exercise may be performed with the greater Pleasure 
and Benefit, Enquiry shall be made at the End of each Term, what 
Public Exercises Any of the Society are to do in the Schools the 
Term following, that the Moderator may order those Questions to be 
first Disputed upon in the College, which are afterwards to be Disputed 
upon in the Schools.' 

And again — 

' The Respondent and Opponent shall each of them, by way of Intro- 
duction to the Disputations, premise something relating to them in 
certain Speeches commonly called Supposition and Opposition Speeches : 
Which shall not be bare Transcripts out of Philosophical or Theolo- 
gical Books/ 

Of course Strings are not to be named or thought of. 

(3) Every undergraduate was to ' make a Theme, or a 
Declamation, or a Translation ' every week. The Themes 
were intended as an exercise in English composition. Under- 
graduates were to begin to declaim in their second year, in 
English ; and in Latin in their fourth year. The Translation 
was to be from Latin into English, or English into Latin ; or, 
' when any Undergraduate shall write Latin correctly and with 
Purity, into Greek, or any Other useful Language.' 

These exercises, having been criticized by the Tutors, and 
corrected by the authors, were to be ' Read or Spoken before 
the Society ' on Saturdays : and since the exercises were set 
for a Term in advance, they were to be required of absent 
members of the College, as well as of those in residence ; and 
to be read or spoken by such — one after the other, it would 

1 On this subject see Amhurst, T. F. no. xxi. pp. 105 sqq. and Vicesimus Knox, 
Essays, lxxvii., quoted in Miss Quiller-C ouch's volume of Reminiscences (vol. xxii. 
of this series), pp. 161 sqq. Some years ago I found between the leaves of a book 
in Hertford Coll. Library a fragment of an old letter (of about the end of the last 
century) which illustrates the farcical character of the public exercises. The letter 
begins, ' Dear Cousin, I am Oblig'd to you for your offer to do Quodlibets with 
me, but I find, on Application to my Tutor, that I have already done them.' 



seem — on the first Saturday after their return. It was quite 
necessary to keep Saturdays free from lectures. 

'Batchelors of Arts, for the First Six Terms which they aim to 
keep towards their Master's Degree, shall read in the College, as an 
Exercise of the House, the Six Solemn Lectures (One every Term) 
which are afterwards to be read by them in the Schools as an Exercise 
of the University for the said Degree ; and in every of the Other 
Terms to be kept for the said Degree, they shall make and pub- 
lickly Speak or Read a short Sermon upon a Text of Scripture 
assigned them by the Principal. Without the performance of this 
Exercise they shall neither keep the Term, nor receive a Testi- 
monium for Orders, nor have an Instrument of Leave to go to 
Another House/ 

It must be remembered that most, if not all, of Dr. Newton's 
students were intended for Holy Orders ; and that, according 
to the practice of the time, few probably of those who were 
not would contemplate taking a degree. But all would be 
subject to the following rule : 

'Whereas two Undergraduates are every Week, in their Turns, 
obliged to read certain Chapters of the Holy Scriptures in the Hall 
or Chapel, and to subject themselves afterwards to be Examined 
therein by the Principal, or any of the Tutors, they shall every Day 
before Dinner and Supper, lay upon the Tutors' Table fairly written 
Explications of all such Difficulties in the Chapters by them respec- 
tively read, as in their Opinion wanted to be Explained, and were well 
accounted for by such Commentators as their respective Tutors had 
on this Occasion recommended to their Perusal. And this Exercise 
well performed shall be accepted instead of the Weekly Exercise 
otherwise required of them.' 

There were two other possible substitutes for the weekly 
exercise : 

' If any Undergraduate, having a Genius to Poetry, shall choose to 
make Verses instead of the Theme or Translation required of him, he 
may be indulged this Liberty, if the Principal shall think fit, and it 
shall not be found to draw off his Mind from serious Studies.' 

The poet was, I suppose, like the rest, to recite his com- 
positions : then there were ' Narrations, or Recitals of 
celebrated Speeches or other beautiful Portions of Classic 


Authors/ which were to be ' the proper Exercise of Two 
Undergraduates every Week in their Turns, instead of the 
Theme or Translation otherwise required.' 

Altogether the Saturday doings at Hertford College suggest 
a School with a Speech-Day once a week. 

Collections were to be made by every undergraduate from 
the ' Four Classic Authors ' appointed for his year's reading. 

' These Collections, consisting of such beautiful Expressions or 
Reflections as the Reader Admires; or of such difficult and obscure 
Passages as he Explains ; or of such Characters of Persons, or De- 
scriptions of Actions as he thinks worthy of Imitation ; or of such 
Geographical or Chronological Remarks as appear to him Material; 
or of whatever else he conceives either useful for himself to Remember \ 
or to Impart to others, shall on every Thursday be shewn to his Tutor, 
and at the End of the Year to the Principal V 

Section VI. is Of the Power and Duty of the Principal. 
There is hardly any limit assigned to either. The Principal 
was to appoint the Tutors, if possible from among his own 
pupils of Hertford College 2 : he might dismiss them for 
neglect of duty after two c admonitions ' ; he was also to 
appoint the Junior Fellows or ' Assistants/ and to ' Choose, 
Admit, and Displace ' all the College servants. He was also 
to be ' Perpetual Burser of the College.' As for his duties, 
they are summed up in the comprehensive clause : 

' It is the Natural, and shall be the Indispensable, Duty of the Prin- 
cipal to see, that Alt the Members of his Society do their Duty faithfully 
and effectually in their respective Stations.' 

So he was to ' Send for, as he sees Occasion, or Visit in 
their Chambers All the Members of the Society ' ; to be 
present from time to time at the Disputations; and to give 

1 This was what was commonly understood by { Collections ' at that time. It is 
easy to see how the term came to be applied, first, to the act of showing one's 
Collections to the Head, then to the act of showing oneself, which is now what is 
properly meant by the word, though its use has been extended to the examination 
preceding this act. 

2 ' If there shall be None of this House, or who have formerly been of this 
House, who shall by him be thought worthy of being Tutors (which God forbid) ' ; 
or, if they shall refuse the office, ' the Principal shall be at Liberty to choose his 
Tutors out of any House in either University.' 

3 r6 


a public lecture once a week in full Term to all the under- 
graduates. He is also to call a Tutors' meeting once every 
fortnight at least in full Term ; ' and there, with the utmost 
Freedom, Affection, and Friendship, confer and consult with 
them V In like manner he is to submit to them his accounts 
as Bursar to be audited ; or, as Newton expresses it in his 
imperial manner, ' he shall have all the Tutors' Hands to the 
said Accounts, attesting the Justice and Punctuality of the 

Besides these powers and duties, a special privilege is 
accorded to him : 

' Moreover the Principal, if he Delight in the Education of Youth, 
and it shall be made Worth his while to read to One Pupil only, as 
his Proper Tutor, shall have the Liberty, notwithstanding the Limita- 
tion of the Number of Undergraduate Students to be Educated in this 
College at one time to Thirty-two to take upon him the Care and 
Education of One Pupil only and no more. And such Pupil . . . shall 
not be considered as One of that Number, tho' he shall, in all respects, 
be subject to the same Rules! 

Such, we may suppose, was the position of Henry Pelham 
at Hart Hall ; and Dr. Newton perhaps looked forward to 
future generations of the family. 

The detestation of jobbery, which is so honourable a 
characteristic of Dr. Newton, appears in a provision that 
relations of the Principal and his wife, 'even to the Fourth 
Remove inclusive/ are to be incapable of becoming Tutors 
without the special recommendation of the Visitor. 

In like manner it is provided that if the Principal shall 
receive any consideration for the appointment of a Tutor or 
any other Officer of the College, his headship is to be ipso 
facto void 3 : as also, if he 

' Accept, Have or Injoy any Cure of Souls or Sinecure ; any Lec- 

1 Much as a good Roman emperor might consult the Senate. But in neither case 
was there any question where the authority resided. 

2 Exclusive of the four Scholars. 

3 Among the officers enumerated are the Butler, Cook, Brewer, and Baker. The 
practice reprobated was by no means so uncommon as might be imagined. It had 
been put a stop to at Exeter by Conybeare, and an ordinance was made against 
it in that College in 1733. See Boase, Reg. Coll. Exon., p. 353. 


tureship or Professorship of any kind, either within the University or 
out of it ; any Deanry or Bishoprick ; any Second Dignity in any 
Church or Churches ; or any One Dignity, Preferment or Imployment 
either Spiritual or Temporal, which doth Require or Suppose his Re- 
sidence as Necessary in any Other Place than his Own Society in any 
Part of the Time of Full Term, when by the Statutes he is obliged to 
be Resident in the said Society V 

Finally, the Visitor has power to deprive the Principal 
after ' Admonition ' : or without ' it, if he shall have been guilty 
of anything so Heinous as to Deserve to be removed.' 

Section VII. deals with the position of the Tutors. The 
College ' Exercises ' are again enumerated, and the manner in 
which the Tutors are to conduct them is minutely laid down. 
Dr. Newton was determined that they should be kept to their 
work, and the only relaxation provided is that ' Two Tutors 
may have Leave to be Absent One half of the several 
Vacations, and Two more, the Other! In the Vacation one 
lecture a day only to all the undergraduates resident is 

A lecture is to be given in this manner : 

' The Tutor, before he enter upon an Explication of the Present 
Lecture, shall always examine his Pupils as to what they Remember 
and Understand of the Former. He shall then direct his Pupils to 
Read, and to Explain as well as they can, what they read of their 
next Lecture to Him ; and He, as they go along, and there is Occa- 
sion, shall make his Remarks, and Descant upon what is read, and 
clear the Difficulties that occur.' 

An excellent method, no doubt, but hardly matter for 
a Statute. With like wealth of detail, the way in which 

1 Newton had still the rectory of Sudborough before mentioned (p. 281), but he 
had given up the whole income as well as the charge to his curate. He wished to 
resign it, but it is characteristic of him that he would not do so without a promise 
that his curate should succeed him. Bishop Gibson (of London), the patron, would 
not be dictated to, but his successor, Bishop Sherlock (1748), agreed to present the 
curate, and Newton was enabled to resign. It must be observed that the Canonry 
of Christ Church, to which Dr. Newton was appointed in 1752, is one of the few 
preferments which would not be incompatible with the Headship according to the 
Statute. Neither was the Studentship of Ch. Ch. which Dr. Sharpe, Newton's 
successor at Hertford, held while Principal, and retired to on resignation. The two 
Principals who followed, entirely disregarded Newton's stringent regulations : both 
held benefices with cure of souls. 

3 i8 


exercises are to be looked over is carefully prescribed. There 
is a curious provision to ensure impartiality in dealing with 
defaulters : 

' The Tutor, before his Pupils are summoned to Lecture, and con- 
sequently, before it be known Who, or whether any of them, will be 
Absent from it, shall always Order in Writing such an Exercise to be 
made by those who shall miss Lecture, as he shall think a Proper 
Penalty for this Neglect. If None shall be Absent, the Order shall 
remain with him till another time ; if Any, their Names shall be 
written under it, and carried to the Principal, who will thereby be in- 
formed of the Neglect, and exact the Penalty incurred/ 

Like the Principal, the Tutor is to visit his pupils in their 
rooms, and he is to ' have the same Authority over All Persons 
subject to him, whether ay Tutor, or Officer of the House, or 
Subordinate Governor of the Angle in which he presides, as 
the Principal himself hath ; and the same Deference shall be 
required by, and paid, to him.' 

The Tutor is also to superintend the economy of his pupils ; 
he is to direct them as to what tradesmen they employ, and 
not allow them to contract debts with any others ; 

£ Nor yet with Those, without their Tutor's Knowledge and Consent; 
under the certain Penalty of not being able to keep any Portion of 
any Academical Term towards their intended Degree, from the Time 
of the Discovery of such Debts, till such Debts shall be truly and fully 

And a new paragraph 1 denounces Expulsion against any 
undergraduate who contracts a debt above five shillings at 
any kind of public-house ; and declares any tradesman to be 
a public enemy 2 , who allows debts of any kind to be con- 
tracted contrary to this Statute. Finally, the Tutor is not to 
allow his pupils to ' contract any Intimacies with Tradesmen 
or their Families 3 .' 

1 Not in the Statutes of 1739. 

2 ' An Enemy to the College and to the University, and an Invader of the Interest 
that Parents have in the Statute of the Realm, forbidding credit to be given to 

3 This is an expansion of the University Statute de domibus oppidanorum non 
frequentandis ; the particular reason for which was that such intimacies not un- 
frequently resulted in imprudent marriages; see Amhurst, T. F. xxviii. pp. 148 sqq. 


But the paternal authority of the Tutor is most fully 
enforced in the following regulation : 

' The Quarterly Allowance to Scholars under Tuition shall always 
be returned into the Hands of the Tutor, who having first discharged 
their Debts to the House, and afterwards those contracted agreeably to 
his Appointment, and with his Approbation, shall give the Remainder, 
or a Portion of it, to his said Pupils, accordingly as he shall be satisfied 
of their Discretion to manage the Whole of the Remainder or a Part 
of it only.' 

And lest we should suppose that the Allowance referred to 
means the portion of the endowment which was to be received 
by every student, Dr. Newton explains in a note : 

' Innumerable are the Instances of Young Scholars of the Univer- 
sity, who, having had their Allowances remitted to themselves, have 
most shamefully abused the Confidence which Parents have had in 
their Prudence V 

It might be so : yet no man ever learnt to manage his 
affairs by having them managed for him. Dr. Newton 
might enforce economy by this method ; he could hardly 
teach it, though that was the professed object of these 
provisions 2 . 

Tutors are to fine themselves for absence in Term time ; 
but they are to be subject to no other penalties ; 

'Both because Persons intrusted with their Important Care, ought 
never to be supposed to be wanting in any Part of their Duty without 

1 Appendix V, Statt. p. 107. In the same place Newton speaks of the average 
allowance to an undergraduate as fifteen pounds a Quarter ( = £60 a year). Dean 
Prideaux had stated that in 1675, when he was an undergraduate, the ordinary 
allowance was £\o> a year; in 1715, when he laid his proposals before Lord Town- 
shend (p. 308 n.), it had risen to £60. In both cases the allowance to a gentleman- 
commoner was double. 

3 Appendix IV, Statt. p. 105. ' Oeconomy is an Art as necessary to be Learnt, 
as any the University can Teach. 5 Some further remarks lead one to suspect that 
Dr. Newton's method of teaching this art was not uncommonly the cause of his 
pupils asking for discessits, so much to his annoyance. He says (1. c.) : ' The 
luxury of Young Men of Fortune . . . and an Impatience created in Others to 
[follow their example] . . . and the immense Credit that will easily be given to 
Scholars . . . make it necessary that Societies undertaking the Education of Youth 
should come to a Resolution, not to Continue any Scholars, of what Quality soever, 
within their Walls, who will not Conform to their Rules.' He himself hopes to 
escape censure for not ' waiting for or depending upon the Concurrence or Assistance 
of Others.' 

3 20 


a sufficient Reason ; and because Penalties upon Tutors bearing Re- 
semblance to those inflicted upon Others, may tend to depreciate them 
in the Eyes of their Pupils, who ought to have the greatest Veneration 
for them.' 

' And, whereas the Senior Fellows or Tutors of this Society must 
retire from it when they shall be of Eighteen Years standing in the 
University from their Matriculation, and may possibly, at such time, 
be unprovided of a Proper Subsistence in the Way of their Education 1 , 
there may be Given 2 to the Society or Purchased by it, Six Rectories 
or Vicarages, of the Value of One hundred Pounds a Year each at the 
least, to any of which, as any of them shall become Vacant, the Senior 
Tutor not already provided with a Living, or not provided with a 
Living of equal Value with that which is become Vacant, shall be 
presented by the Principal, the sole Patron thereof, on condition he 
first Vacate the Living he already hath, and promise to Relinquish 
This also upon the acceptance of any Other Preferment.' 

Here speaks the inveterate enemy of pluralities : and such 
is Dr. Newton's zeal in the matter, that, after ordering that 
a Tutorship is to be vacated within a week after institution 
to a cure of souls or promotion to any other dignity in the 
Church or secular position incompatible with residence in 
College, he thinks it necessary to add that institution to 
a second benefice or promotion to a second dignity is to make 
the Tutorship void ipso facto. A Tutor may also be dis- 
missed after ' Admonition/ as before stated ; and he is to 
vacate his position a year after marriage, if the day of 
marriage is certified within a week to the Principal ; if not, 
on 'the Day on which it can be Proved*.' 

Section VIII. deals with the College Offices, which were to 
be held by the Tutors yearly in rotation 4 . 

1 i. e. suitable for an educated man ; or, for a clergyman. 

2 An instance of Dr. Newton's kind forethought for those benefactors who were 
unfortunately so slow in coming forward. No benefices were ever given to the 
College, and the College never had the means to purchase any. 

3 Concealment of marriage by Fellows bound to celibacy was by no means a thing 
unknown : Newton {Univ. Ed. p. 72 (a) ) mentions a very flagrant case at Oriel. 

4 The Newtonian constitution might be represented by a kind of Orrery, in which 
the Principal should be the sun of the system : round him revolve the four tutors, 
passing through the successive phases of the four College offices, each attended by 
nine satellites, who are discharged into space at the end of every quadrennial cycle, 
and replaced by nine others. 


The Vice-Principal is to act as Dean of the College : he is 
also to preside in the absence of the Principal, and to notify 
the vacancy of the headship to the proper authorities. 

The Chaplain is ' to do All the Offices of a Parish Priest 
to the Society/ It is particularly laid down that 'he shall 
begin Prayers at the Time appointed by the Statute, without 
staying for the Principal, or any Other Person/ There is 
a further provision in which Newton anticipates a widespread 
feeling of modern times : 

' No Person shall ever be Buried in the Chapel, nor shall any 
Monument be ever set up in it. But whoever Dies in the College, 
and is not removed to the Burying-place of his Family, nor Desires 
to be buried elsewhere, shall be Interred in the Ground adjoining the 
Chapel, and Consecrated together with it.' 

The Catechist was to deliver the Sunday lectures ; which, in 
Lent Term, were to consist of ' Instruction in the Principles 
of the Christian Religion.' In other Terms, they were to be 
devoted to ' Explaining the Articles of the Church of England ; 
Interpreting Difficult Places of Scripture; Settling and 
Adjusting Controverted Points ; or Resolving Cases of Con- 
science ' ; or, in short, anything else that the Principal might 
approve of. 

The Moderator 3 s duty was to arrange and preside at the 

Every Tutor was to be ' Subordinate Governour of the 
Angle over which he Presides.' 

Section IX. is concerning Residence, which was to be strictly 
enforced in Term-time under a penalty of one shilling for 
every day's absence 1 , whether with leave or without. The 
Principal and Fellows are ' bona fide 3 to inflict this penalty on 
themselves as well as upon others. 

Section X. is entitled Of Behaviour. Dr. Newton will have 
no one in his College who is not either a teacher or a learner : 
he is particularly on his guard against ' Persons adorned with 

1 We learn from Appendix X (p. 133) that this penalty after all was never 
exacted. ' The Execution is deferred till Indowments shall be given to the Students, 
to oblige them to such residence under such penalty.' 

3 22 


the Degree of Master of Arts, and thereby exempted from the 
Ordinary Penalties/ There is, he explains in a note, 

' No place in the College for a Master of Arts not a Tutor, but by 
the Principal's Sufferance ; yet, since a Master, not a Tutor, may 
desire to continue in the University after he shall have taken that 
Degree (whether for the Opportunity of Study and Improvement, or 
for any Other reasonable Cause) he may, if his past Behaviour hath 
been acceptable to the Principal and Tutors, be continued a Member 
of the College *, for so long a Time as his future Conduct, now he Is 
a Master, and especially if he be in Holy Orders, shall be as agreeable 
to them as it was before. For otherwise, a Master of Arts, and espe- 
cially if he hath obtained of them a Testimonium for Holy Orders, and 
hath thereupon been Ordained, and hath no Dependence upon the 
College, and now nothing to Fear, is the most dangerous and offensive 
Member of Society that can well be imagined.' 

Every one who intends to take Holy Orders is, as a rule, 
to signify his intention three years beforehand ; so that the 
testimonial of the College may cover the whole period, and 
that his theological studies may be properly directed. In 
his Appendix 2 Dr. Newton bewails the laxity of the times 
in this matter : 

' I could Wish' he says, ' That Great Men would believe that Go- 
vernours of Societies are reasonable creatures ; that they think properly 
upon these Occasions, that, with regard to signing Testimonials, what 
they could honestly do, they would do without Application ; that they 
never do, nor ever did Oppose the Just Expectations of any Candidate 
for Holy Orders out of Prejudice; and have reason to think they 
should do it in vain, if they should attempt it ; since even the most 
conscientious Refusals of their Testimony have rarely been found suffi- 
cient to stop Ordinations.' 

Amongst other provisions, Degree dinners and treats to 
Examiners and Collectors are strictly forbidden, nor is any 
one 'to accept of any Entertainment from any Proctor, or 
Collector, or Other Officer of the University as such 3 .' No 

1 I presume this means he may be allowed to reside : to turn him out of the 
College altogether would be to turn him out of the University, a prerogative which 
even Dr. Newton could hardly claim against a Master of Arts. 

2 Appendix VI to Statt. p. 109. 

3 The Collectors were appointed by the Proctors from among the Bachelors 


one is to make ' any kind of Noise in Studying or in Sleeping 
Hours,' which are defined to include the whole day except from 
noon to two, and six to nine o'clock. In dress, 1 sordid negli- 
gence ' on the one hand and ' foppishness and affectation ' on 
the other are equally to be avoided. The neatness of the 
rooms is also insisted on, and no one is to keep a dog. 
Finally the University Statutes de Vestitu et Habitu and de 
Moribus Conformandis are made Statutes of the College. 
Pending appeals to the Principal or the Visitor, all injunc- 
tions, however questionable, of the Tutors or the Principal 
are to be obeyed on pain of expulsion. 

Section XL contains somewhat elaborate regulations con- 
cerning the Commons. The steward 1 was to go to market 
for provisions every Wednesday and Saturday, and commons 
were to be provided for all residents until the next Saturday 
or Wednesday : those who wished to ' be out of commons ' 
were to declare their intention before the marketing was done. 
No student was to exceed six shillings 2 a week for commons 
and battells, and no Scholar four shillings and six pence. 
Those who did exceed were to be put out of commons until 
the balance of their account was redressed. Christmas and 
Easter Days, Whitsunday and the day of Incorporation 3 

who were to determine, every year. Their business was to fix the times and 
order of the Lenten disputations for all the determiners : it was consequently in 
their power to show favour to their friends. ( The statute indeed forbids the 
collectors to receive any presents, or to give any treats ; but the common practice 
is known to be directly against the statute ; every determiner (that can afford it) 
values himself upon presenting one of the collectors with a broad piece or half 
a broad ; and Mr. Collector in return entertains his benefactors with a good supper, 
and as much wine as they can drink, besides gracious days and commodious 
schools.' Amhurst, T. F. xlii. p. 224, who explains in the same place that certain 
days are called gracious, ' because upon them the respondent is not obliged to stay 
in the schools above half the time, which respondents upon other days are ; and 
some of the schools are esteemed better than other, because more private.' As long 
as the disputants were not interrupted, there was no need for them to dispute at all. 

1 Dr. Newton omits to specify who the Steward was to be, though he says 
a great deal about his duties. From the scheme of 1720 (p. 26) we may conclude 
he was a B.A. : he was appointed by the Principal {Statt. p. 69) and his office was 
weekly (p. 80). 

2 p. 6d. in the Statutes of 1739. 

3 In the Statutes of 1739 the Day of the Visitation, which Dr. Newton wished 
to be annual, is added. By 1 747 he had probably found it was vain to hope for 
an annual visit from the Chancellor. 

Y 2 

3 2 4 


(September 8th) were to be kept as festivals at the expense 
of all the members of the College, present and absent, though 
the additional charge to each person was not to exceed eighteen 
pence. Nothing but commons was to be cooked in the College 
kitchen except for the Principal. 

' The Meat to be provided for Commons shall be, in the general, of 
the Ordinary Kind ; the Best of the Kind ; in Quantity within a Pound 
to a Man 1 ; in Value not exceeding Three-pence ; or the House to be 
charged with the Excess; of the Same sort for the same Meal; of 
Different Sorts for the Two Meals of the same Day. This shall be 
dressed in the plainest and most wholesome Manner, and, as far as 
conveniently it may, be sent up to the several Tables 2 in Joints Un- 

The custom, it seems, was to set the joint before the 
senior at each table ; he helped himself and passed it on. 
The practice did not work very well, since Newton has to 
provide as follows : 

' If any Senior help himself to a Larger portion of the Joint than is 
Reasonable, or in an Unhandsome Manner, any Junior at the Table 
may demand to have the Commons sent up in Messes ; when the 
Senior of the Table, choosing which Mess he will be at, shall deter- 
mine his Three immediate Juniors to the same ; and when also the 
Junior of each Mess may Divide the Mess, if he pleases.' 

And he descants at length on the same abuse in his 
Appendix 3 : 

' I have seen, where Twenty have sat at the same Table, that the 
Upper Ten, out of what hath been set before them, have provided for 
themselves so Plentifully and so Curiously that to the Lower Ten 
either Nothing or Nothing Acceptable hath descended. Whether the 
Upper Ten, in the very place where good Learning and good Manners 
are professed to be taught, had not yet learnt what is Reasonable or 
Decent '; or whether the Governour had not the Diligence or Courage 
to compell them to Regard it, I cannot tell : But the Consequence 

1 'Not exceeding Two Pound to Three Men,' Statt. 1739. 

2 We learn from the Statutes of 1739 (p. 24) that there were four: the high 
table, the Junior Fellows' table, and the Senior and Junior Students' tables. 

3 Appendix VIII to Statt. p. 114. Dr. Newton seems here to be relating his 
own experiences as an undergraduate at Ch. Ch. 


hath been, that the Ten Juniors have dined abroad in Public- 
Houses, at four times the Expence, attended with Other Inconveni- 

He proceeds to state the ordinary defence of the practice : 

' But the Commons, it may be said, being of so small a Value as 
Three-halfpence 1 in the market, and afterwards much lessen'd by 
a Defalcation of the Cook's Fees from every Joint, the Junior is 
presumed to be consenting, that the Senior should have his Commons, 
whilst he is a Junior,' with the prospect of ' making himself amends, 
when he comes to be a Senior.' But Dr. Newton thinks that 'it 
is not Natural for a Man to Consent to his Own Sufferings] and the 
natural and proper remedy is an increase in the value of the commons, 
so that what 'was too Little for Any One, might be increased to 
a Sufficiency for Every One.' 

Accordingly Newton, as we have seen, fixed threepence as 
the value of his commons : it is strange and unfortunate that 
he should have fixed it by Statute at all, in view of the fact 
c that Men's Appetites are the same now, that they were 200 
Years ago ; and that, 200 Years ago, more Meat might have 
been bought for Three-halfpence, than can now for Three- 
pence' 1 ' This he saw plainly enough, but he could not see 
that a time might come when the quantity of meat (' the 
Best of the kind ') to be got for threepence would be in- 
significant. However, for the time, threepence was a liberal 

No undergraduate may entertain ' Strangers not living in 
the University ' in his own rooms, but with leave he may 
' Entertain them with a Commons in the Public Refectory ; 
not with a Costly Dish of Meat, with sufficient Folly and 
Affectation called a Commons 3 , but with a Commons of the 
same kind and Value with his own.' 

1 This, it seems, was the average allowance, taking one College with another. 
At Queen's it was 2d. in 1748, with some 'liberty to exceed.' So I learn from 
a broadsheet entitled, ' The Case of Queen's College, Oxford, in regard to some 
late Irregularities of several of its Younger Members,' May 24, 1748. There was 
then a strike against boiled meat. 

2 1. c. p. 115. 

3 This suggests that in some Colleges you could get, say, a ' Commons' of 



There is a curious provision for the remuneration of the 
steward, who was, by the way, to make out a bill of fare for 
his week of office, and submit it to the Principal before going 
(with the cook) to market 1 : 

' The Principal . . . shall, at the End of the Week, read to [the 
Steward] the Statutes relating to his Office, and enquire of him 
whether he hath carefully observed the same. And, receiving an 
Answer to his Satisfaction, shall sign him a Debentur of One Penny 
from each Member of the Society (not including the Scholars) whether 
Present or Absent, to be paid him at the End of the Quarter. Or, 
not receiving a satisfactory Answer, shall Divert the said Allowance 
for that Week into the Publick Stock.' 

Dinner was to be at one o'clock, supper at seven 2 . 

Section XII. deals with the Rooms. Each Tutor was to 
have the central set in his Angle rent free, and the ' Double 
Garret/ which was to be divided between his servant and the 
Scholar of his year. 

The rent of the other rooms was, as has been stated, the 
income of the Principal. The rest of the section contains 
provisions for the valuation of furniture, and like matters. 

Section XIII. enumerates the duties of the Scholars. They 
are no longer Servitors, and consequently are not bound to 
wait at table in Hall, as they were by the Statutes of 1739. 
But they are to ' summon the Society to Prayers, to Meals, to 
Disptitations, to Public and Private Lectures 3 ; and shall bring 
a Note to the Principal of the Absent Students from every 
Place of Duty.' 

'They shall also in their turns, be Officers of the Gate.' 
That is to say, the Scholar, whose turn it was, had to attend at 
the College gate from nine o'clock, when the gate was closed, 
until ten. Within that hour he was to open the gate to late 

1 See above, p. 323. 

2 In this Dr. Newton showed himself willing to go with the times. In the 
Statutes of 1720 Eleven and Six are the hours prescribed, in those of i739> Twelve 
and Six. But having seen how variable the hours of meals were, why should he 
have fixed them by statute at all ? 

3 How they were to do this does not appear; Amhurst {T. F. xli. p. 217) speaks 
of the servitor calling the men in the morning ; but this is specified in sect. xiv. as 
the duty of the bedmakers in Hertford College. 


comers ; at ten o'clock he was to take the key to the Principal, 
and the gate was finally shut until the next morning. 

Of all his reforms, this was perhaps the dearest to Newton's 
heart. Some of his friends had objected to it, 'as a Rule 
that might be attended with worse Consequences than even the 
Permitting the Gate to be Openable every Hour of the Night.' 
So indeed it might, at the present time; but we must re- 
member how much earlier were the habits of 1 747 than those 
of our own day ; that the constant snuffing of candles was 
an inseparable accident of sitting up after dark ; that in all 
probability the streets of Oxford, ill-paved and ill-lighted, 
were practically deserted after ten o'clock, except for ' strayed 
revellers ' going home to their Colleges ; and that nocturnal 
revelry was just what Dr. Newton wished to put down. 

In his Appendix 1 , where he discourses at great length on 
the subject, he points out that the University Statute says 
nothing of the College gate being opened after it is once 
shut at nine o'clock ; that by the Aularian statute the key 
is to be taken to the Principal at that hour ; and that the 
statutes of Colleges all prescribe the final closing of the gate 
at ten : only they generally add, ' unless it be upon a very 
extraordinary occasion.' It is this proviso, Newton says, that 
has done the mischief ; ' the Exception hath destroyed the 
Rule.' Let the rule be enforced, and it will be found that it 
will be cheerfully obeyed. 

1 During the Time I was myself of Another College 2 , I observed, 
that when, for one while, the Scholar might come in at Any Hour 
of the Night, he took the Liberty he had to do so very freely ; and 
a Shilling to the Porter secured him from all further Harm : And 
when, for another while, the Gate of the Same College was shut up 
finally at Eleven, the very Same People who used to come in before 
at Twelve, or One, or sometimes later, would now, infallibly, be time 
enough at the Gate to be admitted by Eleven. In like manner, when, 
in this College, the Gate was shut up finally at Eleven, as once it 
was, the Bottlemen would apply to be let in just before Eleven : And, 

1 Appendix IX to Statt. pp. 1 18-132. 

2 Christ Church. The fact recorded of the gate being * openable ' all night 
under Dean Aldrich (1689-1711) shows the prevailing laxity. One of Conybeare's 
first reforms at Ch. Ch. was to have it shut at nine. Hearne, March 8, 1733. 



when that Hour was changed, and the Gate began to be shut up 
finally at Ten, the same sort of Men would constantly knock to be 
Admitted just before Ten. For, in all the Variety of Company I have 
occasionally mix'd with, from the Time I became a Member of the 
University to this Day, I never yet met with a Man, who did not shew 
a Reluctance to the Lying out of his Own Bed V 

'Let not any one say, The Times will not bear Conformity to 
Pious Founders' Institutions. Who are to make the Times, but the 
Universities. There never can be a time, when a Man may not be 
a regular, sober, virtuous, and religious Man, if he Pleases V 

Then again the quiet of the College demands early 
closing : 

' And what is to become of the poor Governour of the College, who 
may be Aged and Infirm, and yet think it his Duty to meet his 
Society at the early Prayers, whilst Health and Strength permit? 
Is he, every Night, by Midnight Knockings at the Gate, to be waked 
out of his Sleep, who, perhaps once waked and ruffled with the un- 
necessary Disturbance given at home, and with an Apprehension of 
Disorders committed abroad by his Own Intemperate and Irregular 
Scholars, can Sleep no more ? Or, lest He should, may the Officer 
intrude into his Chamber first at one late Hour, and then at another, 
to fetch the Key from his Bedside for their Admission ? If this be so, 
a Governour of a College is in a much worse Condition than any 
Other Master of a Family 3 . 

' And lastly, What becomes of the College Porter ? Or rather, as it 
should seem, Who cares a Farthing what becomes of him ? But 
still, in a Christian Country, and especially in Colleges erected for 
Promoting Religion and Moral Virtue, a regard is to be had to the 
Happiness of the poorest Creature upon Earth ; and tho' All cannot 
be made equally Happy in their Situations, yet every Condition of 
Life that can be made Easier, ought to be so. But, if this poor 
coughing Wretch must be raised out of his Bed, at every Hour of 
the Night, to answer to the unseasonable Knockings at the Gate of 
dissolute Men, who consider only what is agreeable to Themselves, 
and not what Others suffer, there is not a greater Slave in Turkey 
than a College Porter ; and I pronounce that He, or his Deputy, 
shall die a Death immature V 

Pp. 126, sq. 
P. 130. 

2 P. 129. 
4 P. 131. 


But in Hertford College there was apparently to be no 
porter ; the office being discharged by the Scholars in their 
turn ; and they at any rate were not to be kept up all night. 
So if any one was out after ' Ten, by the Latest Clock within 
the Hearing of the Officer,' Dr. Newton preferred that he 
should go to an inn \ rather than disturb the College, 

The Scholars were to be remunerated for their services by 
a charge of a penny a week to ' every member of the Society, 
whether Present or Absent ; ' and they were to receive half the 
fines for absences from Chapel and Hall. 

Section XIV. deals with the College Servants: they were 
to be the Principals Clerk or Secretary \ whose duties were 
those of a Bursary Clerk, the Butler and the Cook. It is stated 
that these three ' shall be considered as the Principal's 
Domestick Servants 2 ; and shall Each of them, for their 
respective Services to the Society, be Intitled to 4d a Week 
from every Member of it (except the Scholars) and be Allowed 
no Other kind of Fee, Perquisite, or Profit' Besides these 
were four Bed-makers, one for each Angle. In addition to 
their ordinary duties, they were to take weekly turns of duty 
at the College gate during the daytime. 

Section XV. deals with the College Stock. The revenues 
of the College were never to be applied to the increase of 
the endowments ; but they might be devoted to the payment 
of College debts, repair of buildings, College prizes 3 , the 
purchase of the six advowsons before mentioned, pensions 
to old members of the College reduced to poverty through 
misfortune 4 , or the relief of ' Four poor Housekeepers ' of 
the parish. 

Whence the revenues thus to be applied were to arise, is 

1 Newton supposes that the Proctor has no power to send a man back to his 
College after the Gate is shut ; but, rinding an undergraduate out after nine, he 
would, if he were disposed to be lenient, send him to an inn ; if not, to the University 
prison : p. 119. 

2 Subject, that is, to the performance of certain definite services in stated hours, 
to the College in general. 

3 Including ' the respectful Acknowledgement of Merit in Persons formerly of the 
College,' who have in any way been a credit to it. 

4 A register was to be kept in which the subsequent career of old members 
might be traced. 


not stated l . But Dr. Newton's trust in the future of his 
foundation reaches a height of infatuation which is really 
sublime : 

' The Principal and Tutors, in disposing of the College Stock, 
shall . . . studiously pursue the Good that is before them, without the 
least Apprehension of any Demand upon them from the Future 
Necessities of the Society; nothing doubting, but that if, at any time, 
the College should be consumed by Fire, or destroyed by any Other 
Accident, ... a Society, which, upon so many Occasions, shall have 
been ready to Distribute to Others, will, in a Case so deplorable, find 
sufficient Assistance from Others/ 

In Section XVI., entitled Of Penalties, it is provided that 
penalties for violation of any of the Statutes shall be constant, 
in order to secure impartiality, and £ to take away all Hope of 
Impunity from the Person Offending.' In an Appendix 2 
Dr. Newton defends pecuniary penalties against impositions. 
The latter, he points out, are generally written for hire, and, as 
often as not, come to a larger pecuniary penalty than would 
be imposed directly as a fine. 

Section X VII. provides for the Statutes being publicly read 
on the first day of every Term, ' until they shall be made 
Public 3 ' : for the power of the first Principal to make altera- 
tions in them 4 , and for the preservation of three copies of 
them in the custody of the Visitor, the Principal, and the 
College. At the first Principal's death, at latest, the Statutes 
were to be printed and published with such alterations as had 
been made. 

Section X VIII, is Of the Visitor. Dr. Newton is anxious 
that the Visitor should from time to time visit the College of 
his own accord, without waiting to be appealed to. 

' And, Whereas the Chancellors of the University of Oxford for 

1 It must be remembered that the College had no income from external sources ; 
and the ordinary internal revenue was mostly allotted to specific purposes, as, 
e. g. the room-rent to the Principal. Profits of the kitchen and fines appear to be 
the only sources whence the Stock could be increased. 

2 Appendix X to Statt. pp. 133-135. 

3 This clause appears for the first time in the published Statutes of 1 747- It 
virtually repeals the provision for reading the Statutes, since they were made 
public at the same time that the clause was added. 

4 See above, p. 308. 


the time being, have, for above these Four Hundred Years, been 
successively the Visitors of Hart Hall within the said University, 
I do here, upon Erecting the same into a College, Invite, Intreat, 
and Supplicate, first, the right honourable Charles Earl of Arran 
our present very Worthy and much Honour'd Lord and Chancellor, 
and, afterwards, his Successors in that Office for ever, to continue 
to Protect the Society, and to be the Perpetual Visitors thereof. 
And I here most earnestly beseech both Him and Them severally 
and successively, in the Name of God, and as they Value the Peace 
and Prosperity of this College, and the Public Good, so far as Scholars 
here Educated in strict Sobriety and Diligence, and from hence trans- 
planted into many Parts of the Kingdom, may contribute to it, 
Annually to exercise the Power with which they are for these great 
Ends intrusted by this Statute.' 

Such were the Statutes drawn up by Dr. Newton for his 
College. But Statutes which are given to the world ' with 
Observations on particular Parts of them shewing the Reason- 
ableness thereof 1 ' are, on the face of them, mere essays in 
legislation. In the legal constitution of Hertford College 
there was indeed little that required definition. The Charter 
for the incorporation of Hart Hall was practically a Charter 
for the incorporation of Dr. Richard Newton. While the 
absolute power of Heads of Houses was generally thought to 
need modification, Newton, by reserving to himself the right 
of choosing and dismissing the Fellows of his College at 
pleasure, made his own headship the most absolute in the 
University. In this at any rate he was no reformer. Nor 
can he be credited with the least degree of that foresight 
which is necessary for a reformer whose reforms are to be 
permanent. His aim was to restore the ancient discipline of 
the University ; and he framed his Statutes chiefly for the 
purpose of enforcing such parts of it as had fallen into disuse. 
He had found his regulations successful in his government of 
Hart Hall : let them be made permanent, and they would, he 
thought, be successful for all time. While he reserved to 
himself the power of altering his Statutes during his lifetime, 
he deliberately rejected the provision in the original draft 

1 Statt. 1747, Title. 

33 2 


Charter of 1725, which allowed a similar liberty to his 
successors 1 . 

This provision, had Dr. Newton allowed it to stand, though 
indeed it was none of his making 2 , might have saved his own 
character as a reformer, and his College from the fate that 
befell it 3 . It was precisely because Colleges were so generally 
bound, under the sanction of an oath, to Statutes which could 
not be obeyed, that a Visitation of the University was 
demanded. To the uninitiated it might seem, as it did to 
Amhurst's freshman, that Oxford was c the most perjured town 
of the nation 4 ' : but, perjury or no perjury, obsolete Statutes 
were in fact disobeyed 5 , and disregard of some regulations 
did not lead to the better observance of the rest, however 
suitable to the times 6 . But Newton, though he could see 
plainly enough the evils that resulted from these conditions, 
and though he very properly abolished the oath in his own 
College, was under no apprehension that his Statutes would 
ever be found antiquated or inconvenient : so he left the 
College at his death bound, as far as he could bind it, by 
a body of laws, in which the manner of conducting a lecture 
and looking over a copy of prose was minutely and irrevocably 
prescribed. Had he been content to relegate the greater 

1 See Correspondence in Appendix II, p. 352. 

2 The reservation to the first Principal only of the right to alter the Statutes 
appears in the original Scheme of 1720 (p. 34). Whoever had the drafting of the 
Charter is therefore responsible for the attempt to extend it to his successors. 

3 The College was eventually dissolved, because there was no one statutably 
qualified and willing to accept the headship : which had nevertheless to be filled 
up, according to Statute, within a certain time after it became vacant. 

4 Amhurst, T. F xlii. p. 218. 

5 Even on occasion by Dr. Newton himself. It was all very well for him to 
talk (see above, p. 290) of the University having laid him under an oath to observe 
and enforce its Statutes : yet he tells us without the slightest compunction that it 
had been his practice at Hart Hall to have the gate closed, first at eleven, then 
at ten : whereas the Aularian Statute plainly orders the key to be taken to the 
Principal immediately after nine. And it is on this occasion that he exclaims, as 
quoted above (p. 328), 'Let not any one say, The Times will not bear Conformity 
to Pious Founders' Institutions.' 

6 Amhurst recurs constantly to this subject. See T. F. xxx. p. 163, where an 
instance is given of a ' dispensation,' meaning simply an engagement of the 
governing body to take no notice of a violation of their Statute. In this case the 
Statute dispensed with was one requiring a Fellow, who wished to be Proctor, to 
proceed in divinity, and the dispensation was by a special provision irregular, as 
well as quite gratuitous. 


part of his Statutes to their proper position as by-laws, the 
direction which his personal influence and energy had given to 
the studies and discipline of the College might long have 
survived him : but unfortunately, while his confidence in his 
own legislation was unbounded, he put no trust at all in the 
good sense and good intentions of his successors. 

It cannot justly be made a reproach to Dr. Newton that his 
educational reforms were as limited in scope as they were : he 
had power to make Statutes for his College, he had none to 
legislate for the University ; and as long as the University 
required no more than a series of farcical disputations to qualify 
for its degrees, all that any single Head could do was to make 
sure that the disputations of his own men should not be a farce. 
His provision that every undergraduate should have one tutor 
throughout his career and a claim on as much as one-ninth 
of that tutor's available time was admirable ; and certainly, 
under his Statutes, no undergraduate could have been idle in 
Hertford College, though more freedom might have been 
allowed the College to arrange how his time should be spent. 
In the matter of discipline, if, in contending for the strict 
enforcement of the University Statutes, Newton was aiming, 
as Hearne says, at things impossible, he had at least the 
courage of his opinions ; and his interpretation 1 of the two 
Statutes de vestitu and de moribus, which he had made in 
a special manner Statutes of his College, is designed not only 
to revive the most obsolete provisions 2 , but even to extend 
their application. 

Out of the first of these Statutes Dr. Newton extracts quite 
a philosophy of clothes : 

' The Wearing a Gown supposes the Pursuit or Attainment of 
useful and manly Knowledge, the very End of coming to the Uni- 
versity. All Gaiety of Dress, whether in the Colours of the Cloth, or 
the Lacings or Lmbroideries of the Suit, shews the Mind of the Wearer 

1 Appended to the Statute-book of 1747, pp. 136-159. 

2 We may take Amhurst's word for it that the Statute de vestitu, except as 
far as academical dress went, was totally disregarded : and of large sections of the 
Statute de moribus (some of them greatly admired by Newton) he says, ' I am at 
a loss to determine whether the observation of these Statutes is more neglected 
than they are unreasonable.' T. F. xlvii. pp. 251-253. 


to be greatly pleased with the Pomp and Splendour of his External 
Appearance, even to a Degree, to make him choose to forego the 
Advantage of the good Opinion of sensible well-bred Men, and to 
Venture, even in the Company of Men skill'd in Propriety, to do 
a thing that is Absurd. There is not the same Exception to Fine 
Cloaihs upon particular Occasions in Other Places as there is in This. 
In Other Places, and upon Occasions of important Joy, when it will 
be but Civil to let it appear one is somewhat out of one's Senses with 
the Excess of it *, Fine Cloaths are praised : for the Intention is to 
shew Respect, which is usually estimated by Expence. In This Place, 
and during the Time of Education, the Intention is to form the Mind 
to think' rightly of every thing it observes, to prevent its being depress' d 
or elevated unreasonably by Appearances, and to teach it to put a Value 
upon that only which is really valuable V 

But in spite of Newton's admonitions, it may be feared that 
the clergy continued to follow the ' Affected and Newfangled ' 
fashion of wearing blue 3 ; and the ' Sons of the Nobility 5 to 
' expose themselves in a Green Gold-laced Waistcoat and Red 
Breeches, and in a Black Wig one Day and a White One 
another 4 .' 

In the Statute de moribus conformandis Dr. Newton chooses 
for special approval the sections dealing with Respect, with 
Taverns, with Gambling, with Sport, and with Stage Players. 
There is little in his comments on these matters that calls for 
notice, except that he would extend the scope of the first- 
mentioned section so far as to desire that every undergraduate 
shall take off his cap to all well-dressed strangers he meets in 
Oxford 5 ; while he would have the same undergraduate use 

1 Cf. Hor. c. ii. 7, 'recepto Dulce mihi furere est amico.' 2 pp. 138 sq. 

3 Though indeed they might be deterred by his remark, ' a Blue Coat, Waistcoat, 
Breeches, and Stockings, often worn by Others of the Clergy (whilst the Graver 
Men of the Order still wear Black), is a Dress so near a Common Livery, that it 
doth not distinguish them from Footmen? Statt. p. 138. 

4 Ibid. Fashion in Oxford extended to the academical dress. Amhurst {T. F. 
xlvi. p. 245) describes the Oxford ' smart ' rustling in a ' stiff silk gown,' and a 
' square cap of above twice the usual size.' For the latter a ' broad bully cock'd 
hat ' was sometimes substituted, which, if worn by a Master of Arts, would dis- 
entitle him, in Newton's opinion, to any mark of respect ; Statt. p. 145. No one 
thought of appearing without a gown. 

5 On the ground that, if he did not know them himself, he might be acquainted 
with some of their acquaintance : or they might, for all he knew, be of the kin of 
a Founder of a College ! Statt. pp. 146 sq. 


the greatest caution in showing this mark of respect to 
a Bachelor of Civil Law, the presumption being that this 
degree has been taken for the nefarious purpose of qualifying 
for holding a plurality of benefices. 

Dr. Newton's book on this last subject had been published 
four years before, and had gone through two editions. 
Pluralities Indefensible is altogether the best of Newton's 
works. That it was without effect on the Legislature, to 
which it was addressed \ was inevitable. Dean Prideaux, 
Newton's leader in the attack on pluralities, had in 1691 
drafted a bill for reform ; but, even with the support of the 
Earl of Nottingham and Bishop Burnet, the movement had 
come to nothing: and in 1743 the chances of reform in the 
Church were as slight as in the Universities. But at least 
Dr. Newton's book kept the agitation alive ; at least it fur- 
nished public opinion 2 on the subject with an admirably 
lucid statement, drawn from past history and present ex- 
perience, of the case against the worst abuse then existing in 
the Church of England. And it is gratifying to learn that 
the book was not without influence in high places : 

' Soon after the Publication of this Piece the then Earl of 
Northampton being applied to in behalf of a Person for a Scarf 3 , 
for the usual Purpose of enabling him to hold two Livings, replied, 
" I have no Scarf to give him, but I will give him a Book" meaning 
this V 

Qualifications for holding pluralities were still regulated 
by the Statute of 11 Hen. VIII, which Newton vigorously 
attacks : 

' I don't like One Line of it. And, I flatter myself, when I shall 
have Descanted upon it a little, I shall not be Alone in my Utter 

1 The title is ' Pluralities Indefensible. A Treatise Humbly Offered to the 
Consideration of the Parliament of Great Britain. By a Presbyter of the Church 
of England. Denique sit finis Quaerendi. Hor.' 

2 Or perhaps one should say private opinion : ' There is scarce, I believe, a 
Member of Either House of Parliament, who, in private Conversation, hath not 
Condemned Pluralities : And yet the Act inabling to Purchase Dispensation to 
hold Two Benefices with Cure of Souls is not Repealed.' Plur. Ind. Pref. ix. 

3 i. e. to make him his chaplain. 

4 MS. note in Hertf. Coll. copy of the book, probably written by J. Sanders, 
one of Newton's original Fellows, and his successor at Sudborough. ' This story,' 
he adds, ' I heard y e Author tell.' 


Dislike of it. I say, I don't like One Line of it. There are several 
Lines in it, that Condemn Pluralities in general. What, do not I like 
thoset No. I do not like even those, for the Hypocrisy there is in 
them. For they do not Mean the Thing which they Pretend, any 
more than the Constitution of the Fourth Lateran Council, on the 
Model of which this Act of Parliament was Founded V 

By this Statute, noblemen's chaplains and graduates in 
Divinity and Canon Law were the persons qualified for 
receiving dispensations 2 . Now, while a Cambridge graduate 
in Laws was qualified under the Statute, an Oxford graduate 
in Civil Law only 3 clearly was not ; yet his claim had been 
by custom recognized by the Archbishops of Canterbury 4 , to 
whom the dispensing power was entrusted. Add to this that 
by ' putting on the civil law gown ' all exercises for degrees in 
Arts were evaded, and that the civil law degree could be 
obtained merely by keeping some additional terms ; and it is 
easy to understand Dr. Newton's animosity against the average 
B.C.L. After the example of Dean Aldrich, he refused to 
permit the civilian's gown to be worn in Hertford College 
except by bona fide students of civil law 5 : and though ex- 
perience had taught him that a discessit, sought for for the 
purpose of wearing the obnoxious gown elsewhere, could not 
be unreasonably refused, he had also learnt to express his 
disapproval by the form in which the discessit was given : 

' Liceat G. C. Commensali e C. H. qui bene se gessit, quamdiu 

1 Plur. Ind. pp. 115 sq. 

2 As Newton sarcastically puts it, it is among these persons that you must look 
for uncommon ecclesiastical merit, 4 if you will find it at all . . . for it is not 
anywhere else to be found ; and, if you think you discern it anywhere else, you are 
mistaken. For if you read the Resolution ... of the 21st of H. 8, who was as 
Infallible as the Pope himself, you will find it to be just as I say.' Plur. Ind. 
p. 166. The Constitution he quotes of the Fourth Lateran Council had qualified 
' sublimes et litteratas personas ' for dispensations, the Pope being the judge of 
sublimity and learning. 

3 The teaching of Canon Law having been (subsequently to the Statute) for- 
bidden at Oxford by Henry VIII. It is noticeable that according to the Charter 
(q. v. Append. Ill) Hertford College is declared, no doubt through inadvertence, 
to be incorporated for the study of, inter alia, Civil and Canon Law. 

4 That Oxford law graduates were not quite satisfied with their position is 
shown by their constant attempts, especially throughout the eighteenth century, 
to describe themselves as graduates in Laws. 

5 Aldrich had stigmatized it, as commonly worn, as 4 the Idle Gown.' 


apud Nos commoratus est, istam in quavis alia Domo veniam quae- 
rere, quae negatur in Sua ; nempe, ut cum Sacris Litteris Revera 
incumbat unice, Juri Ctvt'lt, Statutis Academiae elusis, studere 
Videatur V 

As long as Newton lived, he governed the College in the 
spirit, if not according to the letter, of his Statutes. He 
administered them with the free hand of a man whose right to 
alter them was unquestioned. The despotism of the Statutes 
was tempered by the arbitrary power of the Founder. In 
the last year of his life we find him summarily dismissing a 
recently appointed Tutor, on discovering that he was a reader, 
without disapproval, of the works of the eccentric Hutchinson 2 . 
On the unfortunate tutor's asking how he should explain his 
dismissal from 'an office to which he had been statutably 
appointed,' Dr. Newton replied : 

1 You may say, Mr. Comings, that you are an Hutchinsonian, and 
that the Principal does not love any of the party : and further than 
this, was you to be admitted again a member of the University, and 
came with these principles, I would not even take you into my house. 
If this, says he, will not satisfy the world, I am very easy, whether 
they are satisfied or not V 

Shortly before this event, Newton's labours for the Church 
and the University had been tardily rewarded by a Canonry 
in Christ Church 4 . Perhaps the preferment was rather an 
acknowledgement of his having been tutor to Henry Pelham, 
now Prime Minister. It is related that on the occasion of the 
vacancy a friend expressed to Pelham his surprise that he 
had done nothing for his old tutor. The Minister replied, 
c Why, how could I ? he never asked me.' It was indeed as 

1 Plur. Ind. p. 188. It is noticeable that while the bearer of this discessit was 
refused at Oriel — where they had good reason to know Dr. Newton's views on 
the subject of discessits — he was accepted by the Master of University (whom 
Dr. Newton had done his best to exclude from the Mastership). Ibid. p. 190 n. 

2 John Hutchinson (1674-1737), a fantastic interpreter of Scripture, who may 
perhaps claim the discredit of having started the antagonism of religion and science. 
He wrote, amongst other works, Moses' Principia, in opposition to Newton's. 

3 ' The State of the Case between Dr. Newton, Principal, and Mr. Comings, 
A.M. of Hertford College, Oxford,' a printed sheet drawn up by Comings, April 5, 
J 753- 

4 December 23, 1752. He was installed on January 5 following. It is to be 
hoped he was reconciled to his old enemy Conybeare, who was still Dean. 




characteristic of a minister of the period to expect to be 
asked, as it was of Newton not to ask for favours. All 
through the long controversy about the foundation of the 
College, Newton made no use, such as ninety-nine out of a 
hundred would have made, of so powerful a friend at Court 
as the Duke of Newcastle, though the kindly tone of Henry 
Pelham's letter to his brother shows that he might have found 
support in that quarter had he been willing to claim it. But 
Newton, on the contrary, was anxious only not to embarrass 
his friends : 

' Remember/ he wrote to Henry Pelham, ' what I have always told 
you, that I do not desire you should do anything for me, which you, 
who have a very good Judgment, shall think it improper for you to 
concern yourself in, or to which you shall have the least Reluctance. 
For I love you very disinterestedly, having no One End in the World 
to serve, which not being served, can so much as disturb the 
Tranquillity, much less abate the Affection of 

Your etc. 1 ' 

So he was able to write to the Bishop of Exeter: 
c For the obtaining Charters of the Crown there is a certain Method 
of Proceeding prescribed to the Subject .... My Lord, I proceed in 
this Method. I take no New or Unusual Step to accomplish my 
Design V 

He was no doubt true to his principles. Still it is probable 
that the regular ' method of proceeding prescribed to the 
subject ' would scarcely have availed, without the aid of the 
Pelhams, to procure him his Charter even with a delay of 
fifteen years. 

On Easter Eve, April 21, 1753, Dr. Newton died, almost 
suddenly, at his house at Lavendon. He had forbidden 
monuments to be set up in his College chapel ; but the 
memorial erected to him in Lavendon Church, where he 
was buried, still records his foundation of a College in his 
' favourite seminary ' of Hart Hall. Even while Hertford 
College survived, its Founder was forgotten. In 1783 a writer 
in the Gentleman s Magazine 3 informs his readers that 

1 January 24, 1726, quoted in Grounds, c. iii. p. 13. 

2 Letter II, May II, 1727, in Letter to Dr. Holmes, p. 12. 

3 1783, p. 667. 


' Dr. Newton, author of Pluralities Indefensible, was of one 
of the new Colleges, either Worcester or Hertford, mid died 
about fourteen years since V But among his personal friends, 
Newton's memory was cherished. There is an agreeable 
notice of him taken by Nichols from the papers of John Jones 
of Welwyn 2 , from which it appears that he was one of the 
earliest promoters, if not the inventor, of the reading party : 

' He usually made excursions in the long vacations into various 
parts of the kingdom, most commonly taking with him for company 
and improvement one or more young gentlemen of fortune in his 
College, at the request and with the approbation of their parents. 
He was himself in every respect a gentleman, and a man of refined 
good breeding. You might see this in every part of his conversation. 
At evening, upon such journeys, he would a little before bedtime 
desire his young pupils to indulge him in a short vacation of about 
half-an-hour for his own private recollections. During that little 
interval they were silent, and he would smoke his pipe with great 
composure, and then chat with them again in an useful manner for 
a short space, and, bidding them good night, go to his rest V 

With the exception of some things which were actually in 
preparation for the press, Newton ordered all his writings to 
be destroyed ; and his widow 4 , as Jones informs us, ' was a 
conscientious person.' 

It is a familiar statement that Hertford College was 
dissolved in 1805 on account of the insufficiency of the 
endowments : yet neither is the date, nor yet the reason, 
assigned for the dissolution quite in accordance with the facts. 
If the endowments had been sufficient for the carrying out 
of Newton's design, the Statutes would probably have killed 
the College long before 1805. As it was, it was through the 
insufficiency of the endowment that, even in Dr. Newton's 

1 A friend of Newton's, however, came forward with a more correct account of 
him, ibid. p. 992. 

2 John Jones (1 700-1 770), for many years curate of Welwyn, Herts. 

3 Nichols, Lit. Anecd. v. pp. 708 sqq. 

4 This was Newton's second wife, daughter of Sir Willoughby Hickman, Bt. 
She died in 178 1. By his first wife he had an only daughter, who married Rev. 
Knightley Adams : their son edited the collected volume of his grandfather's 
sermons in 1784. 

Z % 



time, a great part of the Statutes was necessarily in abeyance ; 
and it is probable that under his successors most of the 
regulations concerning internal discipline and study became 
inoperative. Benefactions slowly came in, but they were not 
applied according to the Founder's directions, so that fifty 
years after Newton's death, the College had a larger endow- 
ment and more practical freedom to use it than Newton had 
left to it 1 . It must be remembered that Dr. Newton's 
foundation was not intended for poor scholars 2 : and there 
seems to have been a sufficient number of those ' young 
gentlemen of fortune,' who were the Founder's vacation com- 
panions, to maintain the College. There is therefore nothing 
surprising in rinding Hertford chosen as the College for 
Charles James Fox in 1764: though it would surprise us to 
be assured that Fox's quarterly allowance was e always 
returned into the hands of the Tutor.' Probably it was an 
attraction of Hertford College that the distinction there 
between gentleman -commoners and other undergraduates 
was less marked than elsewhere. 

But however in internal matters the College might, whether 
from choice or necessity, disregard its Statutes, those regu- 
lating its external relations remained in full force. Not only 
so, but Dr. Newton, when he published his revised Statutes 
in 1747, omitted to take the precaution, which he had himself 
made obligatory, of procuring the approbation of the Visitor 
and the Crown to the alterations he had made. So that, in 
law, the Statutes of 1739 were still in force at the time of 
his death. 

The fact indeed for a time escaped notice. William Sharpe, 
Newton's successor, was in every way qualified for the head- 
ship : he was duly nominated and lawfully admitted. But 
when, 1 discontented with the fortune of the College V he 
resigned in 1757, the Chancellor nominated, and the Dean 
of Christ Church admitted without protest, David Durell, a 

1 At the time of the dissolution, the College had a funded capital of ^2,900, the 
income of which they seem to have been at liberty to dispose of as they pleased. 

2 See above, p. 285 n. : and cf. Plur. Ind., pp. 334 sqq. 

3 Gutch's Colleges, p. 647. Dr. Sharpe was afterwards Regius Professor of 
Greek, 1763-82. 


Fellow of the College 1 , and so far qualified for the headship 
under the Statutes of 1747, but without any qualification 
under those of 1739, which limited the office absolutely to 
Westminster students of Christ Church. Dr. Durell's head- 
ship was indeed the most flourishing period of the College, 
and his early death in 1775, at the age of forty-seven, was a 
serious loss to it. Under his successor, Bernard Hodgson, 
who had the full statutory qualification, the College ceased to 
prosper, though it did not rapidly decline. 

By the time of Dr. Hodgson's death in 1805, the fellow- 
ships had been reduced to two : there had been a revival of 
some of the Junior Fellowships, which Dr. Newton had left 
entirely unendowed ; the funds of the College were now 
sufficient to provide an annuity of £$ i$s. to each ' Assistant.' 
But it was difficult to find a duly qualified person to accept 
the post of Principal, and the Chancellor, Lord Grenville, 
either not knowing or disregarding the Statutes, nominated 
Henry Phillpotts, afterwards to become famous as Bishop 
of Exeter. The Dean of Christ Church, Dr. Cyril Jackson, 
objected ; and Phillpotts made no difficulty about renouncing 
his claims to a preferment which had so little attraction. 
Phillpotts indeed had no right whatever under any Statutes 
to the nomination : but the Dean, to whom the appointment 
lapsed, was unable to get any qualified Student, if any 
existed 2 , of his own house to accept it. Under the Statutes 
of 1747, Fellows of Hertford were eligible ; but it so happened 
that of the two Fellows then existing, one 3 was below standing 
for the headship, and the other was impossible. Richard 
Hewitt was a man of some ability, but scarcely sane 4 : and 

1 Previously of Pembroke College. 

2 The field was extremely limited. Statt. 1739, sec. 4, p. 6, provides that the 
Principal shall be a Westminster Student of Ch. Ch. in priest's orders, who has 
acted as a Tutor : he must be M.A. but not above standing for D.D., i.e. must not 
have passed the earliest date at which he could have taken that degree. 

3 James Carpenter, who had been admitted Fellow and taken his M.A. degree 
only a few weeks before Dr. Hodgson's death. 

4 As is sufficiently clear from his curious letters, now in the Bodleian (MS. Eng. 
misc. d. 9). They are addressed to Dr. Collier Jones, Rector of Exeter, during his 
Vice-Chancellorship, 1828-32, and contain a good deal of curious information 
about the last days of Hertford College, all of course designed to show that the 
writer was entitled to more than he had got. Probably he addressed similar letters 

34 2 


probably Dr. Jackson was not sorry to make the discovery 
that the Statutes of 1747 had no legal validity. The College 
meanwhile dragged on its existence : Hewitt acted as Vice- 
Principal ; but he was unable to persuade the Dean 1 to admit 
him to the headship, for which he considered he was ' pointed 
out by the finger of God.' In 181 % he memorialized the 
Crown, but to no purpose 2 , and in 1814 his own fellowship 
expired. The other tutor had previously retired to a living, 
and the College ceased to exist : by a legal fiction the com- 
missioners who held an inquisition on the defunct society 
decided that it had been dissolved on the death of the last 
Principal in 1805. The inquisition was held May 4, 1816. 
In the following year 3 the buildings were granted to the 
University for the use of Magdalen Hall, and the intrusive 
lodgers who had occupied them were gradually evicted 4 . 
Hewitt received a pension out of the goods of the College for 
his life, and after his death such immortality as the University 
Statute-book can bestow. 

to all the Vice-Chancellors in succession. Indeed he tells Dr. Jones (April 10, 
1832) of the scant courtesy of ' the great little man, your predecessor' (Dr. Jenkyns), 
and the dignified way he (Hewitt) had shown his resentment, by ' ceasing to be 
familiar and facetious in his letters.' 

1 Although Dr. Jackson had been succeeded by Dr. Hall in 1809. 

2 Hewitt's Letters, October 14 and 26, 1830. In the last he ingeniously argues 
that if he was not qualified for the headship, neither was Dr. Durell. But Durell 
was Vice-Chancellor, 1765-68 : or rather he acted as such without being qualified. 
Therefore he rather thinks that the University is dissolved, and that all its acts 
since 1765 are null and void. 

3 By Letters Patent, July 11, 58 Geo. III. 

4 Hewitt himself continued to live in College till May, 181 6. In his second 
letter to Dr. Jones, October 31, 1829, he complains of his rooms being occupied 
by some person whom he calls 'the cursed Adams.' The Principal's lodgings 
had been seized upon by the then Town-Clerk of Oxford, to take care of them, 
as he said. 




[S. P. Dom. Geo. I, Bundle 22, No. 87.] 
To the King's Most Excellent Majesty. 

The Humble Petition of D r . Richard Newton Principal of Hart Hall 
in the University of Oxford 

That the said D r . Newton hath erected a Chappel and other Buildings 
in the said Hart Hall to the value of Fifteen hundred pounds, and hath 
likewise purchased Ground and Houses contiguous to the Scite of the 
said Hall for the Enlargement thereof. 

That towards the endowment of the said Hall, he is willing to settle 
upon it a Revenue of Sixty Pounds Annum for ever, out of his own 
private Fortune, and hath also a prospect of other Benefactions from 
Persons formerly educated in the said Hall, provided that a Charter may 
be obtained for the better security thereof. 

That he hath no other view or design in requesting such a Charter, 
but in order to promote Piety, Good Manners and usefull Learning in 
that Society, and is desirous for this end, that the said Hall, when 
incorporated, may be governed by such Rules and Statutes, as Your 
Majesty shall be pleased to order and Appoint. 

He therefore humbly prays, that Your Majesty will be graciously 
pleased to grant Your Royal Charter for making fhe said Hall a Body 
Corporate, consisting of a Governor, with the Stile and Title of Principal, 
Your Majesty's Petitioner to be the first Principal during his Life, and 
of Four Tutors, or Fellows, as Assistants to him in the Government of 
the said Hall, together with such Privileges and Advantages, as have 
been usually granted on the like Occasions. 

And your Petitioner shall ever pray &c. 



At the Court at St. James's 18 th May 1723 1 His Maj^ having been 
moved upon this Petition, is graciously pleased to refer the same to 
M r . Attorney or M r . Sollicitor General, to consider thereof and report 
his opinion what His Maj^. may fitly do therein, whereupon His Maj^. 
will declare his further pleasure. 


[Endorsed] Petition of D r . Newton Principal of Hart-Hall. 
18 May 1723. 

Richard Newton D r . of Divinity Principal of Hart Hall in the Uni- 
versity of Oxford maketh Oath that he hath Laid out and Expended 
above Fifteen hundred pounds in Erecting a Chappell and other Buildings 
in Hart Hall aforesaid. 

Richard Newton. 

Jurat quinto die Decembris 1723 coram me 

E. Conway. 

Richard Newton Doctor in Divinity and Principal of Hart Hall in the 
University of Oxford maketh Oath that over and above the Sume of 
ffifteen Hundred pounds applyed by him to the erecting of a Chappell 
and other Buildings in the said Hall he hath laid out and expended the 
sume of One Hundred and sixty pounds of his own proper money in 
the purchase of Houses and Land lying contiguous to the Scite of the 
said Hall, And hath moreover obtained a Lease from Christ Church in 
the University of Oxford of other Land lying likewise Contiguous to the 
said Hall Granted to him by the said College without any Consideration 
for the purchase thereof in Countenance as he apprehends of his Design 
to get the said Hall Incorporated reserving only to themselves a Rent 
of four pence Annum. All which Ground and Houses this said 
Depon*. intends to give to the Use of the said Hall when Incorporated, 
And this Deponent further maketh Oath that assoon as the said Hall 
shall be incorporated he will also Charge an Estate of Two Hundred 
pounds a year with the Payment of Sixty pounds a year forever thereto 
in a manner agreeable to the Corn Act obtained in the favour of the 
Universitys in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth. 

Richard Newton. 

Juf Vicesimo octavo die ffebruarii 1723 coram me. 

E. Conway. 

[Endorsed] D r . Newton's affid* 8 ab* Benefactions. 

To the Kings Most Excellent Majesty. 

May it please your Majesty. 

In humble Obedience to your Majesty's Commands signified to me by 
the Right Hono ble the Lord Carteret late one of your Majesty's Principal 

1 This is dated the day after the letter of the Earl of Arran to Lord Carteret, 
giving his approval, as Chancellor, to Newton's scheme. See p. 288 n. 


Secretaries of State whereby I am required to Consider the annexed 
Petition of Doctor Richard Newton Principali of Hart Hall in the Uni- 
versity of Oxford, and Report my Opinion what your Majesty may fitly 
do therein, I have Considered the said Petition which sets forth, That 
the said D r . Newton hath Erected a Chappell and other Buildings in 
the said Hart Hall to the value of Fifteen Hundred Pounds, and likewise 
Purchased Ground and Houses Contiguous to the Scite of the said Hall 
for the enlargement thereof. 

That towards the Endowment of the said Hall he is willing to Settle 
upon it a Revenue of Sixty Pounds per Annum for ever, out of his own 
private Fortune, and hath alsoe a prospect of other Benefactions from 
Persons formerly Educated in the said Hall, provided that a Charter 
might be obtained for the better Security thereof. 

That he hath no other View or Design in requesting such a Charter, 
but in Order to promote Piety, Good Manners and Usefull Learning in 
that Society, and is desirous for that End, that the said Hall when 
Incorporated, may be Governed by such Rules and Statutes, as your 
Majesty shall be pleased to appoint. The Petitioner therefore most 
humbly prays that your Majesty would be Graciously pleased to Grant 
your Royal Charter for making the said Hall a Body Corporate, Consisting 
of a Governour, with the Stile and Title of Principali, the Petitioner to 
be the first Principali during his Life, and of four Tutors or Fellows as 
Assistants to him in the Government of the said Hall, together with such 
Privileges and Advantages as have been Usually Granted on the like 

And I must humbly Certifie your Majesty that a Caveat having been 
Entred with me on the behalf of the Rector and Fellows of Exeter College 
in the University of Oxford against the said Petition, I have been there- 
upon attended by the Petitioner, and by the Agents for the said Colledge 
and have heard Councill on both sides. 

The Councill for the Petitioner alledged that Hart Hall is a very 
Ancient Hall, and that a Body of Learned Men by the Name of Principali 
and Fellows have resided therein without Interruption between four and 
five hundred Years, and that it has all along enjoyed the like Priviledges 
and been under the like Regulations with other Halls in the University 
of Oxford. 

That the Petitioner the present Principali out of great Affection to the 
Society, and a Pious disposition to promote Religion and Learning, had 
already bestowed Considerable Benefactions on the Society and intended 
to bestow more, and to prove this they produced the Annexed Affidavits 
of the Petitioner, whereby it is Sworn, That he hath Expended above 
Fifteen hundred Pounds in Erecting a Chappell and other Buildings in 
Hart Hall ; That he had alsoe laid out One Hundred and Sixty Pounds 
of his own Money in the Purchase of Houses and Land lying Contiguous 
to the Scite of the said Hall, That he hath Obtained a Lease from Christ 
Church in the said University of other Land lying likewise Contiguous 
to the said Hall Granted to him by the said Colledge without any 
Consideration for the purchase thereof, in Countenance as he apprehended 

34 6 


of his design to get the said Hall incorporated, reserving only to them- 
selves a Rent of four pence per Annum ; all which Grounds and Houses 
the Deponent intends to give to the Use of the said Hall when Incor- 
porated ; and will alsoe Charge an Estate of Two Hundred Pounds 
a Year with the Payment of Sixty Pounds a Year for ever thereto, in 
a manner agreeable to the Corn Act Obtained in favour of the Universitys 
in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth. 

It was insisted that these Benefactions would make a Competent 
Endowment of the proposed Colledge, to manifest which, the Scheme 
hereunto Annexed was laid before me ; And that a Charter of Incorpora- 
tion would be Necessary in Order to Secure the perpetuall Enjoyment 
of them to the Society. 

That the Earl of Arran Chancellor of the University had (so far as in 
him lay) given his Consent to the Obtaining such a Charter by Letter to 
the Lord Carteret, a Copy whereof verified by Affidavit is hereunto 
Annexed 1 . 

On the other side the Councill for the Rector and Fellows of Exeter 
Colledge opposed the Granting of such a Charter, and Objected, That 
Hart Hall depended in many respects upon Exeter Colledge, and the 
Granting a Charter would destroy or weaken that Dependance. 

That the Scite of the Hall is the freehold and Inheritance of Exeter 
Colledge and was formerly held by Lease from them at a yearly Rent 
of One Pound, thirteen Shillings and four pence; That tho' the last 
Lease has been Expired ever since the Thirty fifth Year of the Reign 
of Queen Elizabeth, yet this Rent has been constantly paid, which is an 
Evidence that the Principall of the Hall held over as Tenants by Suffer- 
ance or at Will to the Colledge, and the Colledge might recover the 
Possession of it in an Ejectment. 

To prove this they produced severall very Ancient Deeds, whereby it 
appeared that about the Year One Thousand Three Hundred and 
Fourteen Walter de Stapelton then Bishop of Exeter founded Stapelton 
Hall since Converted into and Called Exeter Colledge. That besides 
Stapelton Hall which he purchased of the Prior and Convent of S*. 

1 The documents mentioned as annexed to the Report are now S. P. Dom. 
Geo. I, B. 56, 114-117. They are — 

1. A copy of Lord Arran's letter, attested by affidavit of the transcriber. 

2. Affidavit of Matthew Hole, Rector of Exeter College, July 3, 1723, that he 
has received £1 13s. ^d. yearly rent for Hart Hall for seven years past. 

3. Affidavit of Lawrence Horner, Butler of Exeter College, as to evidence of 
College books for eleven years past to the same effect. 

4. Copies of (1) Decree of Convocation, 1 Eliz. confirming the appointment of 
the Principal of Edmund Hall to the Provost and Fellows of Queen's College, and 
(2) Protest and declaration of the said Provost and Fellows of their prescriptive 
as well as statutory rights over the Hall, n Car. I., both attested by the affidavit 
of William Greenaway. 

These documents are endorsed ' Mr. Attorney Genl's Report upon the petn of 
Dr. Newton for the incorporating Hart Hall. Rec'd Nov. 9, 1724.' But the 
Report is now separated from them. 


Frideswide in Oxford he alsoe by Deed Dated in the 5 th Year of the 
Reign of King Edward the Second purchased two other Halls, one called 
Arthur Hall and the other called Hert Hall which latter was described 
to be Scituate in the Parish of S*. Peter in the East Oxon, between 
a Tenement of the University of Oxford called Blake Hall on the West 
and a Tenement of the Prioress and Convent of Stodlegh on the 

They alsoe produced Letters Patent under the Great Seal Dated the 
10 th May 7 0 of Ed. 2. whereby License is Granted to the said Bishop to 
Alien in Mortmain to Twelve Scholars Students in the said University 
two Messuages with the Appurtenances Scituate in Oxford but without 
any Names or Descriptions, which Letters Patent are endorsed in an 
Ancient Character thus De duobus Messuag. Hert Hall and Arthur 

It was said the Conveyance from Bishop Stapelton to the College was 
not to be found ; but to prove that the Colledge had been in Possession 
of these Two Halls they produced a Grant from the Abbess and Convent 
of Godestowe to the Rector and Scholars of Stapyldon Hall and their 
Successors, Dated the 23 d of Aprill 13 18, of a Tenement in Oxford 
reserving a Rent of twelve Shillings per Annum, wherein a power of 
distress is mentioned to be Granted to the Abbess and Convent for that 
Rent upon two Tenements then belonging to the s d Rector and Scholars 
one called Hert Hall and the other Arthur Hall, the Boundaries whereof 
are described exactly as in the purchase Deed to the Bishop, and 
a Confirmation of this Grant was produced under the Great Seal Dated 
the 30 October the 12 Edw. 2. 

In Order to shew that Hart Hall was held by the Principall thereof 
by Lease from Exeter Colledge they produced the Counterpart of an 
Indenture Dated the 8 th July 1 Eliza, whereby the Rector and Fellows 
of Exeter Colledge Demised to Philip Rondall then Principall of Hart 
Hall All that their Tenement or House, Ordayned for the Advancement 
of Learning and Knowledge Commonly called Hart Hall for the Term 
of One and Twenty Years from the Lady Day before reserving the 
Annuall Rent of One pound Thirteen Shillings and four pence. In 
which Deed there is a Covenant from the Colledge to repair the Roof 
of the Buildings ; and another Covenant from the Principall for himself 
and his Assigns to doe all other Repairs at their own Costs, except what 
the Rector and Fellows of their Benevolence should give as hath been 
Accustomed. And a further Covenant from the said Philip Rondall 
that he will not let or Assign his Term of Years in the Premisses but 
only to one fit and Able Man for that purpose of the Foundation of 
Exeter Colledge, and that for the better Accomplishment of the same 
he shall Use and practise all friendly means by requesting the Company 
of the said Hall and the Chancellor or his Comissary of the University 
for the time being, unless he the said Philip or his Assigns be otherwise 
specially Licensed by the said Rector and Fellows or their Successors. 
And for the performance of this particular Covenant there was a Bond 
given by Rondall to the Colledge. 



Another Counterpart of a Lease from the Colledge to the same Philip 
Rondall Dated the 20 th of July 14 0 Eliz. for the Term of One and Twenty 
Years from the Lady Day before, Under the same Rent and Containing 
the same Description and Covenants as in the former. 

This Term of One and Twenty Years Commences Seven Years before 
the Determination of the former Lease and takes no Notice of the 
Surrender of that. 

An Originall Lease with the Counterpart thereof Dated the 10 th of 
October 35 Eliza, from the said Colledge to John Evelighe of all that 
their Tenement or House Ordained for the Advancement of learning and 
knowledge commonly called Hart Hall, reciting the last Lease to Rondall 
and that it was Expired, and Demising the same to Evelighe for One 
and Twenty Years under the same Rent and Covenants as in the former 
Leases, saving that in this there is no Covenant from the Colledge to 
doe any part of the Repairs. 

With this Lease was produced a Bond of the same Date from the said 
John Evelighe to the Rector and Fellows of Exeter Colledge, with Con- 
dition to perform the Covenant against assigning, and further to permit 
Philip Rondall quietly to enjoy the said Tenement or Hall during his 
Natural Life, without any Disturbance or unlawfull Molestation offered by 
the said Evelighe for the displacing of the s d . Philip, unless he were 
Specially Licensed by the said Rector and Fellows. 

It was not pretended that the Colledge had made any Lease of Hart 
Hall since that last mentioned, tho' it was Admitted that the Principall 
and Fellows of Hart Hall had enjoyed the said Hall ever since, paying 
the Rent of One pound Thirteen Shillings and four pence. But it was 
Contended that that Rent had not been in all times fixed and Certain but 
had Varied ; and to prove this were produced two Ancient Accounts of 
the Rectors of Exeter Colledge for the time being ; in the first whereof 
being an Account for a Year ending Anno 1329 Sixty Shillings is 
mentioned in the Charge as received De Pensione de Hert Hall ; and in 
the other which is an Account for about a Year ending in 1377 Forty 
Shillings is Charged as Received De Pensione Hert Hall, But for how 
long time those Receipts were did not appear by the Accounts. 

To shew the Constant payment of the Rent of One Pound Thirteen 
Shillings and four Pence in late times, they produced the Annexed Affi- 
davits of Doctor Hole Rector of Exeter Colledge and Lawrence Horner 
who prove the same for Eleven Years past. 

It was alsoe alleged that Exeter Colledge Claimed a kind of Visitatorial 
power over Hart Hall, but it was Admitted that they could Shew no 
Instance of the Exercise of such Power. 

On the other side the Councill for Doctor Newton the Petitioner 
observed that it was very Extraordinary that such an Opposition to the 
Improvement of a House of Learning should come from a Society of 
Learned Men. 

That they had made out no right whatsoever to any Jurisdiction or 
Authority over the Principall and Fellows of Hart Hall, nor to any Interest 
therein, but the Annuall Rent of One pound Thirteen Shillings and four 


pence which was Admitted to be their due and could not possibly be 
prejudiced by any Charter Granted by the Crown. 

That as to the claim set up to the Freehold and Inheritance of the 
Scite of the Hall, if the Colledge was entitled to it, that likewise could not 
be taken from them nor their Title to it affected by a Charter. But it was 
insisted that the Colledge had no Title to it, nor could turn the Principall 
& Fellows out of their Possession of it. 

That Supposing there was proof of the Soil having Anciently belonged 
to the Colledge, yet the quiet Possession of the Principall and Fellows of 
the Hall under the payment of a certain Rent of One pound Thirteen 
shillings and four pence for One hundred and Seventy Seven Years 
without any Lease or Variation of the Rent was Sufficient Evidence that 
the Colledge had made a Conveyance of it in Fee for the Benefit of the 
Principall and Fellows, before the making of the Statutes restraining 
Alienations by such Bodies. And if they should bring an Ejectment such 
a Conveyance would be presumed, tho' it could not be produced. And 
a Case of the like kind was Cited to have been Adjudged in the Court of 
Comon Pleas in the Year 1694. The President and Fellows of Magdalen 
Colledge in Oxon upon some Dispute about the Nomination of a Principall 
of Magdalen Hall brought an Ejectment for the Scite of that Hall. On 
the 20 th of June 1694 this Cause was Tryed at the Bar of the Court of 
Common Pleas and upon the Trial of the Plaintiffe proved that Anciently 
the Colledge had been Seised of the Soil and on the part of the Principall 
and Fellows of the Hall a Possession of about Two hundred Years was 
proved, but no proof made of any Conveyance whatsoever. But upon this 
proof and Notwithstanding the restraining Statutes the Court left it to the 
Jury whether they would not presume a Conveyance in Fee made by the 
Colledge to the University or some other Trustees in Trust for the 
Principall and Fellows of the Hall, and accordingly the Jury found 
a Verdict for the Defendants. 

And it was said that in Support of so long a Possession it ought to be 
presumed in the present Case that such a Conveyance in fee had been, 
and thereupon the Rent of One pound Thirteen Shillings and four pence 
reserved as a Fee farm Rent. 

But if the Leases made by the Colledge in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth 
and the Constant payment of the same Rent reserved by those Leases 
should Differ the Case of Hart Hall from that of Magdalen Hall in point 
of Law, and the Fee simple should be taken to be still in the Colledge, 
yet it was strongly insisted that in Equity it would be Adjudged a Trust 
for the Principall and Fellows of the Hall, and the Colledge would not be 
suffered to take the Possession from them, Especially since it had been 
so long enjoyed in this manner, and the Colledge upon the Leases pre- 
tended to be made had taken no Fine, and had Expressly stiled it 
A House Ordained for the Advancement of Learning and Knowledge, 
which shews an Appropriation of it. 

As to the two Leases to Rondall now produced it was Objected that no 
Weight ought to be laid upon them being made only to two particular 
Principalis of the Hall, without any privity (as far as appeared) of the 


Fellows ; And that they were an unfair Attempt made to gain to the 
Colledge the Nomination of the Principall of the Hall, for which reason 
the Covenant was put in against Assigning to any person except one of 
the foundation of Exeter College. But that it was plain the Colledge 
were then sensible they had no right to it from the latter part of the 
Covenant, whereby they Oblige the Lessee that for the better Accomplish- 
ment of this end, he should use all honest and friendly means with the 
Company of the Hall and the Chancellor of the University for the time 
being, which would never have been Inserted if the Colledge had believed 
they had a legal Right. 

That the Lease to Evelighe was still liable to greater Suspicions than 
the former, both the Originall and Counterpart being found in the Custody 
of the Colledge, and an Indorsem*. being made (tho' in a Modern hand) 
on the Counterpart in these words Memorand Evelighe was not Admitted 
Principal till 1598 41 0 Eliz. which is Six Years after the Date of that 
Lease, And this was said to be strongly supported by the Clause in the 
Condition of his Bond for permitting Philip Rondall to enjoy the Hall 
during his Life. By which it appeared that Rondall continued in Posses- 
sion, tho' his Lease was expired and he would not renew it, and the Lease 
to Evelighe had no real effect at the time of making it. 

It was urged that this was a Question of great Consequence to the 
University, all the Halls there subsisting upon the like foundation. That 
untill the time of Queen Elizabeth the Aulares or Scholars of the respec- 
tive Halls elected the Principalis, and in that Reign when the Earl of 
Leicester was Chancellor by Agreement with the University the Nomina- 
tion of Heads of Halls was vested in the Chancellor for the time being ; 
And by the Statute in Archbishop Lauds printed Collection Entitled De 
principalibus Aularam eorumque Substitutis It is Ordained that they 
shall be Elected by the Aulares ad Nominationem Cancellarii, and be 
Admitted by the Vice Chancellor ; which has been followed ever since 
except in the single Case of Edmund Hall, the Right of Nomination to 
which is in the Provost and Fellows of Queens Colledge by virtue of 
a Grant from the University Dated i° Martii Anno primo Eliz., which 
Right that Colledge claimed, and reserved to themselves by a formall 
Protestation made by their Proctors and Registred by the Register of the 
University at the time those Statutes were Accepted, Copies of both 
which Instruments are here unto Annexed & verified by the Affidavit of 
William Greenaway. 

It was insisted that this excepted Instance strengthened the Objection 
against Exeter Colledge in this Case, since if they had any such Authority 
over Hart Hall they would probably have claimed it at that time by 
making the like Protestation. 

As to the pretence of a Visitatorial Power in Exeter Colledge over 
Hart Hall it was Answered That as there was no proof of it so the fact 
was directly contrary, the Chancellor of the University being General 
Visitor of all the Halls, which he has always Exercised, and is agreeable 
to the Statute De Officio potestate et Authoritate Cancellarii viz*. 
' Aularum Regimen & Administrationem earundem ut peculiarem sibi 


Curam in se suscipere eumque in finem (quoties Commodum sibi vide- 
bitur) easdem visitare & de praefecturis earundem disponere.' 

Upon Consideration of the several matters abovementioned 1 most 
humbly Certifye your Majesty, that I conceive the Claim made on the 
behalf of Exeter Colledge is of no Weight against your Majesty's Granting 
a Charter for Incorporating the Principall and Fellows of Hart Hall and 
Erecting the same into a Colledge, because it is plain that if they had any 
Title to the Scite of the Hall or any other right whatsoever over the same, 
no Charter granted by your Majesty without their Consent could deprive 
them of that Right. 

It must be Admitted that if the Society of this Hall held the Possession 
of their House only as Tenants at Will to the Colledge, and might be 
turned out at their pleasure, it would not be for the Honour of the Crown 
to Grant a Charter and Erect a Colledge, whose only place of Abode as 
a Society Depended upon so precarious a Foundation ; But I am humbly 
of Opinion that the Principall and Fellows of the Hall have a good Title 
ffo the Inheritance of the Scite thereof paying the annuall Rent of One 
pound Thirteen Shillings and four pence, and that if Exeter Colledge 
should attempt to disturb them in their Possession, it would either be 
presumed that the legall Estate had been conveyed in Trust for the 
Principall and Fellows of the Hall, as in the Case of Magdalen Hall 
above-cited ; or if the legall Estate should be taken to be in Exeter 
Colledge a Court of Equity would Decree it to be merely a Trust in them 
for the Society of the Hall and for the Advancement of Learning, that 
appearing from the Acts of the Colledge it self, as well as from the long 
and uninterrupted Enjoyment, which is exactly the same thing as to the 
present Question. And I beg leave to Observe that in a great Body so 
formed as the University is, consisting of so many lesser Societies 
independent of each other, whose Possessions are generally of great 
Antiquity, bordering upon one another, and the Originalls of them not 
generally known, long Enjoyment seems to be of greater Moment, and 
may be of worse Consequence to be disturbed than in most other Cases. 

If this be so, then there is no Question of Right in the Case, and the 
only point remaining is a matter of Prudence whether upon the Circum- 
stances of this Case it be proper to Grant a Charter and Erect this Hall 
into a Colledge or not. And that, as I humbly Apprehend, does in 
a great measure depend upon the Sufficiency of the Endowment ; for as 
Colledges are understood to be of greater Dignity and Rank in the 
University than Halls, it seems not adviseable for your Majesty to Convert 
a Hall into a Colledge, unless it appears to have a certain Endowment 
sufficient to support that Dignity. The only certain Estate this Hall 
appears to have is Fifteen Hundred pounds expended by the Petitioner 
in Erecting a Chappell and some other Buildings ; besides One Hundred 
& Sixty pounds laid out by him in the purchase of Houses and Lands 
contiguous to the Scite of the Hall, and a piece of Land lying contiguous 
to the Hall Granted to the Petitioner by the Dean and Chapter of Christ 
Church under the yearly Rent of four pence, without any other Considera- 
tion ; And a Rent Charge of Sixty pounds per Annum for ever : all which 



the Petitioner swears he intends to give to the Society as soon as it shall 
be Incorporated. For the rest, it is stated by the Petitioners Scheme 
annexed to be uncertain and to depend upon the Encouragement the new 
erected Colledge shall meet with. This I conceive to be but a very 
slender Endowment for a Colledge in the present Age. But if upon the 
whole matter your Majesty shall be of Opinion that such a Charter should 
be Granted as is prayed by the Petition (which it is absolutely in your 
Majesty's pleasure to grant or refuse) then I humbly Apprehend that in 
Order to make the proposed Benefactions certain the Petitioner ought to 
make a Conveyance of such Lands and Rents as he intends to bestow 
upon the Society to some Trustees in Trust for the purposes above- 
mentioned, before the Charter shall be perfected ; and that the Statutes 
for the Government of the intended Colledge ought to be Incorporated in 
and made a part of the Charter, as has been done in like Cases. 
All which is most humbly submitted to Your Majestys Royal Wisdom. 

P. Yorke 

Octob r . i, 1724. 



1. Dr. Newton to T. Stanyan 1 . [S. P. Dom. Geo. I, B. 61, 61.] 
Dear S? 

My Statutes are approv'd, and I have writ to M r . Pelham this 
morning to get the Duke to Order the Warrant to be drawn with the 
alterations agreed to by the Attorney General. Be so kind therefore, my 
good friend, to see that, in the Drawing of the said Warrant, this clause 
be left out — " And also Subject to such other alterations, as, after the 
Death of Dr. N. shall be made by the Visitor &°c." and this clause 
chang'd, " the fellows to be Continued during their respective Lives " into 
" The Fellows to be continued eighteen years from their matriculation in 
the University" And lastly, these First Fellows 5 names to be inserted 
in the Blank Space — 

William Greenaway, Master of Arts. 

Thomas Hunt, Master of Arts. 

Thomas Hutchinson, Master of Arts. 
John Digby, Master of Arts. 

In this Care you will very much oblige 

Y r . faithful friend 
Feb. 12, 1724. R. Newton. 

I go to Oxford to day. 
To Temple Stanyan Esq. 

at the Cockpit in London. 

1 Stanyan was a contemporary of Newton's at Westminster and Ch. Ch. He 
was Under Secretary (1715) and Clerk of the Privy Council (i7 21 )- 


2. T. Stanyan's Reply. [S. P. Dom. Geo. I, B. 61 (enclosed in 60).] 
Dear Sir, 

I have moved my Ld. Duke of Newcastle upon what you wrote to 
me on the 12 th inst. concerning the Clause which you would have left out 
of the Warrant for your Charter. But His Grace thinks it proper that 
M r . Attorney General should signify to him in writing his consent for 
leaving out that Clause. I find you mention some other alterations, which 
were not settled before you went : and therefore I am afraid nothing more 
can be done in that matter till you come to Town again. In the mean- 
time I only add the assurance of my being 

Your most faithfull 

humble Servant 

Dr. Newton. Temple Stanyan. 

Feb. 18, 1724/5. 

3. Dr. Newton to Hy. Pelham. [S. P. Dom. Geo. I, B. 61, 60 

(enclosing No. 2).] 

Dear Sir, 

You will perceive by M r . Stanyan's letter where the Thing sticks. 
I am perfectly asham'd to give you the Trouble I do, but if I were at 
London I could do nothing but by you, and will therefore beg the favour 
of you to get the Attorney General to signify his assent in writing to the 
Duke, for the leaving out that Clause. Or w'd it not be the same thing 
if the Attorney having the Draught of the Warrant sent back to him 
should strike out that clause, and then he might at the same time make 
this other Small Alteration before signified to you and by you to him. 
[D r . N. repeats the recommendations of letter 1 as to the term of fellowships 
and names of fellows.] Whatever expence there is in this method of 
doing this to be set down to 

Dear Sir, 

Y r . very much oblig'd 

and very affectionate 


R. Newton. 

Hart Hall, 
Feb. 20, 1724. 

4. Hy. Pelham to the Duke of Newcastle. [S. P. Dom. Geo. I, 

B. 61, 59 (enclosing 3).] 

Dear Brother, 

Inclosed is a letter I receiv'd from Doctor Newton. M r . Stanyan 
is perfectly acquainted with the whole matter and I shou'd be glad if you 
wou'd give him orders to prepare the warrant as the Doctor desires. The 
Attorney General has been spoke to about it, and he told me that if the 
III. A a 



Bishop 1 agreed to it he had no objection. If you will send M r . Stanyan 
to the Attorney, I don't doubt but he will let him know the same thing. 
I beg you wou'd forward this matter with as much expedition as you can, 
for you see the poor man's heart is set upon it. 

I am 
Ever y vs . 

H. Pelham. 

Tuesday, noon [Feb. 23, 1725]. 



[Patent Roll, 14 George II, 1740, Part i, No. 26.] 

GEORGE the Second by the Grace of God King of Great Britain and so 
forth To all to whom these presents shall come Greeting Whereas Our 
Trusty and Welbeloved Richard Newton Doctor in Divinity Principal 
of Hart Hall in our University of Oxford hath by his Petition humbly 
represented unto Us that he hath erected a Chappie and other Buildings 
in the said Hart Hall to the value of ffifteen hundred pounds and hath 
likewise purchased Ground and Houses contiguous to the Scite of the 
said Hall for the Enlargement thereof that ffive times three pounds six 
shillings and eight pence or the Sum of Sixteen pounds thirteen shillings 
and four pence paid annually out of the Exchequer from the time of the 
Dissolution of Monastery s continues to be paid annually to the Principal 
of the said Hall for the Use of ffive Scholars having their Education in 
that House of learning That the Sum of Sixteen hundred pounds is like- 
wise vested in the Governours of Suttons Hospital by the late Lady 
Holford for the Purchase of an Estate in Land of sufficient value to yeild 
Twenty five pounds a year for ever to the Principal of the said Hall and 
twice thirteen pounds six shillings and eight pence or the Sum of Twenty 
six pounds thirteen shillings and four pence for ever for the Use of two 
Scholars coming from the School of the said Hospital to have their 
Education in the said Hall 2 That towards the further Endowment of the 
said Hall the said Doctor Richard Newton is willing to settle upon 
it four times thirteen pounds six shillings and eight pence or ffifty three 
pounds six shillings and eight pence yearly for ever out of his own 
private ffortune to take place after his Decease and after a Debt of 
Seven hundred and fifty pounds contracted by him in Service of the 

1 The Bishop is the Bp. (Potter) of Oxford, Visitor of Hertford College under 
Newton's first statutes. 

2 This benefaction unfortunately did not fit in with Newton's scheme of 
endowment, as set forth in his statutes. Accordingly he sternly rejected it 
altogether : Statt. pref. p. v. 


Society shall with Interest at ffour in the Hundred be fully paid and hath 
also a Prospect of many considerable Benefactions from Persons for- 
merly Members of the said Hall and others provided a Charter may be 
obtained for a better Security thereof That he hath no other View 
or Design in requesting such a Charter but in Order to promote Piety 
good manners and useful Learning in that Society and is desirous for 
this End that the said Hall when Incorporated may be Governed by 
such Rules and Statutes as We shall be pleased to Order and Appoint 
He therefore Hath most humbly prayed Us that We would be graciously 
pleased to Grant our Royal Charter for making the said Hall a Body 
Corporate consisting of a Governour with the Stile and Title of Principal 
(The Petitioner to be the first Principal during his Life) and of ffour 
Senior ffellows or Tutors and Eight Junior ffellows or Assistants together 
with such Priviledges and advantages as have been usually granted 
on the like Occasions And Whereas the said Doctor Richard Newton 
hath already setled towards the further Endowment of the said Hall an 
Annuity of ffifty three pounds six shillings and Eight pence Issuing out of 
the Capital Messuage or Manor House of Laundon otherwise Lavendon 
and other Lands in the Parish of Laundon in the County of Buckingham 
according to the Proposal in his Petition We taking the Premisses into 
Our Royal Consideration and being willing to Encourage a Design 
tending to promote Piety good manners and usefull Learning are 
graciously pleased to Condescend to the Petitioners request Know ye 
therefore that We of our especial Grace certain knowledge and meer 
Motion Have Willed Ordained Granted and Appointed And by these 
presents for Us Our Heirs and Successors Do Will Ordain Grant and 
Appoint that within the said Hart Hall and within the Bounds Circuits 
and Precincts of the same in Oxford and within the said University 
of Oxford and the Liberties and Precincts of the same there shall and 
may be from henceforth for ever One Perpetual Colledge for Students of 
Divinity the Civil and Canon Law Physick and other good Arts and 
Languages and the same Colledge consisting of a Principal and of ffour 
Senior ffellows or Tutors and Eight Junior ffellows or Assistants as afore- 
said We do found Erect and Establish by these presents And further We 
Will and by these presents for Us Our Heirs and Successors Do Grant 
that the said Colledge may be for ever reputed called and named Hertford 
Colledge in the University of Oxford And further of our more especial 
Grace certain Knowledge and meer Motion We have Willed and Granted 
and by these presents for Us Our Heirs and Successors Do Will and 
Grant that the Principal and ffellows of that Colledge and their Successors 
for ever shall and may be One Body Corporate and Politick in Deed and 
in name by the Name of the Principal and ffellows of Hertford Colledge 
in the University of Oxford and that by the same Name they may have 
perpetual Succession and that the said Principal and ffellows and their 
Successors by the Name of the Principal and ffellows of Hertford 
Colledge in the University of Oxford shall and may be at all times 
hereafter Persons able and capable in the Law to have take receive and 
Possess Lordships Manors Messuages Lands Tenements Libertys 

A a 2 

35 6 


Privileges Jurisdictions ffninchises Rectorys Tyths Rents Revenues 
Services and Hereditaments whatsoever to them and their Successors in 
ffec and Perpetuity not exceeding in the whole the clear Yearly value of 
ffive Hundred pounds above all Charges and Reprizes and also Goods 
and Chatties whatsoever by the Name aforesaid and that by the said 
Name of the Principal and ffellows of Hertford Colledge in the University 
of Oxford they may Plead and be Impleaded Answer and be Answered 
unto Defend and be Defended in whatsoever Courts and Places of Judi- 
cature and before whatsoever Judges and Justices and other Persons and 
Officers of Us Our Heirs and Successors in all and singular Actions Pleas 
Suits Complaints Causes matters and Demands whatsoever of whatsoever 
kind or nature in the same manner and form as any other our Liege 
Subjects of this Our Kingdom of Great Britain or any other Body Cor- 
porate and Politick within this our Kingdom of Great Britain may or can 
have take receive and Possess or Plead and be Impleaded Answer and be 
Answered unto Defend and be Defended And that the said Principal and 
ffellows of Hertford Colledge aforesaid and their Successors may have 
for ever a Common Seal to serve for the Causes and Businesses to be 
Transacted by them and their Successors and that it shall and may be 
lawfull for the said Principal and ffellows of the Colledge aforesaid and 
their Successors from time to time to break Change and New make that 
Seal at their Pleasure as they shall think fit And for the better Execution 
of our Will in this behalf We have appointed Ordained Nominated Con- 
stituted and made and by these presents for Us Our Heirs and Successors 
Do Appoint Ordain Nominate Constitute and make the said Richard 
Newton Doctor of Divinity and Principal of Hart Hall aforesaid to be the 
first and Modern Principal of the Colledge aforesaid We have also 
appointed Ordained Nominated Constituted and made by these presents 
for Us Our Heirs and Successors Do appoint Ordain Nominate Con- 
stitute and make our Trusty and Welbeloved Thomas Hutchinson Doctor 
in Divinity Thomas Hunt John Sanders and Thomas Wilmot Case 
Masters of Arts to be the four ffirst Senior ffellows or Tutors and 
Thomas Griffiths John Shirley George Hippisley Nathaniel North 
William Clare John Goring John Theophilus Desaguliers and Henry 
Terry Batchelors of Arts to be the Eight first Junior ffellows or Assistants 
of the said Colledge And that the Principal and ffellows and their 
Successors for ever be Nominated to and continue in their respective 
offices as in the Statutes hereinafter mentioned to be approved by Us is 
directed unless sooner removed or their places become void according to 
the Provision of such Statutes And moreover of our more abundant 
especial Grace certain knowledge and meer motion We have Willed 
Ordained Granted and Appointed and by these presents for Us Our 
Heirs and Successors Do Will Ordaine Grant and appoint that Hertford 
Colledge aforesaid by these presents Erected fFounded and Established 
shall and may be and shall be taken to be from henceforth for ever as 
part and parcel of the University of Oxford aforesaid And We do by 
these presents for Us our Heirs and Successors by virtue of our Royal 
Prerogative Unite Annex and Incorporate the same Colledge to the 


University of Oxford And We Will that the said Colledge be Governed 
by such Rules and Statutes as by the said Doctor Richard Newton have 
been made and reduced into Writing on Vellum or Parchment in fforty 
three ffolio Pages bound up in a Book and Signed with his Hand and 
Seal bearing date the Second day of November last past and by us 
approved under our Signet and Sign Manual bearing date the third day 
of November last past Subject nevertheless to such alterations and 
Amendments therein for the better Government of the said Colledge 
as the said Doctor Richard Newton and the Visitor thereof for the time 
being shall at any time or times during the Life of the said Doctor 
Richard Newton by any Writing under their Hands and Seals Attested 
by three Witnesses make by and with the Approbation and Allowance of 
Us Our Heirs and Successors under our or their Signet and Sign Manual 
and moreover of our more ample especial Grace certain Knowledge and 
meer Motion We have Ratified Approved and Confirmed and by these 
presents for Us Our Heirs and Successors Do Ratify approve and Confirm 
such Rules and Statutes as by the said Doctor Richard Newton have 
been made as aforesaid and by Us approved as aforesaid Subject 
nevertheless to such Alterations and Amendments therein for the better 
Government of the said Colledge as aforesaid All and singular which 
Rules and Statutes above by these presents Ratified Approved and 
Confirmed Subject to such Alterations and Amendments therein as 
aforesaid We do for Us Our Heirs and Successors Ordain and Com- 
mand to be Inviolably Observed kept and performed from time to time 
for ever hereafter under the Penaltys therein Contained And further of our 
especial Grace certain Knowledge and meer Motion We have Given and 
Granted and by these presents for Us our Heirs and Successors Do Give 
and Grant unto the said Principal and ffellows of the Colledge aforesaid 
and their Successors our especial Licence and free and lawfull power and 
authority of having receiving possessing and acquiring to them and 
their Successors for ever Lordships Manors Messuages Lands Tenements 
Meadows ffeedings Pastures Woods Underwoods Rectorys Tyths Rents 
Revenues Services and other Hereditaments whatsoever within Our 
Kingdom of Great Britain or elsewhere within Our Dominions (and 
held of Us our Heirs or Successors or of any other Person or Persons 
whatsoever) not exceeding in the whole the clear yearly value of ffive 
hundred pounds of lawfull Money of Great Britain above all Charges and 
Reprises We have also Given and by these presents for Us Our Heirs 
and successors Do Grant to all and every Subjects of Us Our Heirs and 
Successors whether they be Incorporated or not Incorporated Our especial 
Licence and free and lawful Power and authority of Giving Granting 
Disposing of or Alienating to the said Principal and ffellows of the said 
Colledge aforesaid and their Successors any Lordship Manor Messuages 
Lands Tenements Meadows ffeedings Pastures Woods Underwoods 
Rectorys Tyths Rents Revenues Services and other Hereditaments 
whatsoever so that the same do not Exceed in the whole the clear 
yearly value of ffive hundred Pounds of Lawful Money of Great Britain 
above all Charges and Reprizes And Lastly We Will and by these 



presents for Us Our Heirs and Successors Do Grant to the said Principal 
and ffellows of the Colledge aforesaid and their Successors that these 
Our Letters Patent or the Exemplification or Inrollment thereof And 
all and singular matters and things in the same contained shall and may 
be good firm valid sufficient and effectual in the Law according to the 
tenor and true meaning of the same notwithstanding any Omission or 
Defect in these Our Letters Patent or any other matter Cause or thing 
whatsoever to the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding We Will 
also without ffine in the Hanaper &c. In Witness &c. Witness ourself at 
Westminster the twenty seventh day of August. 

By Writ of Privy Seal. 


Hertford College \ as it was left by Dr. Newton, occupied much 
the same space as the present College. But there was a row of shops 
and small tenements standing on the now vacant ground between the 
present front of the College and the then narrow roadway of Cat Street, 
which was limited on the East side by a line drawn from the projecting 
corner of All Souls parallel with the front of Hertford. In one place the 
College had a frontage on the narrow street, and to that extent had 
a larger area than at present. The College Gate was then, as now, 
opposite the gate of the Schools Tower ; but it, with Dr. lies' s buildings 
on one side of it, projected between the houses of Cat Street. Over it 
was the Library, and on the left of it as you entered was what remained 
of Black Hall, a curious old edifice, partly supported on wooden columns, 
as may be seen in Loggan's print of Hart Hall. Black Hall, which 
occupied part of the site of the building erected for Magdalen Hall 
about 1820, had a small frontage, of only three yards, on New College 
Lane. It abutted towards the East on the ancient site of Hart Hall, 
then occupied by the kitchen and offices with some rooms above, and the 
Dining Hall, which still exists as the Library. The N.E. corner of 
the College, the ancient Shield Hall, or le Michel Hall, as Newton calls 
it, was as it now remains. Opposite the gate on the East side of the 
College, and the site of Arthur Hall, stood the Principal's Lodgings, 
which, though turned to other uses, are still much in the same condition 
as when Newton inhabited them. The attics, however, were added, or at 
least enlarged, by Dr. Macbride, when Principal of Magdalen Hall. 
Dr. Newton's own buildings, the Chapel and the one Angle which he 
completed, still occupy the South and S.E. parts of the quadrangle. 
Between the Chapel and the Gate, where the Principal's house now 
stands, was a vacant space, the site of the ancient Cat Hall, abutting on 

1 I take this account of the buildings of the College partly from a note in 
Newton's Grounds (c. i. p. 1) and partly from the finding of the Inquisition in 
1816. I have also made use of old drawings, prints, &c. 


the houses of Cat Street, which it was Newton's ambition to purchase, so 
that he might join the Chapel to the Gate by an Angle of the same 
design and proportions as that which he had already built. 

The Hall (now the Library, and the oldest existing part of the College) 
had been built by Philip Rondell, Principal 1 549-1604. His successor, 
Theodore Price (1604-1621) built the Principal's lodgings. Dr. lies 
(1621-1653) gave Hart Hall its frontage on Cat Street and built the old 
kitchen. The Gate with the Library above it was the work of 
Wm. Thornton (1688-1707), who also decorated his building with the 
device of the drinking stag, which has been reproduced over the present 


A.A.Second Angle as J>roj>osed to be built B. B. Present line of Frontage 
Existing buildings.^MM^ Former College buildings 

gateway. This device was adopted by Newton for the seal of the 
College, and also as an imprint for his books. It first appears on the 
title-page of the Grounds of the Complaint, 1735, an ^ seems to have been 
used for all books written by members of the College in its service or for 
its benefit. Later the seal was altered : the stag appears facing to the 
right instead of the left, and the motto Sicut cervus anhelat ad fontes 
aquarum was shortened by the omission of anhelat. In this later form 
it was used also as an imprint, apparently by any Fellow of the College 
for any work he chose to print l . 

1 It is used, for instance, by John Kidgell (Fellow 1747-58) for such works as 
his French Fables (1763). 

3 6o 



In his lifetime Newton printed : — 

(1) Sermons. 

On the Anniversary of Her Majesty's (Queen Anne's) accession. 4to, Lond. 

On November 5 (preached in the Chapel Royal, Windsor). 4to, Oxf. 1 713. 

On the Consecration of Hart Hall Chapel. 4to, Oxf. 1716. 

On the Ministerial Duty (preached before the University). 4to, Oxf. 1740. 
[This sermon is affectionately dedicated to his Society, ' On this day become 
a College,' and ' Wishing you Perpetuity.'] 

(2) Works relating specially to Hertford College. 

A Scheme of Discipline with Statutes intended to be established by a Royal 
Charter for the education of youth in Hart Hall in the University of 
Oxford. Fol. s. 1. 1720. 

A Letter to Dr. Holmes, Vice-Chancellor of the University of Oxford and 
Visitor of Hart Hall within the said University. Fol. Lond. 1734. 
[A second ed. with an answer to Conybeare, same place and date.] 

The Grounds of the Complaint of the Principal of Hart Hall, concerning the 
obstruction given to the Incorporation of his Society by Exeter College 
and their Visitor, as lately set forth in a Letter to Dr. Holmes, more fully 
represented and justified. Fol. Lond. 1735. 
[A second ed. the same year.] 

Rules and Statutes made by Dr. R. Newton, Principal of Hart Hall, for the 
Government of a College intended to be Incorporated by the name of the 
Principal and Fellows of Hertford College in the University of Oxford. 
Fol. Lond. 1739. 

Rules and Statutes for the Government of Hertford College, with Observations 
on particular Parts of them, &c. 8vo, Lond. 1747. 

(3) Other Works. 

Proceedings of the Visitors of University College, with regard to the late 
disputed election of a Master, vindicated. Fol. Oxf. 1723. 
[A second ed. the same year.] 

University Education (see pp. 290-93). 8vo, Lond. 1726. 

University Education, reprinted. 8vo, Lond. 1 733- 

The Expense of University Education Reduced (anon.). 8vo, Lond. 1727. 
[2nd and 3rd edd. 1733 ; 4th ed. 1741 (see p. 302).] 


Pluralities Indefensible. (Anon. c by a Presbyter of the Church of England.') 
8vo, Lond. 1743. 
[A second ed. 1 744.] 

Proposals for printing 4,000 copies of the Characters of Theophrastus, with 
a strictly literal translation, &c. 8vo, Oxf. 1752. 

The edition of Theophrastus, which Newton had nearly completed at 
his death, was published in 1754. (8vo, Oxford.) 

An anonymous tract entitled The Principles of the University of 
Oxford as far as relates to affection to Government, &c. (8vo, Oxford, 
1755) is also attributed to him. 

His collected sermons were published in 1784 (8vo, Oxford). 







I. Introductory 365 

II. Lord Stanhope's 'Secret Process' of Stereotyping . . 369 

III. The Wooden Handpress and other Appliances which 

Lord Stanhope superseded 395 

IV. Lord Stanhope's Iron Presses of the First and Second 

Constructions 398 

V. Inking with Rollers 404 

VI. The Stanhope 'Cases' and the Stanhope Logotypes . . 405 

VII. Pantatype 410 


CHARLES EARL STANHOPE (From a portrait by Thomas Gains- 
borough at Chevening House copied by permission of the present Earl 
Stanhope). To face p. 364 


Original Sketch by Charles Earl Stanhope (From the 
Stanhope Papers). 

Iron Press 'of the First Construction' (From the original 
at the Clarendon Press). 


1. Original Sketch by Charles Earl Stanhope (From the 

Stanhope Papers). 

2. Final Sketch by Charles Earl Stanhope (From the Stan- 

hope Papers). 

3. Actual Logotype Case (From the original at the Clarendon Press). 


Note. — For the sake of clearness, the extracts which follow are marked, at the 
beginning of each — [D. M.] when they are from the ancient Minute-books of the 
Delegates of the Oxford Press ; or [S. P.] if they are from the papers of Charles 
Third Earl Stanhope : these last are generally in Charles Earl Stanhope's hand- 
writing, or are corrected by him. In each case the date has been prefixed whenever 
it has been ascertained. 

The general plan of this article is, first to give a short account of Charles 
Stanhope, extracted from the records of his contemporaries; and next to describe, 
each in its turn, such of his inventions as were adopted at the Oxford Press — 
bringing together in order of date all extracts either from [S. P.] or [D. M.] which 
bear upon the subject under consideration. 




The University Press referred to in these pages is the 
Clarendon Printing-house in Broad Street. The period is 
from 1796 to 1825. In this building, at the time mentioned, 
the printers of the University were carrying on their work 
under certain disadvantages, because their habitation had 
already become too strait for them. Erected in 17 13, by 
means of the profits accruing to the University by the sale of 
copies of Clarendon's ' History of the Rebellion,' this Broad 
Street printing-house seems to have been well adapted for its 
purpose, if we remember what were the methods and printing 
appliances of the time 1 ; at any rate, it served that purpose 
for more than a century. 

The University Delegates for Printing had already been 
indebted to two Earls for countenance and support — to the Earl 
of Leicester, who was Chancellor of the University 1564-1585, 
and to the Earl of Clarendon, who was Chancellor 166T-1667. 
Nearly a century and a half later, we find them adopting the 
inventions of Charles, third Earl Stanhope. The letters and 
other papers 2 of this nobleman prove him to have been a 

1 Ingram calls it ' That stately fabric situate on the eastern side of the Sheldon 
theatre, which was denominated the Clarendon Press.' — Ingram's Memorials, 
No. 12, p. 11. 

2 Fragmentary Papers of Charles, Third Earl Stanhope, on Printing and Stereo- 
typing. Kindly placed at the disposal of the writer by the present Earl (1896). 

3 66 


man of untiring industry, of wide sympathies, of unstinted 
generosity, and greatly in advance of his time in many ways. 
In what he did, or proposed to do, it is easy to sec that he was 
eager to secure not his own advantage, but that of the public 
at large. That no life of him has been written is perhaps due 
to the fact that at his death his papers were left to eight 
different persons, one of whom was Lord Holland 1 . To use 
the words of the present Lord Stanhope, ' He printed on his 
own Stanhope printing-press treatises on Tuning, and on the 
Paddles of Steamboats. He also invented a calculating 
machine, as Lord Mahon, in 1777. He was a great mathema- 
tician, and an advanced politician for the days in which he lived.' 
Besides the calculating or arithmetical machine, he invented 
an extraordinary instrument for performing logical operations 
(the first of its kind) called the ' Demonstrator,' which has been 
fully described and illustrated by the Rev. R. Harley, F.R.S. 2 , 
who says that ' the subject of Logic occupied the thoughts 
of Charles Earl Stanhope, more or less, for thirty years.' 
To this may be added that he was prepared to take in hand 
the finances of his country (see 1 Observations on Mr. Pitt's 
Plan for the Reduction of the National Debt, by Charles 
Earl Stanhope, F.R.S.,' with twenty-two appendices filled with 
minute calculations 3 ) ; also to remodel the British mercantile 
marine (see his ' Specification respecting Ships and Vessels,' 
printed in 1807). What is more to the present purpose is, that 
he invented or improved, or encouraged the invention or 
improvement of, numerous appliances for printers ; and placed 
these inventions or improvements at the service of all who 
practised the art of printing, including the Universities of 
Oxford and Cambridge ; without asking — for himself at any 
rate — either fee or reward. 

In the year 1805, as will be seen, and subsequently, this 
nobleman offered to the Delegates of the Oxford University 
Press some of his inventions — one being the much valued and 
so-called ' secret process ' of stereotyping ; another the iron 

1 Henry Richard Vassal Fox, third Lord Holland, was born in 1 774» anc ^ died 
in 1840. Holland House is now in the possession of the Earl of Ilchester. 

2 See Mind, April 1879, vol. iv. pp. 192-210. 

3 London : Printed by J. Davis, ' for P. Elmsley in the Strand,' 1786. 


handpress called the Stanhope press ; a third, his system of 
logotypes and logotype cases. For the first, the University of 
Oxford paid the sum of £4,000 in hard cash to Lord Stan- 
hope's foreman and factotum, Andrew Wilson 1 ; and in con- 
sequence, after some years of struggles and failures, stereo- 
typing on the Stanhope system became a part of the general 
business of the University Press at Oxford. How this came 
about is revealed in the following extracts, which are now 
printed for the first time. For the second invention, the 
University, as the records show, paid nothing — excepting that 
the new iron presses were purchased as they were required at 
the printing-house. A few years later the Stanhope system 
of logotypes and cases was also introduced into the Oxford 
Press, as an experiment. Lord Stanhope's fertile brain was 
occupied at this time with innumerable other schemes ; but it 
is only with those which relate to printing, and directly concern 
the Oxford University Press, that we have to do in this article ; 
an attempt being made to trace the 1 invention ' or * system ' 
or ' power ' — for he used all three names for his schemes — 
from the scrap of paper on which Charles Earl Stanhope jotted 
his first impressions, to the actual thing as it still survives at 
the Clarendon Press. 

Here it may be asked, What sort of a man was he, to whom 
the Oxford University Press, and printers generally, are 
indebted for the various Stanhope systems and inventions ? 
He was born in 1753, ano ^ entered Eton College in 1763. 
His name is to be found in a manuscript list of the later date. 
The Provost of Eton has kindly given himself the trouble 
to search, and he tells me that 4 Lord Mahon was low down in 
the School. There are in the list 514 boys in all, and he is the 
479th boy. As he is not in the list of 1762, he must have 
been a new boy. I think he must have left the School soon, 
as I cannot find him afterwards. In 1763 Dr. Sleech was 
Provost, and Dr. Barnard (Charles Fox's master) was Head 
Master.' Thus Stanhope entered when he was only ten years 
old. From Eton he was sent to Geneva for the completion 

1 Stower (Printer's Grammar, p. 484) calls him ' a respectable master printer.' 
A. Wilson himself states that he ' sacrificed ' his own business in Wild Court in 1802 
in order to take up the stereotyping business for Lord Stanhope (see post, p. 392). 



of his education. One of his contemporaries writes : ' He was 
brought up by his father principally at Geneva. He had there 
imbibed very strong republican or rather levelling principles. 
. . . His person was tall and thin, his countenance expressive 
of ardour and impetuosity, as were all his movements. Over 
his whole figure, and even his dress, an air of puritanism 
reminded the beholder of the sectaries under Cromwell, rather 
than a young man of quality in an age of refinement and 
elegance. He possessed stentorian lungs and a powerful voice, 
always accompanied with violent gesticulation V 

This picturesqueness of appearance is corroborated by 
another hand. Writing from Strawberry Hill, September 7, 
1774, to the Hon. H. S. Conway, Horace Walpole says : 
'Apropos, Lord Mahon, whom Lord Stanhope, his father, will 
not suffer to wear powder because wheat is so dear, was 
presented t' other day, in coal black hair, and a white feather : 
they said he had been tarred and feathered V 

To quote Wraxall again: 'His ardent, zealous, and im- 
petuous mind, tinged with deep shades of republicanism and 
eccentricity, which extended even to his dress and manners, 
was especially marked by a bold originality of character, very 
enlightened views of the public welfare or amelioration, in- 
flexible pertinacity, and a steady uprightness of intention 3 . 
. . . His eccentricities of dress, character, and deportment, 
however great they might be, were nevertheless allied to 
extraordinary powers of elocution as well as energies of 
mind 4 . . . . A man who at every period of his life, whether 
as a commoner or as a peer, displayed the same ardent, 
eccentric, fearless, indefatigable, and independent character 5 .' 

The portrait which is prefixed to this article is from a paint- 
ing by Thomas Gainsborough — a three-quarter length which 
was never finished because of the death of the painter. The 
present Earl Stanhope informs me that this picture has 

1 The Historical and the Posthumous Memoirs of Sir N. W. Wraxall (1772- 
1784), ed. Wheatley, vol. iii. pp. 401, 402. 

2 Private Correspondence of Horace Walpole, Earl of Orford. London : Rodwell 
& Martin, 1820. Vol. iii. p. 459. 

3 Wraxall, vol. ii. p. 341. 4 Wraxall, vol. iii. p. 296. 
5 Wraxall, vol. v. pp. 334"335- 


hitherto never been engraved or photographed. It reveals 
a noble face, with lofty brow, piercing eyes, long straight 
nose, firm lips, and prominent chin. The expression is most 
refined and intellectual ; and here, at any rate, is nothing to 
warrant the description given of Charles Earl Stanhope by 
one writer, as being ' un-aristocratic and more than eccentric V 
His advanced opinions, and especially the unrestrained ex- 
pression which characterized all his utterances, caused him to 
be several times lampooned and caricatured, as reference to the 
prints of the period will amply show. We will turn now to 
his inventions and work, so far as they affected the University 
of Oxford. 


Stanhope's ' Secret Process ' of Stereotyping. 

Lord Stanhope's processes are catalogued in his own hand- 
writing in the following scheme for a book ' On Printing.' 
In this work — which was only partly written, Lord Stanhope 
dealt exhaustively with the process of stereotyping. In 
Hansard's TypograpJiia, published in 1825, some extracts are 
printed from a ' Stanhope Manuscript,' which doubtless at one 
time formed part of a larger Stanhope Collection of MSS. (To 
this, by the way, it never seems to have found its way back 2 , 
as it is not among the MSS. lent to me by the present Earl.) 
Charles Earl Stanhope first proposed to record the disad- 
vantages under which the printer laboured, and next to show 
how, by means of the Stanhope systems, those disadvantages 
could be overcome. The following was written before 1802 3 . 

[S. P.] Prominent disadvantages at present, under the title of — 
ON PRINTING. — Specimens of Stereotype Printing. — Specimens 
of Music at End of this Work. — On Stereotype Printing. — 
This chapter to end with an extract from Camus 4 . 

1 Caricature History of the Georges, by Thos. Wright, M.A., F.S.A. Cr. 8vo, 
London, 1867. Page 487. 

2 Hansard says, 'I am in possession of the original manuscript' (Typographia. 
By C. T. Hansard. London, 1825. Page 475). 

3 A. Wilson says, p. 28, that stereotyping was begun in 1802. 

4 Armand Gaston Camus was born in Paris in 1740; he was deputy to the 
States-General 1789; and died in 1804, being then Archiviste. He translated 
Aristotle's History of Animals, for the merit of which work he was elected 
a member of the Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. 

III. B b 



Then follows a scries of minute memoranda, elaborated in 
a fair copy as follows : — 

[S. P.] Outline. — i. Printing and Stereotyping. — 2. Stanhope 
Power Direct. — 3. Stanhope Power Inverse. — 4 a. Stanhope Crane 
for Stereotyping. — 4 b. Its Application. — 5. Ovens [here follow 
elaborate details]. — 6. Gypsum 1 [elaborate details]. — 7. Types : 
difference between types used for stereotyping and types used for 
moveable type printing. — 8. Imposing Chase: form of the chase; 
head-stick with gits 2 ; side-stick; foot-stick, with gits; quoins, &c, 
&c. ; brass furniture, &c. — 9. Moulding Process [details follow]. — 
10. Drying of the Moulds, Sec. — 11. Process of Casting, &c. — 
12. Cooling Trough. — [13 3 ]. Repairing and Altering Plates. — 
[14]. Printing Press. — [15]. Logotype. — [16]. Stanhope Com- 
posing Cases. — [17]. Pantatype. 

Here is the extract from Camus as Lord Stanhope trans- 
lated it. The original is to be found in £ Memoires de lTnstitut 
National des Sciences et Arts ' ; Tom. Ill, ' Lit. et Beaux- 
Arts,' pp. 433-435. Paris: Prairial, an IX (1802). The title 
of this article is ' Sur l'Histoire et les Procedes du Polytypage 4 
et de la Stereotypic' The descriptions — and especially the 
illustrations — of early e reproduction ' work in this article will 
astonish those who think that £ process ' work and automatic 
engraving are modern inventions. 

[S. P.] Memoir on the History and Proceedings of Polytypography 
and Stereography. By Citizen A. G. Camus. ' It often happens that 
in the early periods of a discovery, and the practice of new pro- 
ceedings, the exprefsions which are made use of to point out their 
object, are doubtful. Sometimes one name is given to things which 
differ in their nature ; often again names are multiplied, because things 
altho' of the same kind present themselves in different points of 
view. Thus of late years, much has been said of polytypography, 
Stereography, monotypography, and omotypography, to exprefs various 
means of extending works by the afsistance of printing. The word 

1 A mineral consisting of the hydrous sulphate of lime. When calcined it 
forms plaster of Paris. — Webster. 

2 (Written also geat, gate.) In founding, the channel or spout through which 
molten metal runs into a mould in casting. — Webster. 

3 The bracketed numbers are not in the MS. 

4 1 Polytypage. — Procede pour multiplier une feuille ecrite par des moyens qui 
appartiennent au genre de la gravure en taille-douce ou de la typographic . . . Se 
dit aussi d'une reproduction, en fonte ou autre metal, des bois graves et vignettes.' — 


polytypography has been applied to methods differing from one 
another, and the exprefsions stereography, monotypography, and 
omotypography have represented at one time procefses similar in their 
kinds, at another procefses difsimilar. Under these circumstances, 
I consider myself obliged, in the first place, to define the expressions 
which have been made use of, point out those which I shall preserve 
in the memoir, and to determine their sense. The noun substantive, 
the basis of all the expressions which I have quoted, is the word 
type 1 signifying a mark, an imprefsion stamped by beating or prefsure, 
and by which means it can be increased. The adjectives which have 
been added in the composition signify a multiple type, or a multiplica- 
tion of the type ; particularity of type or unique type ; a similitude of 
type or types similar to one another 2 . The words [ polytyper], poly- 
typography, have defined the practice of multiplying the exprefsions of 
thought, writing or drawing, whether by methods resembling copper 
plate engraving, or by other means analogous to printing properly 
so-called 3 . 

The words stereography \stere'otyper\ monotypography, and omo- 
typography, have marked the methods of augmenting writing, or rather 
the editions of books, by procefses in the manner of printing. I shall 
only reserve two of these four titles with their derivatives. The first 
of these \_polytyper] I apply to the multiplication of writing or 
drawing by practices which pofsefs more or lefs affinity to those in 
copper plate engraving ; the second to the increasing a page of writing 
or a book by methods relative to those in printing. If I make use of 
either of the other titles, or treat differently the two which I have 
reserved, it will only be to exprefs the enunciations of the Artists 
whom I have quoted in their own words, and to expose the sense 
which they have ascribed to them. I intend giving the history and 
proceedings of polytypography and stereography; yet it is not my 
intention to write distinct chapters, the one to contain the history, the 
6ther the practice, for it is by giving an account of the endeavours, 
discoveries, and succefs of the Artists, that I point out the methods 
which may be employed. 

Then comes Stanhope's introduction : — 

[S. P.] 1 twos, the form which prints (Greek derivations). — Camus. 

[S. P.] 2 All these exprefsions are formed of an adjective added to the substantive 
twos ; namely, no\vs, numerous, many ; arepeos, solid, immoveable ; fiovos, one 
only ; ofioios, similar. — Camus. 

[S. P.] 3 I add ' properly so called,' to remove from that expression the latitude 
which renders it common to the action of the copper plate printer, and that of the 
printer in moveable characters. It is of this last I speak whenever I use the word 
printing only, and without the addition copper plate. — Camus. 

B b 2 



| S. P.] On Printing. — The Art of Printing has contributed so 
eminently to the civilization of society, and is capable of producing 
effects so extensively beneficial, that men of science ought to do their 
utmost to improve it. 

To every man who is fully sensible of the importance of diffusing 
knowledge, the clearness of books must be a subject of considerable 
regret. This evil arises in a great measure, from the expense and 
risk to which publishers are liable at present. 

An author, from not knowing what number of copies of his work 
he is to sell, may be exposed to great inconvenience. For, if he 
prints more than sufficient, he is evidently subjected to the loss of 
the paper and printing 1 of all those copies which remain on hand. 
But if, on the contrary, he should print fewer than are wanted ; then, 
he must incur the expense of at least a second edition, or lose the 
advantage which would result to him from supplying the further 
demand of the public. Even if an author is able to dispose of all the 
copies that he has printed, yet he is under the necefsity of advancing 
a capital which perhaps he can but ill afford, and he is obliged 
moreover to incur the loss of the interest of his money during the time 
that he is disposing of his books. 

A bookseller who buys any literary property, is subject to similar 
hardships, which are felt by him the more severely in proportion to 
the number and magnitude of the works he purchases. 

According to the common mode of printing, the wear of types is an 
object of considerable expense. In order to avoid the purchasing of 
new ones, Printers often make use of types which are very much worn, 
whereby the beauty of their books is destroyed, and the reading of 
them is rendered very unpleasant. 

The inaccuracy of printed works is another great objection to the 
present system. In literary works, correctnefs is desirable ; in scientific, 
important ; and in some books, such for example as tables for naviga- 
tion, accuracy is indispensable. A wrong figure, in one of those 
tables, may produce a false reckoning, and thereby occasion the wreck 
of the vefsel, and the lofs of the crew. 

The object of this publication is to remedy these evils, and to point 
out by what means the public may have books at a much cheaper 
rate, as well as more beautiful, and more correct. 

Before I explain some inventions of mine relative to this incompar- 
able art, I shall give a detailed account of STEREOTYPE PRINTING 
(that is to say, of fixed-type printing,) which is a most valuable discovery, 

1 The assumption that it is, as a rule, the author who prints, and who advances 
the capital, is worthy of note in passing. 


and which I have purchased from one of the ingenious inventors of it, 
Mr. Andrew Fowh's 1 , for the purpose of giving it to the world at 
large. I have, with the afsistance of that able printer, made a great 
number of systematic experiments upon that method ; and as I have 
totally altered the procefs, I shall describe it in its present improved 
state, as well as in the ftate it was communicated to me. I have his 
leave to say, that the new plan meets fully with his approbation, and 
that he considers the alterations as being extremely important. 

The improvements in the arts of Engraving, Drawing, and the 
Printing of Music, will be found, in this treatise, in their proper place. 

Here is Lord Stanhope's intended conclusion : — 

[S. P.] (End) (after Paper making). The Arts which I have described 
above, are evidently of great importance. The improvement of them, 
is one of the firft Objects which I have had in view, for the good of 
Mankind. The beneficial Effects which may in time refult from their 
combination, are almost incalculable. Experience will put the utility 
of each of thole Discoveries to the teft. I shall be truly happy, if I fhall 
find that what is contained in this little Treatise contributes efficaciously 
to the wide diffusion of INTELLECTUAL LIGHT. 

Stereotype printing, of a kind, had really been ' invented ' 
before, by several persons and in various places. The earliest 
stereotype plates in existence were made between 1700 and 
1726. Specimens exhibited at the Caxton Exhibition of 
1877 2 were lent by the firm of Mr. E. J. Brill, of Leiden, 
Holland. ' They are plates,' their present possessor tells me, 
' quite the same as those used at present, and cast by the still- 
at-present-used type-metal 3 .' 

1 In letters patent dated April 24 ' in the twenty-fourth year of the reign of King 
George III (1784),' Andrew Foulis (or Fowlis, or ffoulis) is described as 'printer 
to the University of Glasgow,' and a certain Alexander Tilloch as ' of the city of 
Glasgow, printer,' and the duration of the patent was fourteen years. The par- 
ticulars of the invention (which they were bound to file within four calendar 
months) were duly furnished and enrolled on July 20 in the same year, and were 
as follows : — [S. P.] 'Our said invention is a method of making plates for the 
purpose of printing by or with such plates instead of the moveable types commonly 
used ; and such plates are made either by forming moulds or matrices for the page 
or pages of the books or other publications to be printed by or with plates, and 
filling such moulds or matrices with metal, or with clay, or with a mixture of clay 
or earth ; or by stamping or striking with these moulds or matrices the metal, 
clay, earth, or mixture of clay and earth.' The date of the signing of this 
declaration is June 8, 1784. 

2 Catalogue of the Caxton Exhibition, Section II, Class M. 

;! E. J. Brill, on the Canal of the Old Rhine, Leiden, Holland, is the trade 



William God, a goldsmith living in Edinburgh, practised the 
invention there in J 725 1 . 

In 1801 there appeared in the Philosophical Magazine an 
account by Alexander Tilloch of stereotype printing. He 
claims to have himself invented the process, and says that 
stereotyping was ' an art . . . in which ... I was tolerably 
proficient upwards of twenty years ago. The idea was truly 
my own, but in perfecting the invention I had the assistance 
and joint labour of . . . Mr. Foulis V 

But Tilloch also gives an extract from Niew Algemein 
Konst en Letter Bode, 1798, No. 232, which declares that 
'Above a hundred years ago [i.e. before 1698] the Dutch 
were in possession of the art of printing with solid or fixed 
types. Samuel and J. Leuchtmans, booksellers at Leyden, 
have still in their possession the forms of a quarto Bible 
which were constructed in this ingenious manner. . . . The 
inventor of this useful art was J. Van der Mey, father of 
the well-known painter of that name. About the end of the 
sixteenth century he resided at Leyden. . . . This Bible he 
also published in folio. . . . Also an English New Testament 
and Schaaf s Syriac Dictionary, and likewise a small New 
Testament in i8mo. As far as known, Van der Mey printed 
nothing else in this manner ; and the art of preparing solid 
blocks was lost at his death, or at least was not afterwards 
employed V 

name of the 1 oldest bookselling firm in Europe,' dating from the sixteenth century, 
through the historical line Elzevier (sic), Luchtmans, Brill. A ' clergyman of the 
German Church, existing since the year 1648 at Leyden, Johannes Muller, invented 
stereotype-printing about 1700 ; and facts and dates prove that this new method of 
printing was first applied by the Luchtmans.'— Trubner's American, European, 
and Oriental Literary Record. September-October, 1883, pp. 98, 99. A pull 
from what are said to be the oldest stereotype plates in the world may now be 
seen in the Bodleian Library. The dates on two of them are 17 16 and 1724, 
nearly a century earlier than Lord Stanhope's 'invention.' Their possessor says, 
' They are to be seen in our house ' : at the address already given above. 

1 Ged gives this date himself. See ' Biographical Memoirs of William Ged, 
including a Particular Account of his Progress in the Art of Block Printing. 
London : printed by and for J. Nichols, mdcclxxxi.' 

2 'Philosophical Magazine. By Alexander Tilloch, Member of the London 
Phil. Soc, &c, &c. — A Brief Account of the Origin and Progress of Letterpress- 
plate or Stereotype Printing.' Vol. x. pp. 267-277. Signed at end ' A. T.' 

3 Ibid., pp. 275, 276. 


In 1804 there was published 'An Abstract of the Whole 
Doctrine of the Christian Religion. With Observations. By 
John Anastatius Freylinghausen, Minister of St. Ulrich's 
Church, and Inspector of the Public School at Hall {sic) in 
Germany. From a manuscript in Her Majesty's 1 possession. 
The first book stereotyped by the New Process. London, 
Stereotyped and Printed by A. Wilson, Duke Street, 
Lincoln's Fields, for Edward Harding. Sold by T. Cadell 
and W. Davies, in the Strand ; by A. Constable, Edinburgh ; 
and J. Archer, Dublin. 1804.' The following rules, which 
are printed on the back of the title-page, show on what 
principles Lord Stanhope conducted the stereotype business : — 



The Stereotype Office. 

1 . Nothing is to be printed against Religion. 

2. Every thing is to be avoided, upon the subject of Politics, which is 

offensive to any Party. 

3. The Characters of Individuals are not to be attacked. 

4. Every Work which is stereotyped at this Office is to be composed 

with beautiful Types. 

5. All the Stereotype Plates are to be made according to the improved 

Process discovered by EARL STANHOPE. 

6. School Books, and all Works for the Instruction of Youth, will be 

stereotyped at a lower Price than any other. 

Lord Stanhope was fully aware of the previous history of 
the process, for among his papers is a description of stereo- 
typing as practised by Messrs. Foulis and Tilloch, as well as 
the certified copy dated 1 808, of their licence or patent, from 
King George III, already referred to. But Lord Stanhope's 
chief source of information was, as we shall see, Citizen Camus. 

1 Queen Charlotte, wife of King George III. 



The following, in Lord Stanhope's handwriting, was probably 
intended for his work ' On Printing.' Mere repetition is 
avoided : — 

[S.P.] On Stereotype Printing. — The great advantage obtained 
by this mode of Printing is, that publishers are compleatly secured 
against any considerable risk. The reason is that they need not 
print any more copies at first, than they are sure to dispose of 
immediately ; and that they can, at any time, print off any additional 
number which may be wanted, without the expence of setting up the 
Types again for a second Edition. Because, by the ftereotype mode 
of printing, each Page is printed from a cast-plate of type metal, which 
is readily formed from the moveable types now in use, by means of 
a very simple and unexpensive procefs which will be explained here- 
after ; and the cast-plates, when once made, are always ready for use 
when wanted 

In ftereotype printing, the moveable types are very little liable to be 
injured ; because, they are used only for the two following purposes. 
First, for taking a proof-sheet, in order that the person who corrects 
the prefs may know whether the imprefsion be correct ; and secondly, 
for making a hollow mould in the manner hereafter explained, for 
the purpose of forming therefrom a cast-plate of Type Metal. So 
that, printed works executed upon the ftereotype principle, will, in 
general, be more beautiful, than those which are executed in the 
common method, on account of the Types being so very little exposed 
to wear. 

It is said that, so far back as the year 1727, Mr. William Ged, 
a Goldsmith in Edinburgh, began to make plates upon the ftereotype 
plan. In 1736, a Salust 1 was printed from those plates. About 
twenty years ago, Mr. Andrew Foulis 2 , then Printer of the University 
of Glasgow, and Mr. Alexander Tilloch, who is now the Editor of the 
Philosophical Magazine, (without being acquainted with Ged's pro- 
cess), discovered the ftereotype Mode of printing, and printed 

1 A copy of this work in the Advocates' Library at Edinburgh has the following 
imprint : — ' Edinburgi/Gulielmus Ged, Aurifaber Edinensis. non Typis/mobilibus, 
ut vulgo fieri solet, sed Tabellis seu/Laminis fusis, excudebat mdccxxxix/.' One 
of the original stereotype plates, containing ten pages, viz. pp. 124-128 and 130-134, 
is still preserved in the Library, and has often been 1 pulled ' as a curiosity for 
visitors. The 1739 Sallust is always described on the pulls as ' the first book 
printed by the Stereotype process,' though the statement does not agree with what 
Lord Stanhope says above. 

2 [S. P.] Among the papers is a MS. description headed ' Stereotype Process 
in detail referring to the Models drawn up by Andrew Foulis for the use of 
Mr. William Blackwood. Edinburgh, May 26, 1807.' 


several Works in that manner, in English, Latin, and Greek. Didot, 
the celebrated printer at Paris, has likewise practised this valuable 
Art with great Succefs 

What Lord Stanhope expected from his invention of the 
improved method may be gathered from the following amus- 
ing letter, which, notwithstanding superscription and signature, 
is, if not entirely written by him, considerably corrected by his 
own hand : — 

[S. P.] LETTER FROM ANDREW WILSON to the Authors, 
Booksellers, Printers, and Schoolmasters throughout Great Britain 
and -Ireland. 

Stereotype Orifice, Duke Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields, 
August, 1803. 

Gentlemen, — Permit me to inform you, that Earl Stanhope has 
lately purchased the two important Secrets of Pantatype Printing \ 
and of Stereotype Printing, in order to give them to the Public. 

Pantatype Printing means universal type printing ; being appli- 
cable to all subjects. This new Art, which was discovered by 
Mr. Andrew Fowlis, Printer of Glasgow, has lately been considerably 
improved by Earl Stanhope. By means of this ingenious Con- 
trivance, upwards of One Hundred Thousand Imprefsions of an 
Engraving can be taken, all Proofs ; that is to say, the last imprefsion 
will be as perfect as the first. No eye, however accurate, will be able 
to perceive the smallest difference between them. 

Stereotype Printing means fixed type printing; because, all the 
Letters in one Page form but one piece. I have lately caused a very 
extensive Office to be erected in Duke-Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields, 
for the exprefs purpose of carrying on this cheap and important branch 
of Typography, of which the following Specimens are submitted to your 

The several Stereotype procefses of Ged, Funckter, Tilloch, Fowlis, 
Hoffmann, Pingeron, Rochon, Carez, Gengembre, Gatteaux, Bouvier, 
Herhan, Pierre Didot, Firmin Didot, and others 2 , having been found 
to be liable to great objections ; Earl Stanhope has made, with the 

1 See p. 410. 

2 These persons are all referred to in the article by Camus, Histoire et Pro- 
cedts du Polytypage et Stdrgotypie, from which an extract has been printed on 
PP- 37°? 37 J - This work is the source from which Lord Stanhope drew much 
of his knowledge of the process of stereotyping. To Ged's account of himself 
reference has already been made. As to Funckter, he was ' Un imprimeur-libraire 
d'Erfort, nomme J. Michel Funckter.' — Camus, p. 446. 

F. I. J. Hoffman was a native of Alsace {Camus, p. 456). 

J. C. Pingeron, a French scholar and litterateur, who, among other works, 



afsistance of Mr. Fowlis, a Series of systematic Experiments upon this 
Art ; and he has, at different times, discovered four new Stereotype 
procefscs which, when combined, produce Stereotype Plates, superior 
to all others in point of perfection, and yet inferior in price. 

Accuracy, and the securing publishers against the usual risk, and 
the great advance of capital which would otherwise be necefsary, 
together with the saving of the interest and compound interest thereon, 
are amongst the striking advantages of Stereotype Printing. This 
valuable Art will enable me to afford, at any time or times, an equal 
Number of copies of any Work which has a very extensive Sale (such, 
for example, as the Bible, or the Book of Common Prayer,) Twenty- 
five per Cent, cheaper, than I could do if the same Book were to be 
printed by me in the usual manner ; fupposing that the work, were to 
be, in both cases, printed wholly at my own expense and risk. For 
School Books this mode of printing will be peculiarly excellent. Such 
books are, in general, inaccurate, ill printed, and dear. These objec- 
tions will be removed, by means of this new invention. I have in 
contemplation to Stereotype several Books for the use of Schools. 

published one on the making of electric machines, and another on air balloons, 
was born about 1730, and died 1795. 

The Abbe de Rochon was a French astronomer, mathematician, and navigator, 
who was born in 1 741 , and wrote a pamphlet, ' Sur l'art de multiplier les copies.' 
He died in 181 7. 

Joseph Carez, a printer at Toul, was the inventor of the cliche. He made this 
by striking a block of wood, upon which a device had been engraved, into a pan 
of metal which was cooling ; and so formed a mould, from which relief blocks 
were cast in a different metal. He died at Toul in 1801. 

Gengembre is described by Camus on p. 473 as ' ingenieur mechanicien de la 
monnoie ' ; and Herhan as ' son beaufrere.' 

Gatteaux was 'graveur en medailles ' (p. 483). 

Bouvier was a ' filigraniste ' (p. 485). 

Francois Didot, the first founder of the famous firm which still bears his name, 
was born in 1689, and died in 1757. — H e ^ad two sons. The elder, Francois- 
Ambroise Didot (the ' F. Didot ' alluded to by Lord Stanhope), was born in 1730, 
and died in 1804. — He also left two sons, Pierre, who became famous as a printer 
(the 1 P. Didot ' of Lord Stanhope), and Firmin Didot, who was also a typefounder 
and publisher. — A brother of F. A. Didot (i. e. Didot II), viz. Pierre-Francois, 
succeeded to the bookselling business of the first Didot, and left three sons, two of 
whom became typefounders, and the third invented the first endless paper machine. 
— Returning to the elder branch, the fourth generation were Jules Didot (1794- 
1871), Ambroise Firmin-Didot (1 790-1 876), Hyacinthe Firmin-Didot (1794- 
1880), and Frederic Firmin-Didot (1798-1836). — The fifth generation of Didots 
gives us Alfred Firmin-Didot (born in 1828), and Paul Firmin-Didot, his cousin 
(born in 1826). — The firm is now in its sixth generation: Maurice Firmin-Didot 
(born in 1859), an d Rene Firmin-Didot (born in 1866). The last, with their 
cousin M. Lucien Hebert, constitute the firm of Firmin-Didot & Cie. at the 
present day (1896). 


I am already at work on ' Penning' s Universal Spelling Book improved! 
And I am in hope fhortly to begin some Instruction Books about 
Arithmetic, of uncommon excellence. The importance of reducing 
the price of such Works is greatly increased fince the ingenious and 
admirable System of Mr. Joseph Lancafter 1 (a Quaker) has been 
carried into execution, at his Academy in the Borough Road, where 
between three and four hundred Boys are daily taught Reading, Writing, 
and Arithmetic by one Schoolmaster only, by means of this new 
Method of teaching, which promifes to be fingularly useful to the 
rising Generation. 

In consequence of another plan, I shall have it in my power, some 
time hence, to print Music, at a cheap rate, and in a manner much 
more beautiful than any which has ever yet appeared. 

Other Discoveries of peculiar importance to the perfection of the 
typographic art, have also lately been made by Earl Stanhope. One 
of a new principle, and in a superior manner of executing the Print- 
ing Press, and likewise in a new Combination of Printing Presses. 
By means of this invention, the united advantages will be obtained, 
of cheapnefs, beauty, and dispatch. The following fpecimens were 
printed, with this newly invented Printing Press by Mr. Bulmer 
of Cleveland Row, St. James's. The Prefs was executed, under Earl 
Stanhope's inspection, by Mr. Robert Walker of Vine Street, 

The Stereotype Plates, used for printing those Specimens have all 
been made by me, according to the improved Procefs discovered by 
Earl Stanhope. 

All the original Types, employed for forming those Stereotype Plates, 
were cast by Mr. Vincent Figgins of West Street, West Smithfield ; 
except the Two Lines Great Primer, the Two Lines English, the Great 
Primer and the Pica, which were cast by Caslon and Catherwood of 
Chiswell Street ; and except the Diamo?id, which was cast by Fry, 
Steele, & Co., of Type Street, Chiswell Street. 

The printing Ink which was used for printing the present Publication, 
was made according to Earl Stanhope's Directions, by Mr. Graham, of 
Duke Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields. The Method of making it, is an 

1 Joseph Lancaster, the founder of the Lancastrian Schools for teaching poor 
children in London, was born in 1771 or 1778, and died in America in 1838. See 
' Improvements in Education as it Respects the Industrious Classes of the Com- 
munity, containing a Short Account of its Present State, Hints towards its Improve- 
ment, and a Detail of some Practical Experiments Conducive to that End. By 
Joseph Lancaster. Second edition, with Additions. London : printed and sold 
by Darton & Harvey, Gracechurch Street ; J. Mathews, Strand ; and W. Hatchard, 
Piccadilly. 1803.' 

3 8o 


improvement on the original Plan of the ingenious Charles Wilkins, 
Esq., F.R.S. Mr. Graham is of opinion, that he fhall hereafter 
be able to afford this excellent Ink, at considerably less than half the 
price at which the best fort of printing Ink has hitherto been sold 
by him. 

By uniting the advantages of the newly invented Printing Press, 
with those which result from the other new invention called Pantatype 
Printing, Printers will be enabled to afford, at a low price, Prints, Maps, 
Plans, Paper-hangings \ &c. of superior excellence. 

It is pleasing to reflect, how the abovementioned Inventions, when 
properly combined, might tend to give new vigour to many important 
Branches of the Printing Businefs ; and in what manner, they might 
afford fresh employment to Compositors, Prefsmen, Type- Founders, 
Printing-Press-Makers. Paper-Makers, and Artists of various descrip- 
tions. Those discoveries would open, to this Nation, many new and 
most valuable Branches of Foreign Commerce, if it were not for the Tax 
upon Paper, which, of all the Taxes in this Country, is, without excep- 
tion, the most injurious and the most impolitic. For, it is evident, that 
every Impediment improperly thrown in the way of giving to the Com- 
munity at large, a good Education, must tend, in a high degree, to affect 
the Morals of the People, and to decrease moft injuriously, and in a variety 
of respects, the general Industry of the Nation. These are Evils, which 
result of Necessity, from this Tax on Education. And the extent of 
those Evils, in a religious point of view, as well as in every other, 
is literally beyond the bounds of calculation. 

If that Tax were (as it ought to be) repealed in toto, it might then be 
pofsible to reduce the price of such works as are beautifully printed, 
and as have also a very extensive sale, at least Fifty per Cent. ; by 
uniting the benefits arising from such Repeal, to those which arise from 
Stereotype Printing, and to those which arise from the newly invented 
Printing Press abovementioned, and likewise to thofe which arise 
from the new manner of Logotype printing 2 and of forming the Lower- 

1 It would seem that paper-hangings were at this time printed at the hand- 

[S. P.] 2 Logotype Printing signifies printing by means of syllables and words, 
inftead of single Letters only. The Standing Rules of the Stereotype Office, 
and the three specimens in the Small-Pica Type (one of which is in prose, and the 
other two, in verfe) were all of them logotypically composed, previously to their being 
Stereotyped. The Reader will not be able to obferve in those Specimens any Letters 
of an improper elevation, nor any Letters at improper distances apart, nor any 
Letters which range unevenly. Nor will he, by the inspection of those Specimens, 
be able to discover, which are, and which are not, the new logotypical combina- 

(For further details as to the Stanhope logotypes, see pp. 405-409.) 


Case, and the new Method of inking the Types, without using any Balls 
at all ; all of which things, have lately been invented by Earl 

The Tax upon Paper operates against the Trade of this Country, 
in a manner so injurious, that Foreign Nations can now undersell the 
English Booksellers, in foreign markets, above Twenty per Cent. As 
soon as any popular work makes its appearance in this Country, it is 
reprinted abroad. In various parts of Germany, they have printed the 
works of Locke, Pope, Milton, Swift, Addison, &c. Even in such 
a remote place, as Basil (sic) in Switzerland, they have lately printed 
several English Books. In France, not lefs, as I am informed, than 
three Stereotype editions of Shakespeare 's Works, of different fizes, are 
now going forwards. 

The injury refulting from the Tax upon Paper will be obvious from 
the following consideration ; namely, that the account of that Tax is 
much greater, than the Sum for which the Smuglers are ready to 
undertake to import Foreign Paper into London, having the Water- 
mark of some English Paper Maker exactly imitated, and being in all 
other respects similar to the English Manufactory. 

It is well worth observing, that the new inventions mentioned above, 
render the Repeal of the Tax upon Paper the more necefsary, and the 
more urgent. The reason is as follows. The Amount of the Tax 
forms a certain Part of the price of each Book. But, the same Tax 
will clearly form a much greater Part of the price of the same works 
respectively, whenever the Stereotype Process and the newly invented 
Printing Press, &c. shall have reduced the Price of Books. So that, 
whatever may be the preference which is now created by the Tax, in 
favor of Foreign Books, to the injury of the English Commerce ; that 
preference, when those new inventions shall be known abroad, will (for 
the reason just afsigned) be much greater hereafter, even than it is at 
present. Consequently the Tax upon Paper ought to be repealed 1 ; 
especially as such Regulations have been planned as will effectually 
prevent the Stationers from being injured by the repeal of the Tax on 
account of their present stock on hand. 

One plausible objection has been made, by some Persons, to the new 
Invention of Stereotype Printing ; and that is, the Injury it may be of, 
to those Booksellers who have a great Number of copies of any work 
at present unsold. For, it is said, if the same Book, were, by means of 
the Stereotype Plates, to be printed in a manner more beautiful, and 
Twenty-five per Cent, cheaper; no Person would purchase the other 

1 It was not repealed, however, till fifty-eight years later. (See note p. 389.) 

3 82 


In order to obviate this objection, it has been suggested to me, by 
Earl Stanhope, that it might be proper for me to write a circular Letter 
to the Gentlemen in the Trade, to request them to send me a List 
of those Books (not private property) of which they have now many 
Copies unsold ; in order that I may at prefent refrain from stereotyping 

As application might be made to me, by some of the Booksellers to 
stereotype for them, certain works of which other Booksellers might 
have a very considerable Number of Copies in hand ; and as I fhould be 
sorry, at the time I am eftablishing in this Country, this moft beneficial 
mode of printing, to be made inftrumental in prejudicing any Indi- 
vidual ; it is my intention to avoid ftereotyping such Works of which 
many Copies remain unfold, if I fhould have early information of that 
Fact ; unlefs I fhould fee, in any particular inftance, a fufficient public 
reason, for making an exception to the general rule. 

I trust, Gentlemen, that you will fully approve of the fair and equit- 
able manner, in which this new mode of printing is proposed to be 
conducted. And I also hope that the Standing Rules of the 
Stereotype Office will meet with public Approbation. 

I have the honor to be, Gentlemen, 

Your moft faithful, and obedient Servant, 


The last three lines, including the Andrew Wilson signature, 
are entirely in the writing of Lord Stanhope. 

On March 15, 1805, Lord Stanhope offered to instruct the 
Oxford University printers in the new art. The following 
extracts are from the Delegates' Minute-books : — 

[D. M.] March 15, 1805.— At a Meeting of the Delegates of the 
Press in the Delegates' Room — Present, Mr. Vice-Chancellor, Mr. 
Price, Dr. Jackson, Dr. Hughes, Dr. Routh, Dr. Parsons, Mr. 
Ellerton, Sen. Pr[octor], Mr. Barnes, Jun. Pr[octor] : — A Letter from 
Mr. Wilson, Stereotype Printer, proposing to treat with this University 
upon the Adoption of this new Mode of Printing, was read to the 
Board; and it was referred to the Bible Committee to communicate 
further with him upon the Subject. 

[D. M.] March 26, 1805.— The Bible Committee having this Day 
reported the result of their Communications with Mr. Wilson on the 
subject of his Proposals to put the University in pofsefsion of the 
Art of Stereotype Printing — Order'd, That the Bible Committee be 
requested to confer with Mefsrs. Dawson, Bensley, and Cooke, the 


Partners of the University in the Bible Prefs, upon the Proposals 
so made by Mr. Wilson. 

[D.M.] Meeting holden April 30, and adjourned to May 1, 1805. — 
The Bible Committee — in pursuance of the directions of the Board of 
Delegates of the Prefs, having communicated with Mr. Wilson 
(April 5, 1805) and likewise with the Partners in the Bible Prefs on 
the subject of adopting Stereotype Printing, — Report That, from the 
information laid before them, it appears that the art of Stereotype 
Printing has been so far advanced towards a state of perfection as to 
leave no probable doubt of the eventual succefs of it : That the beauty 
and regularity of the works, the superior correctnefs which must 
attend Imprefsions so taken, and the ultimate savings in point of 
expense, are indisputable. That Mr. Wilson has laid before the Com- 
mittee proposals for putting the University of Oxford in pofsefsion of 
the Secret, and the means of carrying on the Stereotype Printing, as 
already carried into execution at the University of Cambridge 1 . That, 
the University of Cambridge being in pofsefsion of the Art, it seems 
not only expedient, but necefsary, that Oxford should be pofsefs'd of 
the same advantages. 

That the Partners, upon reference, represent the state of the Stock in 
the Bible Warehouse at this period to be such as is particularly favor- 
able to the immediate commencement of the Undertaking. And they 
further state that they are ready to join with the University in carrying 
on the Businefs of Stereotype Printing upon equitable terms, taking 
into account the relative Interests and Situations of the Parties. — 
(Signed) W. Bangor, J. Parsons, W. Jackson, W. Dawson, 
T. Bensley, Jos. Cooke. 

[D.M.] May 2, 1805.— The Report of the Bible Committee on 
the Subject of Stereotype Printing having been this day laid before the 
Delegates— Resolved, That the Board does agree with the Report, 
and that it is their opinion that the businefs of Stereotype Printing be 

1 ' Early in 1804, and soon after Richard Watts had been elected Printer 
to the University of Cambridge, a proposal was made to the University by 
Andrew Wilson, a London printer, that he should, upon terms to be agreed upon, 
communicate his secret respecting stereotyping. This secret was the invention of 
Earl Stanhope, who refused to receive anything in respect of it, or even the 
repayment of the sum of £.6,000 spent in experiments.' ' August 8, 1807. — An 
agreement was entered into for the acquisition by the University [of Cambridge] of 
Wilson's stereotype secret, for which the following sums were to be paid : £ 2000 on 
execution of the agreement : £ 1000 advanced to Wilson, May 29, 1805, to become 
his property : £1000 when the sales from March 25, 1807, shall exceed £4,500 : 
£2 for every £45 of such excess till it reaches £1000 ; but if that sum shall not 
be reached till March 25, 1818, no further payment to be made.' — Robert Bowes, 
Notes on the University Printers of Cambridge, pp. 325, 328. 



immediately adopted by the University of Oxford. That the Vice- 
Chancellor be requested to consult with the Delegates of Accounts 
for the purpose of learning from them what afsistance, by loan of 
Money, can be given to the Delegates of the Prefs towards carrying 
the undertaking into execution. 

[D. M.] May 10, 1805. — The Vice-Chancellor reported from the 
Delegates of Accompts that they are ready to lend the Sum of 
a Thousand Pounds towards the Money to be paid to Mr. Wilson 
for the Communication of his Secret in the Stereotype mode of 

[D. M.] May 17, 1805.— Resolved, That the Vice-Chancellor be 
requested to desire Mr. Wilsons immediate attendance at Oxford 
with such means as may best expedite the businefs of the Stereotype 
Printing, and form such arrangements as may prepare the Foundery, 
Prefses, &c, and adjust the particular articles of an Agreement. Resolved, 
That the Vice-Chancellor be requested to make an application to 
each of the Radcliffe Trustees, in the Name of this Board, stating, 
the extraordinary Demands of Money upon the Delegates of the 
Prefs, to enable them to adopt the Stereotype mode of Printing 
which is now become necefsary to the support of the Interests of the 
University, and to the maintenance of their Privilege of printing Bibles 
and Prayer Books. That the full amount of these demands, in the 
Premium to be given to the Inventor, and in other incidental expences, 
falls little short of six thousand Pounds — Three thousand of which 
immediately requisite will be least conveniently raised by the Dele- 
gates: and that they therefore request the favor of the Trustees to 
afsist them with a temporary loan of such part of this Sum as may be 
convenient ; the whole of which they hope to be enabled to repay in 
a very few years. 

[D. M.] May 21, 1805. — That the Bible Committee be requested to 
confer with Mr. Wilson, and arrange with him the Particulars of the 
Agreement to be entered into with him, and prepare an Instrument 
to be executed by both Parties ; and to consider any other matters 
relating to the Stereotype Printing, to be reported to this Board. 

[D. M.] May 30, 1805. — The Bible Committee, having this day read 
from their Minutes the Articles of Agreement proposed by them to be 
made with Mr. Wilson respecting the printing in Stereotype — 
Order'd, That the same be approved, and that a Copy be sent to Ld. 
Stanhope, requesting him to signify an approbation and ratification of 
the same on his part, afsuring themselves that in that case he will be 
ready to afford them any facilities in the execution of the undertaking 
which he can now, or at any future time may be able to, afford. 


[D. M.] June 10, 1805. — The following Resolution of the Radcliffe 
Trustees, transmitted to the Vice-Chancellor by their Secretary, 
Mr. Wall, in Answer to an Application from this Board, was read: — 
{ Monday, June 3, 1805. The Trustees of the late Dr. Radcliffe having 
this Day taken the Resolution of the Delegates of the Press, at their 
Meeting on Friday, May 27, 1805, into their Consideration, have con- 
sented to afsist the Delegates with a Sum of three thousand Pounds for 
the purpose of enabling them to adopt a Mode of Printing which they 
may deem to be necefsary to the support of the Interest of the University 
and to the Maintenance of their Privilege of printing Bibles and Prayer 
Books. N.B. It is the Intention of the Trustees to advance this 
Sum without Interest, and they will give Directions to Messrs. Hoare, 
their Banker from time to time to pay the same to the Order of such 
Person or Persons as may be authorized by the Delegates to draw for 
the money.' — Ordered, That the Vice-Chancellor be requested to 
signify to each of the Radcliffe Trustees the Thanks of this Board 
for the Readiness with which They have been pleased to take the 
Request of the Delegates into their consideration, and for the very 
liberal manner in which they have resolved to accommodate the 
University with the Loan of three thousand Pounds for the Use of the 
Clarendon Press. 

[D. M.] June 21, 1805. — Ordered, That the form of Articles of 
Agreement between the Delegates of the Press and Mr. Andrew Wilson, 
exhibited this day, be approved, and referred to Mr. Morrell to be 
put immediately into legal form, in order that it may be executed by 
the Parties. 

Articles of Agreement had made concluded and agreed on this 
twenty-second Day of June one thousand eight hundred and five, 
between Andrew Wilson of Duke Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields, 
London, Printer, and The Reverend Whittington Landon, Doctor in 
Divinity, Vice-Chancellor of the University of Oxford, The Right 
Reverend William Lord Bishop of Bangor, The Right Reverend John 
Lord Bishop of Oxford, the Reverend Martin Joseph Routh, Doctor 
in Divinity, The Reverend David Hughes, D. in Divinity, The 
Reverend John Parsons, Doctor in Divinity, The Reverend William 
Jackson, Doctor in Divinity, George Williams, D.M., the Reverend 
John Price, B.D., and the Reverend Peter Vaughan, M.A., the 
Reverend Thomas George Clare, M.A., Proctors of the said University, 
Delegates of the Clarendon Prefs in the said University of Oxford as 
follow, that is to say — 

I. The Basis of the present Agreement is that in Consideration of 
the Sum of four Thousand Pounds to be paid by the said Delegates to 

III. C c 

3 86 


Mr. Wilson, the said Mr. Wilson by and with the Advice and Appro- 
bation of the Right Honourable Earl Stanhope undertakes to put 
two Gentlemen nominated by the Board of Delegates, viz. Mr. Thomas 
Bensley and Mr. Samuel Collingwood, in immediate Pofsefsion of 
the secret Processes of the new Art of Stereotype Printing invented 
by the said Earl Stanhope, and also to communicate the said Pro- 
cesses at any time hereafter, when required by the said Delegates or 
their Successors, to any third person to be nominated by the said 

II. That the said Sum of four Thousand Pounds shall be paid 
to the said Mr. Wilson in three Instalments; that is to say, two 
thousand Pounds at the signing of this Agreement, One thousand 
Pounds on the twenty- first of December next, and the remaining 
one thousand pounds on Midsummer Day One Thousand eight 
Hundred and six. 

III. That the said Delegates and their Successors and the Persons 
so named shall be at full Liberty to apply the said Processes of Stereo- 
type Printing to the printing of Bibles, Testaments, Prayer Books, 
and in general to the printing of any other Work or Works for the 
Use and Benefit of the University. 

IV. That the said Mr. Wilson undertakes and agrees not to com- 
municate the said secret Processes of Stereotype Printing to any other 
Public Body or private Individual for the purpose of using the same 
in the printing of Bibles, Testaments, and Prayer Books, excepting 
the University of Cambridge, in that part of Great Britain called 
England, under the Penalty of eight thousand Pounds, unlefs Earl 
Stanhope shall at any Time after the first day of July in the Year One 
Thousand eight Hundred and seven think proper to communicate the 
said secret Processes Gratis to the Public at large (!) 

V. That the Persons to whom the said secret Processes shall be so 
communicated shall be bound not to discover any Part of them to any 
Person or Persons, nor to use the same for any other Purpose than 
those above mentioned, under the seperate (sic) Penalties of Eight 
Thousand Pounds to be paid as well to the said Delegates and their 
Successors as to Mr. Wilson, Except that in case any of the Persons 
to whom these Processes shall be communicated shall die or cease to 
act for the University, then in that case it shall be allowable for the 
Person or Persons who shall survive and continue to act for the said 
Delegates and their Successors to make the necessary cofhunications 
to some Person or Persons to be appointed by the said Delegates or 
their Successors in the room of the above named Person so dying or 
ceasing to act. 


VI. That in case Earl Stanhope shall at any Time make known to 
the Public the said secret Procefses as mentioned in Article IV, then 
all obligation to Secresy to cease (!). 

Witness their hands — Whittington Landon, Vice-Chancellor, 
William Bangor, J. Oxford, W. Jackson, David Hughes, M. J. 
Routh, J. Parsons, G. Williams, J. Price, Peter Vaughan, Senior 
Proctor, Thomas George Clare, Junior Proctor. 

And w . Wilson. 

Witness to the execution by all parties, 
Robert Morrell, Atty. at Law, Ox- 

Received at the Time of the signing hereof of and from the Dele- 
gates the Sum of Two Thousand Pounds, in part of the Consideration 
Money in the above Agreement mentioned to be paid to me for the 
Purposes therein mentioned — I say received, 

And w Wilson. 


Meantime Lord Stanhope continued his experiments, some- 
times at A. Wilson's Office in Duke Street, Lincoln's Inn, but 
sometimes at his own house at Chevening 1 . He made copious 
notes of his conversations with his workmen and others — with 
Christopher Matthews the chief stereotyper ; with Fergusson 
who was apparently in charge of the office types ; with the 
people he met in the street ; with Mr. Richard Watts of Cam- 
bridge ; and Mr. Whittingham of London. Every scrap of 
information was recorded and carefully preserved, sometimes 
on a bit of paper not two inches square. For instance : — 

[S. P.] June, 1805. — Mr. Watts 2 says 1 Man & 1 Lad, make in 
3 or 4 days of one week, One Hundred Sf forty good ftereotype Plates. 
The Windows much open. They light the Fires before they begin 
to mould, in order to make the Room dry. They do not mould till 
the Lady of the Weather House comes out. 

The agreement with the Oxford Press was speedily acted 
upon. Three months after its execution, special types, prepared 
no doubt under Lord Stanhope's advice, were provided : — 

[D. M.J October 17, 1805. — Mr. Bensley and Mr. Cooke report, 
That the Preparations for Stereotype Printing are in great forward- 

1 Lord Stanhope seems to have had a stereotype foundry at his country-house. 
Hansard speaks of a ' relic of the Chevening Foundry.' (Typographia, p. 475.) 

2 Mr. R. Watts was printer to the University of Cambridge from 1 802-1 809. 




nefs, and that they think the Nonpareil Bible should be one of the first 
Articles so printed, and they therefore desire to receive Instructions, what 
Rule they are to follow respecting Heads of Chapters, &c, and what 
Provision should be made for better correcting this and all other 
works. ... It was further slated that two new Founts of Type for 
Stereotype Printing have been already provided, specimens of which 
were exhibited. 

[D. M.] November 20, 1805. — On representation from Messrs. 
Bensley and Cooke of the difficulties which had occurr'd in reducing 
the Stereotype to practice, particularly that the greater part of Editions 
now in use, and some which are of more general sale cannot be so 
printed without considerable alteration of the blocks \ it was agreed 
that Mr. Bensley wait on Ld. Stanhope to represent and explain this 
difficulty to him, and request his afsistance in the removing it, and 
accommodate the invention to the purposes of this Press. 

[S. P.] December 24, 1805. — Converfation with Kit Matthews of 
the Stereotype Office at Chevening Houfe. [Then follow memoranda 
about brushes and coals.] The pontops, & blacksmith Coals, are not 
approved of; but the large Coal, of the size of the fist, or larger, called 
Bigs Main, are the beft Coals they have had. 

[D. M.] January 21, 1806. — Several difficulties relative to the pro- 
ceeding in the Stereotype Editions of the Nonpareil Bible, Pica 
Testament, and C. Prayer, and Welch Bible were consider'd. . . . Some 
progress has also been made in accommodating the Blocks to all 
our Editions, but nothing is as yet decided. Mr. Bensley having 
laid before the Committee Messrs. Walker and Keating's account 
of expences incurr'd in the New Foundry 2 , it was recommended 
that he should prepare a more particular account before the general 
Board, and state what he thinks right to be advanc'd on this ac- 
count. . . . Proposed to insure the new Warehouse and Foundry 

1 Stereotype blocks are foundations upon which plates are laid for book-printing. 
Lord Stanhope describes his as ' iron blocks, which are cut to such a thickness, 
that a plate and a block together are exactly type height. There is an overhanging 
ledge upon each side of the block, the whole length of it, and cut to fit the sloping 
sides of the plate. One of these ledges is fixed ; the other moveable, to admit of put- 
ting in and taking out of the plate. In the moveable ledge there are three screws, 
by which the plate is held very flat and firmly.' — Hansard's Typographia, p. 884. 

2 Three cottages belonging to Wadham College were sold to the University in 
1796. 'The College seal was set to the conveyance on November 5 in the same 
year, and the University at once proceeded to build on the site of the cottages 
a foundry and warehouse for carrying on the then novel art of stereo- 
typing.' — Wadham College, Oxford, by T. G. Jackson, p. 130. — But as Lord 
Stanhope's first proposal to the Delegates was not made till 1805, it looks as 
though this warehouse was not at first intended for a foundry. 


at £1500 the building, and £3000 for the utensils, Furniture, and 
Stock in Trade. 

[D. M.] January 31, 1806. — To determine respecting the expence 
incurr'd by Stereotype Printing what part is to be paid by the Partner- 
ship and what by the University as to present issues— Mr. Dawson 
having already advanced £1700 in consequence of which no dividend 
can be made at present. 

[D. M.J April 29, 1806. — Mr. Bensley and Mr. Cooke report that 
the following Progress has been made in stereotyping certain editions 
of the Bible, Testament, and Common Prayer. . . . They report further, 
that many of the difficulties that have hitherto prevented their begin- 
ning to cast plates for the Welch Bible (especially with respect to 
accented letters, &c.) have now been surmounted ; and that they hope 
immediately to be able to go on with the work. 

[D. M.] October 21, 1806. — The Brevier Prayer Book in Stereotype 
was exhibited, finish'd, and ready for sale — 2000 copies. 

[D. M.] January 27, 1807. — Messrs. Dawson, Bensley, and Cooke 
attended. They reported — That in printing the Long Primer New T. 
an additional expence is incurr'd by printing the same in Stereotype, 
so that these books (exclusive of Composition on the one hand, and 
Carriage, and the Drawback 1 on the other) cost ijd. per copy, and are 
sold at i^\d. — this is owing to the superior quality and size of the 
paper — the quality being nearly the same with that of the books printed 

1 By the 2 & 3 Vict. c. 23 a drawback or allowance of \\d. per lb., being the 
full amount of the Paper Duty, was granted ' for all paper made and charged with 
duty in the United Kingdom which shall be used in the printing of any books in 
the Latin, Greek, Oriental, or Northern languages within the Universities of 
Oxford and Cambridge, or within the Universities of Scotland, or the College 
of the Holy and Undivided Trinity of Queen Elizabeth, Dublin, by permission of 
the Vice-Chancellors, Rectors, or Principals or Provost of the said Universities 
respectively, or which shall be used in the printing of Bibles, Testaments, Psalm 
Books, Books of Common Prayer of the Church of England, the book commonly 
called or known in Scotland by the name of "The Confession of Faith," or the 
Larger or Shorter Catechism of the Church of Scotland, within the Universities of 
Oxford and Cambridge and Trinity College, Dublin, by permission of the Vice- 
Chancellors or Provost of the same, or by the Queen's Printers in England, 
Scotland, and Ireland respectively.' By § 44 the chief manager of the Oxford 
Press (among others) was bound to give forty-eight hours' notice to the proper 
officer of Excise of his intention to go to press with a book : the exciseman attended 
and inspected all the reams of paper which it was proposed should be used. Then 
within one month after the completion of the work that official returned to the 
Press, weighed the printed sheets, and gave a certificate on which the drawback 
was paid to the Vice-Chancellor or to his nominee. The Paper Duty was 
abolished in England by the 24 Vict. c. 20 (1861). 



in Stereotype by Cambridge, and the very size wch. in paper of the 
same quality entitling the Paper-maker to an higher price. 

All this time Lord Stanhope's experiments were still going 
on, and he records them with a minuteness which it would 
be tedious to give in detail. Thus : — 

[S. P.] August, 1807. — Kit Matthews says that as soon as he has 
moulded four moulds, &c. Mr. Fergusson. Exp[erimen]t. With four 
moulds, &c. Kit Matthews told me, &c. 

[S. P.] August 24, 1807. — Exp[erimen]t at Stereotype Office, &c. 

[S.P.] October, 1807.— Kit Matthews told me, &c. 

At Oxford, if not successful, the University printers were 
at any rate hopeful : — 

[D.M.] October 29, 1807.— Present, the Master of Balliol. With 
respect to the Stereotype Foundery, within the last year very consider- 
able Improvement has been made both with respect to the Quality, and 
the Number, of Plates cast, within a given time, at the same Expence, 
and with the same number of workmen employed. And Mr. Bensley, in 
particular, reported that his Opinion of the Advantages to be derived 
ultimately by the University from the Stereotype Invention, is now more 
favourable than it has been at any former Period. That though the 
heavy Expenditure which now takes place must necefsarily be con- 
tinued, in a great degree at least, till the different Editions shall have 
been stereotyped, yet that some Return will now begin to be made, 
which will, of course, gradually increase, and, as he hopes, in the 
course of years, ultimately redound to the benefit of the University. 

[D, M.] Dec. 10, 1807. — The attention of the Committee was next 
occupied, in adjusting with the Partners what compensation should be 
made by the Partnership to the University for the use of stereotype 
plates (such plates to remain for ever the sole property of the Univer- 
sity), when the most equitable and simple mode appear'd to be, that 
the Partnership should pay tp the University the actual price which 
would have been paid to the Compositor upon each Imprefsion (it 
being agreed also, that so often as any advance may hereafter take 
place in Compositors' wages, a like advance shall take place in the 
payment here mentioned), the number of Copies constituting an 
Impression to be determined by the former practise as to the quantity 
used to be taken off at one Imprefsion of each Article, which in the 
Articles already stereotyped would be as follows : — ■ 


To be paid for use 

of the Plates. 
£ s. d. 

Long Primer Test., each imprefsion 10,000 18 1 o 

The same method of calculating the payment for plates to be used 
in all other Articles hereafter to be stereotyped — excepting, that on 
account of the peculiar Circumstances of the Nonpareil Bible i2mo — 
10,000 should be deemed an Imprefsion of this work, and £65 be 
paid for each Imprefsion for the Use of the Plates. 

The Committee also proceeded in pursuance of the general 
afsurance before given to Messrs. Bensley and Collingwood, to 
consider what compensation it might be fit to make to them for 
their extraordinary trouble and attention in superintending the general 
progrefs of Stereotype Printing at the Clarendon Press, in obviating 
several unforeseen difficulties in the execution of such work, and 
in bringing the invention to its present state of perfection — which 
without such assistance the Committee were fully of opinion, could 
not have been effected for a long time to come — and taking into 
account also, that it would certainly be most for the interest of the 
University to make such recompense bear a proportion to the work 
executed — The Committee adjudged, that the best mode of making 
the remuneration would be to allow to Messrs. Bensley and Colling- 
wood One shilling per page per Plate, upon its being ascertained, so 
soon as each work is finished, of what number of pages it consists and 
what number of plates have been cast. — The Committee determining 
also that such remuneration will in no degree be too large either for the 
trouble incurred, or the advantage which the University will ultimately 
derive, from their being enabled so to accelerate the putting forth of 
Stereotype Works. 

But if the experiences of the University were not immediately 
satisfactory, neither were those of Mr. Andrew Wilson, judging 
by a lengthy memorandum, addressed to his patron, and 
signed ' A. W.' The significant blank at the end of his 
figures, which he left for Lord Stanhope ' to fill up,' seems 
to show that there was no definite arrangement between 
them on the subject of stereotyping, although the writer 
speaks of the ' remuneration or reward which A. W. should 
have ' before the processes were made public : — 

Brevier do. 
Pica Prayer . 
Brevier do. 



22 15 o 
18 19 3 
20 13 o 



[S.P. | Estimate of the State of the Stereotype Businefs at Christmas 
1808. Made up from the Account-Books of A. Wilson : — 

Cash expended by A. Wilson since the commencement 

of the undertaking in 1802 ..... £9,330 o o 
Interest of the annual balances . . . . 2,112 o o 

£1 1,442 

Cash rec^ from the Universities . . . £7,900 
Of which A.W. appropriated to his own use 4,200 
And expended in the business ..... 3,700 

Total Expenditure . . . £15,142 
To meet which, there are Afsets in the 
Amount of Inventory of actual property in 

Jany. 1808 . . . . £7,225 
Supposed amo*- of Work that will be 

finished by Christmas, 1808 . . 2,000 

Sunk stock . . . . 9,225 

And in the above sum of the Universities' 

money ...... 4,200 


A.W/s loss in hard cash at Xmas 1808 (more or 
less, dependant upon the amo*- of work that will 
then be finished) ....... 1,717 o o 

What is the amount of expenditure, prior to the businefs 
being in a state of capability ? It is the difference 
between £15,142 and £9,225 — being £4,917, of 
which not a sixpense exists in any shape whatever. 

Carry over this loss of . . . 1,717 o 

And add to it, 

1st, The sacrifice of his businefs in Wild Court, 
which surely cannot be over-rated at the price 
he paid for it, namely, . , . . .1,476 odd 

£3,i93 0 

2ndly, A. W/s personal expenses for a period of 
seven years, which no man can consider over- 
rated at £500 a year ..... 3,500 o 

Debt actually due to A. W. by the public . . £6,693 
31-dly, The remuneration or reward which it was 
agreed A. W. should have, for his risk, anxiety, 
and perseverance in the undertaking, {prior to 
the processes being made public) during a Stereotype 
apprenticeship of seven years, (This item he 
leaves to Earl Stanhope to fill up) 

And it will appear that the sum of . . . £ 

should be fairly in A. W.'s pofsefsion, in some way or other, as his 


own absolute property, previous to any person or persons being 
permitted, through the medium of Earl Stanhope, or of persons 
employed by his Lordship, to exercise the art of Stereotype Printing. 

A. W. has drawn up this Statement, in the perfect confidence that 
he will be favoured with Earl Stanhope's candid Sentiments thereupon. 
He is not aware that upon any one occasion he has ever taken 
a decisive step without consulting his Lordship in the first instance ; and 
the strange things that have been lately acted render a very decisive 
step necessary at the present time, upon which, as heretofore, A. W. 
wishes to be regulated by Earl Stanhope. 

A. W. 

What Earl Stanhope replied to this communication is not 
on record ; but it would seem from the following that Andrew 
Wilson and his patron quarrelled and parted. Wilson's de- 
mand for an unexpressed but enormous sum in thousands of 
pounds from Lord Stanhope had evidently disgusted that 
nobleman : — 

[S. P.] Memorandum, April 22, 1809. — Kit Matthews brought me 
a fmall roller, &c. The 1st 16 weeks, Kit reed, only i£ 8s. od. from 
Mr. Wilson ! Mr. W. has been once only in foundery in 18 months. 
Now not even allowed without Kit's Leave 1 . 

At Oxford, however, things were beginning to improve : — 

[D. M.] May 17, 1809. — In consequence of the abovementioned 
Editions having been finished, a considerable reduction has recently 
been made in the Expences of the Establishment at the Stereotype 

More of Lord Stanhope's scraps : — 

[S. P.] June 26, 1809. — Mr. Watts (of Cambridge) said twelve 
stereotype plates = one bushel of coals. 

[S. P.] November 7, 1809. — The Bank ftereotypes are all caft 
face down. (E. S. Absurd.) 

1 ' Some misunderstanding between Earl Stanhope and Wilson subsequently led 
to the engineer, Walker, who constructed the Stanhope press and fitted up 
Wilson's foundry, being encouraged to set up a stereotyping foundry on his own 
account, and as an opposition to Wilson. Of course this proceeding led to 
a rupture between Wilson and Walker. A mechanic named Peter Kier was 
employed by Wilson to make the apparatus, and he introduced several improve- 
ments in it. Shortly after a quarrel also arose between him and Wilson, when 
Walker, in revenge, announced that he would for the sum of £50 divulge the 
entire process to any person.' — 'Stereotyping and Electrotyping.' By F. J. F. 
Wilson. (London : Wyman.) [1879.] Page 18. 



|S. P.] [Same date]. — Kit Matthews can make 6 plates (Ainfworth 
size) per Hour nearly on an average. 

[S. P.] [Kit Matthews] says the man who came from Oxford 
neither knew how to mould, how to dry, how to dip, nor how to 
make good backs. Kit says both Universities have high quadrats. 

Again at the Press : — 

[D. M.] June 2, 18 12. — Mr. Bensley recommended that the 
intended edition of the Welsh Prayer-book in i2mo be printed 
in stereotype. 

[D. M.] October 26, 18 13. — It was agreed between the Committee 
and the Bible Partners that in future the Payments to the University 
for the use of Stereotype Plates be made at two stated periods in the 
year — namely, on the 25th of March and the 29th of September. 

[D. M.] October 23, 1818.— Order'd, That a new Edition of the 
non-pareil 12 mo Bible be stereotyp'd; that the same Book with the 
addition of marginal References be also stereotyp'd ; and that Type be 
order'd for a new Edition of the 2 4to Bible, to be kept standing. 

[D. M.] March 15, 1823. — The Partners 1 having recommended 
that the Stereotype department be merged in the common concerns 
of the press, and carried on in future at the joint expenfe of the 
partnership — and that the plates now in ufe, as well as thofe which 
are worn out, be purchafed of the Univerfity at a fair valuation : 
Resolved that the Committee approve of this proposition. 

[D. M.] October 11, 1823. — Mr. Parker having reported that the 
sum of 3784 18. 6. being the estimated value of the Stereotype plates 
&c. is now ready for payment, Resolved that the V. C. be defired 
to call a meeting to wh. the above report may be communicated. 

With its absorption into the general business of the Univer- 
sity Press, references to stereotyping necessarily cease to occur 
in the minute-books. The Delegates hoped for great things 
from it ; but its importance to them was overrated, and they 
paid for it more than it was worth. There is some evidence 
that at one time they partly abandoned it 2 . Instead of 

1 Of the partners, Mr. Cooke, Mr. Parker, and Mr. Collingwood were present at 
this meeting. 

2 ' The University of Oxford, after its vast expenses — first, for the secret, next, for 
the foundry, and lastly, but perhaps of greatest amount, for years of experience — 
have partially abandoned it, and have set up entire works in moveable type, in the 
persuasion not only that the Public would be supplied with better books as to 
typography, but that they would ultimately find an advantage to their own funds 
in recurring to the ante-stereotype plan.' — Hansard's Typographia, p. 844. 


lessening the cost of production of Bibles, it naturally at first 
increased the cost, because it added to the work one process 
more. The gypsum or plaster mould was eventually succeeded 
by papier-mache ; and only with this last, and consequent on 
the development of the newspaper press, did the success of 
the process become assured. In book-printing, stereotyping 
has been superseded by electrotyping ; and, although the 
Stanhope or plaster process is still extant, it has ceased to 
have any practical value. 


The Wooden Handpress and other Appliances 
which Lord Stanhope superseded. 

Remembering that the University printers had been housed 
in the old Clarendon Press in Broad Street since the year 1714, 
it may be interesting to describe how they were located in the 
various parts of that building at the end of the eighteenth 

As one enters it from the front, on the level of the top 
of the steps, the room on the right-hand side, with windows 
looking into Broad Street, was the Classical press-room — i. e. 
there men tugged at the handpresses of what Archbishop Laud 
called the 4 Learned Press ' ; and over their heads, placed upon 
lines by means of a long-handled peel, were suspended some of 
the printed sheets to dry 1 . The room on the same floor, with 
windows looking to the South, was the council-chamber or 
board-room of the Delegates of the Press. Still keeping to 
the West side, it is said that the rooms above, both in front 
and at back, were allotted to the compositors and readers 
of the Learned Press; while still higher, in the ' set off' or loft, 
were stored the printed sheets after they had been dried in 
the Music School 2 , before they were gathered. The pressing 

1 In this room, a few years later, were five iron presses and a wooden one. The 
wooden press was removed to Walton Street in 1835, but the only trace of it now 
remaining, I am sorry to say, is the mahogany platen, which is used as the top of 
a table made for one of the foremen. 

2 1 Contiguous to the Medicine and Anatomy School, on the same story, was 
that for Hebrew, afterwards Music and Rhetoric, sometime used as a drying-room 
for the Press.' — Ingram's Memorials, Vol. ii, No. 47, p. 14. 

39 6 


and other warehouse work was done in the cellars of the 
Shcldonian Theatre hard by, and there the ' Classical books ' 
were stacked \ 

On the opposite, that is on the East, side of the Clarendon 
Building was situated the ' Bible Press.' In the rooms on 
the ground floor, back and front, were carried on the slow 
and tedious processes of printing copies of Bibles and Prayer 
Books by hand. Why more slow and tedious than in the 
case of other works, is it asked ? Because while Learned 
Press books were printed in hundreds, Bibles and Prayer 
Books were required in thousands. Overhead were installed 
the Bible and Prayer Book compositors ; and when, a few 
years later, the accommodation for these proved insufficient, 
some of them ' overflowed ' into a house on the other side of 
Cat Street, now No. 29, where a double-windowed room 
on the first floor was fitted up with compositors' frames and 

The printed sheets of Bibles and Prayer Books were dried 
over the heads of the pressmen, as in the case of the Learned 
Press books ; and such as were required for immediate 
delivery were pressed and gathered and sent away. Those 
that remained were stocked in the large room adjoining 
the Tower of the Five Orders, called the Writing School, now 
a part of the Bodleian Library. Subsequent orders for the 
binders involved still another move ; for the sheets were 
carried up to the front of the Clarendon Building, and packed 
in the passage ; then two long planks having been put from 
the highest step to the top of a wagon drawn up outside, the 
bales were laboriously pushed and guided into the wagon, in 
which they securely jogged along the high road to London, 
where they were bound and supplied to the booksellers. 

We have seen that the accommodation afforded at the 
Printing-house was insufficient for the printer ; but what 
shall be said of his tools and the other appliances of his craft ? 
These had remained almost unchanged ever since the invention 
of the art of printing. The ' casting ' or jerking of the hot 

1 'A room beneath is still [? 1832] used as a warehouse for the books printed 
there [at the Sheldonian] and at the Clarendon Press.' — Ingram's Memorials, 
No. 12, p. 10. 


metal into the mould, in making the types, was still always 
done by hand : the press upon which proofs were pulled, 
or final copies tediously worked off, was a crazy structure, 
built, as has been said, of wood, excepting that a stone slab 
made a bed upon which the forme of type was placed. The 
descriptions of old writers on printing appliances show how 
ramshackle the wooden presses were. Their framing was 
actually intended to admit of yielding ; ' the head being 
packed up with elastic substances, such as scaleboard, paste- 
board, and the felt of an old hat. ... In an elastic press the 
pressure is gained by screwing or straining the parts up to 
a certain degree of tension, and the effort to return produces 
the pressure V Again : ' Every joynt between these are 
subject to squeeze by the force of a pull. . . . This is the 
reason that the coming down of the toe ought to be just thus 
much ; for should it be less, the natural spring that all these 
joynts have, when they are unsqueezed, &c. 2 ' 

To ink the forme the workman dabbed the type with 
a round ' ball,' or leather pad, stuffed with wool, and nailed 
to a wooden handle ; and the means provided for cleansing 
these balls, when they became clogged with ink, were very 
unsavoury 3 . They were soaked in urine, and the pelts, being 
stripped off, were placed near the feet of the pressman, to be 
trodden out as he worked. 

Again, the light by which the printer was expected to do 
his work on dark days was afforded by tallow candles stuck in 
tin candlesticks, which were loaded with lead at the bottom to 
prevent their being upset. The compositor placed his candles 
in the boxes of his case. He was allowed two 'fours,' if he 
happened to be working, as he does now, with three pairs 
of cases ; otherwise he had only one, and this he had to carry 
with him whenever he went to correct at the ' stone.' The 

1 Dictionary of the Art of Printing. By William Savage. Longmans, 1 841. P. 782. 

2 Luckombe's Art of Printing, pp. 311, 312. 

3 Among the curiosities once in the possession of the late Mr. William 
Blades, author of the ' Life of Caxton,' is an advertisement sheet, post folio in 
size, announcing the discovery by Mr. Cunningham, printer, of Southampton, 
of 'A substitute for urine in making and preserving printing-balls, adopted at 
a meeting of Master Printers, Dec. 11, 1801.' — Catalogue of the Caxton Exhibition, 
Class K, p. 418. 



pressman lodged his in the most convenient places he could 
find in or near his press. He had three: a 'four' for the 
bank ; a ' six ' for the tympan ; and an ' eight ' for the slab. 
The foreman printer gave out these candles, and a boy 
went round in the morning and collected the drippings and 
gutterings as his perquisite. How the Clarendon Printing- 
house escaped being burned to the ground long before it was 
abandoned by the printers is a marvel. 

One improvement of the wooden handpress must, however, 
be recorded, that made early in the seventeenth century by 
Blaew, 1 . It is fully set out in 'The History and Art of 
Printing, in two parts, by P. Luckombe, M.T.A. London, 
Printed by W. Adlard & J. Browne, Fleet Street, for J. John- 
son, No. 72, St. Paul's Churchyard. 177 1.' A frame of iron 
above and attached to the platen, like a skeleton box, through 
the centre of which the spindle or screw worked, helped to 
give a sort of rebound to the platen after the pull was 
taken. Save for such slight modifications the wooden hand- 
press of 1790 was the counterpart of the wooden handpress of 
1490. Not a great change, it must be admitted, in three 
hundred years. It is curious that, long before any further 
change was made in the construction of the handpress, the 
principle of the cylinder machine — a principle upon which all 
the fast printing-machinery of the nineteenth century is based 
— had been patented by William Nicholson 2 . 


Lord Stanhope's Iron Presses of the First 
and Second Constructions. 

[D.M.] October 25, 1796. — Minutes of the Committee appointed 
by the Delegates of the Press for conferring with the Partners in 
the Bible trade. Present, &c. — Messrs. Bensley and Cooke reported 
that . . . three new Presses have been put up since Mr. Bensley and 

1 There were two Blaews, or Blaeuws : William Janszoon the father, born 1 571 , 
died 1638; and Joan Blaew the son, born about 1600, died 1673. Both were 
mapmakers and printers. It was the elder Blaew who improved the press, and 
who was a friend of Tycho Brahe. 

2 His patent is dated April 29, 1790; although it was not until 1810 that the 
first ' power ' machine was actually constructed by Friedrich Konig. 


Mr. Cooke were admitted partners, two of them on an improv'd 
construction ; and the rest have been repair'd. 

But these three were evidently wooden presses. Blaew's 
improvement in quickening the pace having only revealed 
the essential weakness of the wooden press, some change of 
construction was imperatively demanded. Lord Stanhope was 
first in the field with a new press, made of iron, and with 
a system of compound levers for raising the platen after the 
pull, in lieu of the ' squeezing and ^squeezing ' described by 
Luckombe, or of a rope and weight. An iron press ' of the 
first construction ' at the present Clarendon Press has letters, 
sunk deep in the front of the principal iron casting, declaring 
' Stanhope invenit ' ; while, cut lower down in a more modest 
place, is an inscription which records ' Walker fecit.' (See 

On the pamphlet dated 1807, entitled ' Specification respect- 
ing Ships and Vessels, by Charles Earl Stanhope,' mentioned 
already, the imprint is : — ' London : Stereotyped by A. Wilson, 
Duke Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields, and printed by him in Wild 
Court, at the Iron Press of the Second Construction invented 
by Lord Stanhope/ The iron presses ' of the first construc- 
tion ' have straight cheeks, and were found to be too weak in 
the frame. Those ' of the second construction ' have rounded 
cheeks, giving a larger and stronger frame for the principal 
part of the press 1 . It will be seen that the wooden press 
failed because it was too weak to withstand the pressure it was 
called upon to bear ; the first iron press also failed, and for the 
same reason. The real ' Stanhope inventions ' were the use of 
the compound lever and the introduction of a larger platen to 
print the forme at one impression. This is what Charles 
Earl Stanhope writes : — 

1 ' Stower, in his "Printer's Grammar," 1808 (p. 499), says Walker was the 
ironsmith employed by Lord Stanhope to work out his inventions, and the man 
who made all the first presses : but there was the first, and then an improvement 
on the first. Your No. 13 is, I suppose, the thirteenth which Walker made for 
you. The early presses had straight cheeks ; and the first of these was, in 
Johnson's time (1824) and many years after, in the printing office of Bensley. 
Anyhow, if your press has straight cheeks pray keep it — the round cheeks are 
common enough.' — (Letter from William Blades, to H. H. dated Dec. 4, 1888.) 



[S.P.] When Bleau (sic) first introduced his prefses (which were 
almost as superior to those which preceeded (sic) them as Earl Stan- 
hope's are to Bleau's), the obstacles thrown in their way were so many, 
that Luckombe, when he wrote his Printer's Grammar, could only 
account for the slowness with which they were adopted, by the 
' Prefsmen not having reason sufficient to distinguish between an 
excellent improved invention, and a make-shift slovenly contrivance 
practised in the minority of the Art V 

This prejudice, however, has been confined to the Metropolis, 
and even here we are happy to observe it is gradually wearing away. 
Those Printers in the Country, whose workmen are generally more 
tractable than those in London, and who are not blinded by pre- 
judice or ignorance, have found no difficulty in introducing them with 
the very best effect. 

The high price of the Stanhope prefs (compared with that of the 
common wooden ones) has, by many, been considered as likely to 
check the sale of them, and render the general adoption of them 
doubtfuL But when we reflect that £60. and even £70. have fre- 
quently been given for presses on the French construction, we 
certainly shall not be induced to consider the price of the Stanhope 
press so extravagant as it has been represented. With respect to 
their general adoption, it can only be a work of time, for we cannot 
for a moment suppose, that a Printer will pull down his old Prefses 
and burn them (for sell them he cannot) for the sake of replacing 
them with others on the Stanhope construction ; but, as he finds it 
necefsary, either from the increase of his businefs, or the failure of 
his old Prefses, to employ new ones, he will, we are convinced, resort 
to the Stanhope Prefs as the only one calculated to answer all the 
purposes of fine as well as common printing. 

The accompanying plate contains a facsimile of Lord Stan- 
hope's first sketch of the frame, &c. of an iron press ; and 
beside it is a photographic illustration of a Stanhope press ' of 
the first construction ' still in use at the Clarendon Press, 
Walton Street. The date is before 1805. 

The regulations on the next page are in Lord Stanhope's 
own style, and were certainly drafted by him : — 

1 ' There are two sorts of [wooden] presses in use, the old and the new fashioned ; 
the old sort, till of late years, were the only presses used in England, for which 
there can be no other reason given, but' [then follows the sentence which Lord 
Stanhope quotes]. — Luckombe, p. 291. 



THIS Press contains a mechanical power, far superior to any of those inventions which are 
commonly termed The Mechanical Powers. It is therefore proper to regulate this immense 
force, in such a manner, as to prevent it from breaking or injuring the Machine itself. This 
is completely effected, by means of a small piece of iron, half an inch square, which belongs to 
the Press, and which is called the REGULATOR. 

When any Form is laid on, and before the Press is pulled for trial, or adjustment; the 
REGULATOR should be placed against the Stop of the Upper Lever Bar, in order to 
keep that Lever Bar at the distance of half an inch from its Stop. 

Four adjusting Sheets of thick printing Paper, exclusively of the sheet to be 
printed, must then be placed on the Tympan, in addition to the thin blanket or papers it may 
contain. And these four adjusting Sheets being thus placed on the Tympan, the Hand 
Bar must be pulled, in order to bring the Upper Lever Bar quite home to the REGULA- 
TOR, if it can be brought home to it by a common pull of one man's right arm. But, if it 
cannot; then, one sheet of paper must be taken out of the Tympan, or two or more sheets, if 
necessary, till the Upper Lever Bar can be brought home to the REGULATOR by a 
common pull, as mentioned above. 

But it is particularly necessary to be observed, that, during all this time, the four ad- 
justing Sheets must remain on the Tympan, and none of them must be taken off, upon any 
account, at the time the pull is taken. 

When the Press is adjusted in the manner just explained, its power is upwards of three hun- 
dred times the force of one man, which (as experience has fully proved) is more than sufficient 
to work off the heaviest Form ; inasmuch as the generality of Printing Presses now made are 
only equal to fifty times the force of one man. 

The four adjusting Sheets may now be taken away ; and then (but not till then) the 
REGULATOR may be removed, and the Press worked. If the REGULATOR should, 
contrary to the rule here laid down, be removed before the four adjusting Sheets are taken 
away ; then, the power of the Press, from that circumstance alone, becomes equal to the force 
of several thousand men. This force is so immense, that the very Cheeks of the Press have 
actually been pulled in two, when the rule above laid down has not been properly attended to. 
This fact proves, in a very striking manner, the prodigious power of the Press ; because it has 
been calculated that those thick Cast Iron Cheeks would require a dead pull equal to at 
least the weight of four hundred tons, in order to tear them in two, in that manner. 

Such an accident can, evidently, never happen, except from the injudicious and unsafe 
application of the new and enormous force which this Press is capable of producing, when its 
full power is brought into action, at the end or extremity of the pull. 

Too much caution cannot be had, with respect to the power of this Printing Press. And the 
Pressmen should be very particularly instructed, never to add any blanket, or even any sheet 
of paper, in or on the Tympan, nor to use any overlays, without ascertaining the actual power 
of the Press, in the simple manner above explained ; namely, by trying the pull, when the 
REGULATOR is placed against the Stop, and when the four adjusting Sheets are, at the 
very same time, placed on the Tympan. 

The two following UNIVERSAL RULES should be laid down. 

First, Never to interpose any additional thickness, between the Coffin and the Platten, 
without first ascertaining the power of the pull, by using (by way of trial) the REGULATOR, 
together with the four adjusting Sheets, in the manner particularly explained above. 

And, secondly, Never to pull the Press, without taking out the four adjusting Sheets 
hefore the REGULATOR is removed. 

Vine Street, Piccadilly. -July, 1805. ROBERT WALKER, Press-Maker. 


Stereotyped and printed by A. Wilson, Duke Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields. 

D d 



That Lord Stanhope was exceedingly anxious to avoid bad 
workmanship in his presses is shown by the following letter, 
boldly endorsed in his handwriting, ' Copy of Earl Stanhope's 
Letter to Mr. Andrew Wilson, dated Jany. 4th, 1805 ; about the 
28 Printing Presses! At this time, apparently, Walker was 
copying the Stanhope Press, and selling it on his own 
account : — 

[S.P.] Chevening House, near Sevenoaks, Kent, Jan. 4, 1805. 

Sir, — Having been informed that you have got a List of Twenty- 
Eight Printing Prefses wanted, for yourself or for others, to be made 
on the plan invented by me, I wish you to have the goodness to 
communicate forthwith, to a Meeting of those Master-Printers for 
whom the Prefses are intended, the contents of this Letter; and to 
inform me, by a Line, after you have done so, what their opinion is, 
with respect to the following suggestion. 

It is a great object, that a good mechanical principle be not dis- 
credited by an imperfect execution, either with respect to strength, 
durability, or accuracy. For, a bad Article, becomes a dear Article to 
any one who becomes a purchaser. 

I should, therefore, strongly recommend to the Gentlemen concerned, 
to require any Person who shall undertake to execute so large an order, 
to give first a Bond, in a penal Sum of not lefs than five thousand 
Pounds, that he will permit any one or more of the twenty-eight Stanhope- 
Prefses to be publicly examined by the Inventor at the Pantheon, or 
such other public place, in the presence of all the Master-Printers 
of London and Westminster ; provided that Mr. Walker of Vine Street 
shall consent to bring one of the Prefses executed by him, to undergo 
a simitar public Examination, with respect to each property or circum- 
stance relative to which the other prefs shall have been thus submitted 
to examination. The Result is to be drawn up, upon the spot, by 
a Committee of Printers, and to be published in all the daily Papers. 

This strict and just mode of proceeding will ensure the great object 
of causing the Printers to be well and honestly served. 

I am very anxious that a Number of defective Prefses shall not be 
delivered out to the public, purporting to be my invention. 

Believe me, Sir, very sincerely Yours, 

Mr. Andrew Wilson, (signed) Stanhope. 

Printer, Wild Court. 

Among these purchasers were the Oxford Delegates : — 
[D. M.] October 17, 1805.— -Mr. Bensley and Mr. Cooke, Part- 
ners, and Printers to the University, report that two new Prefses 


of Lord Stanhope's Invention, have been already put up in the House. 
A Model 1 of this new invented Press was also brought by Mr. Bensley 
as a present to the Board from Lord Stanhope. 

[D.M.] October 25, 1805.— Order'd, That the Vice-Chancellor be 
requested to write a Letter of Thanks to Earl Stanhope for the Present 
of the Model of his new Printing Press. 

[D.M.] December 11, 1805.— Order'd, That Mr. Collingwood be 
empowered to order one of the new Presses from Mr. Walker [!] for 
the use of the learned side of the Press. 

Lord Stanhope records the following items of information 
from outside : — 

[S. P.] May, 1809. — Mr. Whittingham (printer) uses 2 fine cloath 
blankets. Wears the Types much lefs than 1 does. Prefers 2 Rollers 
for wetting paper to 2 Boards. Prefers Foreign (Italian) Ink to any 

The following memorandum from the ' Partners of the Bible 
Trade,' Messrs. Bensley, Cooke, Collingwood, and Parker, 
shows how the want of room for more Stanhope presses led 
up to the building of a new printing-office : — 

[D. M.] Oct. 20, 1812. — In consequence of the increased demands 
for Books from the Oxford Bible Warehouse, to the supply of which 
demands the present Establishment is found to be inadequate, it is 
judged expedient to make a farther addition to the number of Prefses 
already employed in the House. 

The Partners therefore beg leave to submit this to the consideration 
of the Delegates of the Press — and farther to represent to them, that 
as the Printing House is incapable of containing more Presses, it is 
necessary, in order to carry their wishes into effect, that some ad- 
ditional premises should be procured. 

And as it appears that there is now to be disposed of a house 
adjoining to Mr. Cooke's, which is large enough for the purpose, and 
which, from its proximity to the Clarendon Press, would be found 
very convenient, the Partners take the liberty to request that the 
Delegates would have the goodness to put them in possession of that 
house — by which they would be enabled to set up four more prefses, 
and, which is of very great importance, to appropriate two rooms at 
the Stereotype Office to the purposes of drying, &c. 

It is proposed to place the Compositors, the Pickers, and the Copper- 
Plate Printer in the new house. The sum demanded for the house 

1 This model has been carelessly lost, or broken up. 
D d 3 


is 4oo£. In addition to which it will probably be necessary to 
expend ioo£ in repairs. 

This provision, however, sufficed for less than thirteen 
years : — 

[D. M.] April 29, 1825. — The partners having reported that in con- 
sequence of the increafed and increafing demands for Bibles and 
Common P-bks they are apprehenfive that the market cannot be 
fupplied unless more room can be obtained for the erection of 
warehoufes and other buildings of fufficient capacity to carry on the 
trade, Resolved that it be recommended to the Delegates of the press 
to purchafe a lot of land now for fale in St. Thomas's parish, on which 
the requisite buildings may be erected. 

[D. M.] November 2, 1825. — Mess. Collingwood and Parker having 
carefully confidered of the buildings proper for carrying on the increafed 
and increafing bufinefs of printing bibles and common prayer books, 
and Mr. Dan Robertfon architect having made a plan in conformity 
with their fuggestions, the committee fubmit it to the confideration of 
the board, hoping, that, if it be approved, directions may be given for 
the preparation of working plans and fpecifications, and fubsequently 
for obtaining the tenders of builders willing to undertake the work. 

The result was the building of the New University Printing- 
house in Walton Street, and its occupation in 1830. 

It is not necessary to pursue this part of the subject. The 
Stanhope iron press was immediately improved upon by other 
makers. Its inventor claimed no monopoly, and refused to 
protect his invention ; indeed, as in the case of Stereotyping, 
he almost invited others to exploit it. The Stanhope press 
was soon superseded by the Columbian and other iron presses ; 
and these again were displaced by Cope's Albion press, which 
has a spring in addition to the levers. Cope's handpress still 
holds the field (1896). 

Inking with Rollers. 

Simultaneously with his improvements in regard to stereo- 
typing and to presses, Lord Stanhope turned his attention to 
the mode of inking. Among his papers is a sheet headed — 

[S. P.] ' Specimens of Typography, without the Use of Balls ; executed 
at the Printing Press lately invented by Earl Stanhope. The Printing 


Press made by Mr. Robert Walker, of Vine Street, Piccadilly. The 
Inking Roller made by Mr. Charles Fairbone, of New Street, Fetter 
Lane. London : Printed by William Bulmer & Co., at the Shakespeare 
Printing Office, Cleveland Row, 1803.' • 

In this sheet the woodcuts appear inked by the new method ; 
and in a memorandum which has no date Lord Stanhope refers 
to ' the leather of the roller/ which shows that his rollers were 
made of that material, and not of treacle and glue, as now. 
Lord Stanhope made experiments with everything which was 
likely to do better than leather, but did not achieve complete 
success 1 . He also gives receipts for the making of ink ; and, 
as the scheme for his book shows, he intended to deal with 
' paper V The woodcuts in the specimens are as black as if 
they were printed yesterday. 


The Stanhope 'Cases' and the Stanhope 

While serving the pressman and the stereotyper, Lord 
Stanhope did not forget the compositor. He considered that 
the ordinary double and triple letters, such as fi and ffi, were 
not sufficiently useful as combinations to be retained in the 
printer's case ; and that the other letters, the single ones, were 
not placed in the cases conveniently. In order to get rid of 
the old logotypes, Lord Stanhope wished to alter the shape 

1 ' All that Lord Stanhope so anxiously desired, and which even his inventive 
and indefatigable powers could not surmount, was at length achieved by the mere 
chance observation of a process in the Staffordshire potteries, in which they use 
what are there called dabbers. These were formed of a composition which ap- 
peared to possess every requisite for holding and distributing the ink, imparting it 
equally over the forme, and being easily kept clean, soft, and pliable. Mr. Forster, 
an ingenious printer, then in the employ of Mr. S. Hamilton, at the bookseller's 
printing office at Weybridge, was the first who applied it to letter-press printing, 
by spreading it, in a melted state, upon coarse canvas ; and making balls, in all 
other respects in the usual manner. The inventors of printing machinery soon 
caught the idea, and by running the composition as a coat upon wooden cylinders, 
produced the apparatus so long and unsuccessfully sought by Lord Stanhope, 
and without which no machine-printing would ever have succeeded.' — Hansard's 
Typographia, p. 623. 

2 See p. 373. 



of the lower-case f, and the weighty reasons which he gave 
for the new shape of that letter are very amusing. ' Man,' he 
says, ' is so much the child of custom, and so much the implicit 
admirer of fancied beauty, that I believe that if the human 
body generally was very round-shouldered, and if the head 
projected considerably beyond the chest, it would, in such 
a case, be a deformity to see a man with an upright body, 
and carrying his head erect. Having this opinion upon so 
weighty a subject, I was not surprised to meet with objectors 
to the proposed alteration in the shape of so humble a servant 
of literature as the letter f : readers had so long been ac- 
customed to meet her with a downcast head, apparently too 
weighty to be supported by her feeble neck, that she failed in 
meeting with a welcome reception in assuming the appearance 
of strength by carrying her head upright V He devised an 
entirely different system of 4 logotypes ' — i. e. letters joined 
together so as to make a word or part of a word — and relaid the 
cases on a new plan. Lengthy columns of figures, on all sorts of 
scraps, and designs both rough and finished, remain to show 
the vigour and concentration of mind with which he approached 
this new scheme. First, he thought that one large case should 
contain all the letters — capitals, small letters, points, &c. ; 
of which case the left-hand corner was notched out, so as to 
make room for the compositor's body, and to bring all the 
letters within reach of his right arm. Next, Lord Stanhope 
changed this plan, and located the capitals and small letters 
in various parts of two separate cases. In his second design 
he determined that the partitions which kept apart the letters 
in the case should be sloping and not upright. He thought 
that the compositor could pick out the types more easily. 
Having worked the idea out on paper, he next, with his usual 
thoroughness, had cases made on the new method. But in 
this instance also his efforts were not crowned with success. 
Two of his logotype cases came to light a few years ago 
during some alterations at the Clarendon Press, and no com- 
positor had any idea what they were. Search in reference 
books, however, revealed that they were figured and described 

1 Hansard's Typographia, p. 477. 
































































































(From the Stanhope Papers) 

cm urn 

Z \ X I 


10-Z6 1 





(.Fro;// the Stanhope Papers) 

(From the original at the Clarendon Press) 


in Johnson's Typographia, vol. ii. pp. 102-3. But, alas ! 
when the case is tilted up, as it must be in use, all the types 
fall out ! A photographic representation of one is given 
herewith, together with sketches showing the first and second 
ideas of Lord Stanhope. 

But just as, in his other ' inventions,' Lord Stanhope was 
not the only worker in the field, so was it in the case of his 
logotypes. It is a fact (although in these days it seems in- 
credible when stated) that the Times newspaper was started 
in order to prove — not what a great newspaper ought to be 
— but to show that logotype-printing was the only proper 
way to print ! Mr. Godfrey Walter, the present manager of 
the Times, has been good enough to let me see some of the 
actual logotypes used by the first John Walter. The story is 
short, and bears directly on our subject. In 1782 John Walter, 
the founder, printer, conductor, and first editor of the Times, 
1 became associated with one Henry Johnson, a compositor, 
who entertained original views on the art and method of 
printing. For the ordinary moveable types, representing single 
letters, Johnson held that an economical substitute could be 
found in what were called "logotypes," or whole words cast 
in type 1 .' Mr. Walter 'was impressed with these improve- 
ments ; he contributed to complete them, and became, in 
concert with Johnson, a patentee of printing by means of 
" logotypes." He was confident that logotype-printing would 
effect a revolution by which both the nation and he would 
profit. He founded the newspaper now known as the Times 
to prove that newspapers, as well as books, could be printed 
far better and more cheaply than by the system in common 
use V 

' Such was the origin of the Times. Mr. Walter had set up 
in business as a printer and publisher on a new typographical 
system, and the Daily Universal Register was founded, as a 
commercial venture, on the faith of the new system. It was 
"printed logographically," as the title informed its readers; and 
several books, which are frequently advertised in the earlier 

1 See an account of the Centenary of the Times, given in the issue of Jan. 2, 
1888, p. 9. 

a Nineteenth Century for January, 1885, pp. 45, 46. 



numbers of the Times, were also printed by the same method 
and published by Mr. Walter in Printinghousc-Squarc. When 
the title was changed, the paper was still printed " logographi- 
cally"; and these words are found on the first page of the 
Times throughout the first year of its existence. Never- 
theless the logographic system ultimately proved a failure, 
and Mr. Walter abandoned it 1 .' 

A similar fate befell the logotypes of Charles Earl Stanhope ; 
although his confidence in their success was frequently stated. 
Papers remain showing how, with infinite pains, he cor- 
rected and tabulated all the letters, points, spaces, &c, in 
twenty pages of Enfield's ' Speaker,' and proved, to his 
own satisfaction, that such letters as occurred frequently in 
combination, like ' and,' ' from,' ' the,' &c, should be cast in 
one piece, and then enormous labour would be saved. Theo- 
retically he was right; but the extraordinary size to which 
the compositor's case would have had to be increased in order 
to give him a sufficient supply of the Stanhope (or indeed 
any other) logotypes, proved fatal to the scheme. Logotypes 
are not largely used in any printing-office. When they will 
save the compositor labour, it is easy for him to put the word 
aside in the act of distributing ; and thus to reserve it for 
further use, whether it contains three letters, or two, or four. 
This possibility is fatal to logotypes in general, and no doubt 
brought about the failure of Lord Stanhope's system. Here 
are some of his calculations : — 

[S. P.] From an attentive Examination of Twenty Pages of Enfield's 
Speaker, (namely, Page 7 1 to 90, both inclusive), it appears that the 
Nine following Ligatures, now in Use, occur only the Number of 
Times hereafter mentioned : 

ff 28 

fi 51 These are proposed to be 

ffi 4 printed with separate Types, thus : 

fl 10 ff, fi, ffi, fl, ffl. And the Italic 

ffl 2 ff,fi,ffi, &c. instead of ff, 

M, (E, ae, ce . o Ji,ff,&c. 

Total, only 95 

1 Times, January 2, 1888, p. 9. 


If the Eight following new Double Letters were, agreeably to 
Earl Stanhope's Plan, to be substituted instead thereof, then the 
Number of Lifts saved, in the same Twenty Pages, would be 
3073, viz. 

2301 Brought forward. 

3073 Total saved. 

Earl Stanhope has contrived Type-Cases on a new Principle, in 
order to preserve the Types from Wear, when the Cases become low. 
Mr. Keeton, Carpenter, in Brewer Street, Golden Square, has had 
an Order to make a great Number of them for the University of Cam- 
bridge. They are to be seen at his House. The above-mentioned 
Double Letters, together with the Advantage derived from the new 
Cases, may save one Hour in six to the Compositor. This is a Cir- 
cumstance of immense Value in all those Instances where Dispatch is 
required. One Upper and one Lower Case, on the new Plan, will 
answer well for a Fount of Five Hundred m's of the new broad-face 
Long Primer : and an equal Weight of m's of any other Fount will 
nearly correspond thereto. Two Lower Cases, on the new Plan, 
contain the Types of three Cases on the old Construction. The new 
Cases are of the same Length and Breadth as the old, but they are 

The Roman Letter, in the following Extract, is a Specimen of the 
new broad-face Long Primer of Caslon and Catherwood, of 
Chiswell Street : and the smaller Type, under it, is their new broad- 
face Minion. The new Double Letters are added to those Founts. 
Those two beautiful Letters are of the right Size for Newspapers. 
The broad-face Letter does not drive out, as appears from the follow- 
ing Comparison with former narrow-face Letter. 

New Type. ||abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz,;:.||abcdefg^ 

Old Type. ||abcdefghijklmnopqrsruvwxyz,}:.||abcdefghijklmnopqrstuvwxyz,}:.jJ 
*- "■■*■»"■- j 

Printed by A. Wilson, Wild Court, Lincoln's Inn Fields. 



Carried forward 








Of this, the last invention mentioned in Lord Stanhope's 
list, only a few details are given in his papers. But in this 
connexion the reader is first referred to the curious particulars 
given in Foulis' and Tilloch's patent as to ' striking or stamp- 
ing in metal, clay, or earth, or a mixture of clay and earth 1 .' 
Then, there are in the work of Camus some remarkable details 
about copperplates, and of processes for multiplying plates. 
Referring to Gengembre, Camus says : ' Une autre operation 
du Citoyen Gengembre— operation que je n'hesite pas a 
qualifier de d^couverte — fut la multiplication de planches pour 
la gravure en tailledouce. Le resultat ^tait d'obtenir, d'une 
seule planche graved en creux, plusieurs planches egalement 
gravees en creux, toutes identiques 2 .' This Camus calls ' poly- 
typage ' ; probably it suggested to Lord Stanhope what he 
called Pantatype. In the letter of A. Wilson to 'Authors, 
Booksellers, Printers, and Schoolmasters 3 already quoted, 
Pantatype is described as ' universal type-printing.' It was 
perhaps the copying of engraved blocks and plates by stereo- 
typing in hard metal. Notice the following fragment : — 

[S.P.] Important exp[erimen]ts in Autumn 1811. — Zink equal 3, 
& Tin equal 2, good Metal for multiplying engravings; but 1 brass 
& 5 Tin flill better, & best yet, for that purpose. Cuts beautifully and 
uncommonly fine ; ftands well at oblike Crossings ; and does not soil 
the Cutter. 

Andrew Wilson (i. e. Lord Stanhope) says Pantatype was 
invented by Foulis ; and it is classed with Stereotyping, as 
though the processes were allied. It is curious that quite 
recently the multiplying of engravings by casting in hard 
metal 3 has come again into vogue ; and that the inventor of 
the process claims for it nearly as much power to withstand 
impression as Lord Stanhope claimed for Pantatype. 

1 See note 1, p. 373. 2 Histoire, &c. p. 476. 

3 Dalziel's process of copying engravings in relief. 


In John Bulwer's Chirologia, 16445 signature A 2, the fol- 
lowing lines occur : — 

' In Nature's Hieroglyphique grasp'd, the grand 
And expresse Pantotype of Speech, the Hand? 

This however has probably no reference to Stanhope's idea, 
but is merely a parallel formation, meaning ' universal type.' 

What then was Pantatype? My own opinion is that, 
inspired by the long string of inventions described, and of 
inventors catalogued, by Citizen Camus, Lord Stanhope 
thought he saw his way to a widespread adoption of what we 
now call ' process ' work ; and this of course before photo- 
graphy was dreamed of. Stereotypes were to be used instead 
of types ; hard-metal relief blocks in place of wood-cuts ; 
intaglio engravings were to be copied and turned into relief 
blocks by the processes of Gengembre and others. Books, 
drawings, maps, plans, engravings — all were to be capable of 
multiplication at their sources, as well as by printing-off 
copies. Pantatype was the name he gave to these processes, 
which in his own mind he arranged as a series. In that sense 
Pantatype would be ' universal type-printing.' But he did 
not live either to perfect his inventions or to finish his book. 

Nevertheless, the services rendered by Charles Earl Stan- 
hope to the printers of his day and generation were real and 
great ; and their effect remains. If it cannot be said that any 
immediate gain accrued to the Universities of Oxford and 
Cambridge from his process of stereotyping, that was because 
the very terms of agreement upon which he insisted rendered 
a practical monopoly impossible 1 . No doubt the sum of 
£4,000 paid (with his consent) to Andrew Wilson by the 
University of Oxford, together with other sums from the 

1 'Lord Stanhope would never suffer any of his improvements in printing to 
become subjects of patent or monopoly. So extremely anxious was he upon this 
subject, that, whenever he had anything new in hand, which he found likely to 
succeed, his first step was, to take the precaution of entering a notice or caveat at 
the Patent Office, to prevent any one else taking advantage of his ideas, and 
obtaining a patent. These caveats he regularly renewed at the end of the limited 
period.' — Hansard's Typographia, pp. vi, vii. 



University of Cambridge, amounting (as he says) to £3,900 1 
are included in those calculations of Wilson which have been 
printed together with his appeal for more money. But 
certainly Lord Stanhope would have none of it ; and how 
many thousands of pounds in addition were sunk by Charles 
Earl Stanhope in his various schemes, will never now be 

He died in 1816; and the fate of ' many inventions' has be- 
fallen his processes. Stereotyping, as he understood it, and of 
which he wrote in large capitals — the gypsum or plaster process, 
that is- — has been practically abandoned. The Stanhope iron 
handpress was altogether superseded in a few years ; and the 
handpress printer has been nearly improved off the face of 
the earth by the power of steam and the cylinder printing- 
machine. Stanhope type-cases survive only as curiosities ; and 
the Stanhope logotypes have long since been consigned to the 
melting-pot. Doubtless the ready ear and the open purse 
of Lord Stanhope brought him impracticable proposals from 
plausible schemers. But he did solid good to the Art of 
Printing at a time when help was sorely needed ; and his 
association with the ancient Press of the University of Oxford 
deserves at least this imperfect record. 


1 See note, p. 383. 





Abberbury, see Alberbury. 
Abingdon, 6, 276. 

Abingdon, James Bertie 1st earl of, 
lord lieutenant of Oxfordshire, corre- 
spondence between him and Henry 
2nd earl of Clarendon, 245-278. 

Academy, the, cited, 249, 261. 

Aclyff (de Acley), John (c. 1380), 
account of him, 23. 

Act of Parliament, granting aids to 
Henry VII, 161. 

Act of Supply (1485), 90, 160. 

Acts of Resumption, 85, 89, 155-161. 

Adam de Claghton, his son Ralph, 100. 

Adam de Lymbergh, clerk, 116, 117. 

Adam de Murimath, 9, 10. 

Adam de Toneworth, Chancellor of 
Univ. of Oxf., 143, 149. 

Adam de Weston (131 2), 89, 114. 

Adams, — , of Hertford coll. (1829), 
34 2 - 

Adams, dr., fellow of Magdalen College, 

Adams, Andrew, of Welton, 281. 

— his daughter Katherine, 281. 
Adams, rev. Knightley, 339. 
Addington (Adyngton), see Stephen de 

Addison, printed works of, 381. 
Adlard, W, printer, 398. 
yEgidius (Egidius), Super libros Physi- 

corum, ms., 235. 
Agas's map of Trin. Coll., 48. 
Agathon, hermit, 207. 
Akeley, see Oakley, co. Bucks. 
Albemarle, 2nd duke of (Christopher 

Monk), 257, 260. 
Alberbury (Abberbury), 158. 
Albertus, list of manuscripts of, 234. 

— price of a MS. of, 219. 

Aldrich, Henry, dean of Ch. Ch., 327, 

Alexander IV, pope, 201. 
Alexander, Johannes, Super epidimica 
Ypocratis, ms., 243. 

Alford (Old Ford ?), near London, bp. 

Hatfield's house at, 12. 
Alfred, king, 144, 288. 
Algazel, ms., 37. 

Aliens, seizure of their lands into the 
King's hands (14th cent.), 99. 

Allertonshire, lordship of, co. York, 15. 

Alnewick, William, bp. of Lincoln, his 
Official (1443), 64. 

Alsace, 377. 

Altisidorus, Summa, ms., 228. 
Alverton, 56, 59, 65. 

— church of, 61. 

— vicar of, 63. 

Ambrose, St., De bono mortis, ms., 228 ; 

price of the ms., 218. 
Amherst, N., his Terra filius cited, 

284, 290, 295, 313, 318, 323, 326, 


Amice, a Jewess, her appeal against 

a Scholar of Oxford, 93. 
Anaxagoras, 196. 

Anchorano, P. de, see Petrus de Ancho- 

Andreas, Johannes, manuscripts of, 237, 

Andrew de Wormenhale, 122, 123. 
Andrew, Richard, Warden of All Souls 

Coll., 159. 
Annates de Oseneia cited, 95. 
Anne, queen, 265. 

Anselmus, Libri Anselmi, mss., 37, 

Anslay, Hugh, 58. 
Apocalypse, high price of a MS., 219. 
Appleby (Appilby, Appylby), co. Leic. 
and Derb., 34. 

— church of, 1 1 ; appropriation of, 30. 
Appylby, William, account of him, 


Aquinas, see Thomas de Aquino. 
Archer, J., of Dublin, 375. 
Argyle, earl of, 259, 260, 263. 
Aristotle, 196. 

— list of manuscripts of, 234. 



Aristotle, commentaries upon Aristotle's 
works, mss., 37. 

— his History of Animals cited, 369. 

— influence of, 221. 

Arlington, earl of (Henry Bennet), his 

daughter, 258. 
Armagh, Archbp. of, see Fitzralph, 

Armstrong, Jane, 267. 
Armstrong, sir Thomas, 267, 268. 
Arran, Charles earl of, Chancellor of 

Univ. of Oxford, 286, 344, 346. 

— letter from, to lord Carteret, 288. 
Aswardby, Roger, Master of Univ. Hall, 


Atkinson, Lawrence, manciple, 71. 
Attemore, Benedict, is killed (1290), 

Attorney-General (P. Yorke), report of 

(i723-4)> 297-299, 343. 
Atwell, dr. Joseph, F.R.S., 296, 304. 

— elected Rector of Exeter, 301. 

— resigns his Rectorship, 307 
Aubrey, John, 20. 

Aubrey de Vere, see Oxford, earl of. 
Augmentation office, 21. 
Augustine, St., De Civitate Dei, price of 
the MS., 218. 

— list of various manuscripts of, 36, 37. 

— list of manuscripts of, given to New 
College, 223, 226, 228-233. 

— Super Psalterium, ms., 10, 39. 
Augustinian Canons, 47. 
Augustinian Constitutions (1339), 33- 

— Black Canons of the Augustinian 
Order, petition for a grant of pro- 
perty in Oxford, to build a house 
there, 89, 153. 

Aukland, John, bursar of Durham Coll., 
his accounts for 1462-5 ; 61-65. 

— payment to, 15. 

— as warden of Durham Coll., 25. 
Aungerville, Richard, see Richard de 


Aungerville library, see under Durham. 

Averroes, Collecta, ms., 243. 

Avicenna, Canon Avicennae, ms., 243. 

— ■ Libri naturales Avicenne, ms., 37. 

Avignon, bull dated from, 31. 

Avon, river, 265. 

Axminster, 257. 

Axminster Book, the, 257. 

Aylesbury, Thomas 2nd earl of, his 
secret mission to France, 268 ; Me- 
moirs of, cited, 268. 

Ayloffe, or Ayliffe, 262, 263. 

Ayrmynne, see William de Ayrmynne. 

Azo, In Summa, ms., 241. 

B., Mr., see Bowles, Joseph, fellow of 

Bacon, John, keeper of the King's Signet, 

Bacon, Roger, 98, 193. 

Bailey, Thomas, 296. 

Baldus, Opus Baldi . . ., ms., 241. 

— Repertorium super Speculo, and other 
mss., 238. 

Bale, John, quoted, 208. 
Bamborough, 47. 

Bamburgh (Baumburgh), see Thomas de 

Bampton, 255. 

Bangor, bp. of (1805), see Cleaver, 

Bard, see Beard. 
Bardney abbey, 47. 

Barillon, 'Mathieu' (? Matthews) of, 268. 
Baring, Thomas, M. P., vii. 
Barnard, dr., Head Master of Eton, 367. 
Barnes, Frederick, Junior Proctor (1805), 

Barnwell (Bernewell), co. Cambr., 157. 
Bartholomseus, De proprietate rerum, 
mss., 228, 234. 

— Practica, ms., 242. 
Bartholomeus Bryxensis, ms., 239. 
Bartholomew de Feretino, T07. 
Bartholus, Dominus, Super tribus libris 

extraord., ms., 241. 
Barton, Richard, monk of Durham, 24, 

5 1 . 65. 
Basle, 35, 381. 
Bath, 266, 267. 

Bath and Wells, bishops of, see 

Ken, Thomas. 

Skirlaw, Walter. 
Bathurst, Ralph, president of Trin. Coll., 


Beard (Bard), Thomas, 255, 262, 269, 

Beauchamp (Beuchamp, Beucham), in 

the Oxford riot, 184, 186. 
Beaufort, Henry Somerset 3rd marq. of 

Worcester, afterwards duke of, 260, 

263, 264. 
Beaumont, see Lewis de Beaumont. 
Becket, Thomas, archbp. of Canterbury, 


Beda, Omeliae, ms., 223. 

— Super Genesim . . ., ms., 37. 
Bede,— , 144. 

Bedeford, see John de Bedeford. 
Bedlington, church of, 34. 
Beechcroft, tithes of, 95. 
Beel, see Bell, Richard. 
Bek, Anthony, bp. of Durham, 7. 
Bell, John, of Botilston, attorney, 24, 

Bell (Beel, Bele), Richard, warden of 
Durham College, afterw. bp. of Car- 
lisle, 5, 16, 17, 55. 



Beltoft, William, 41. 

Benedict XII, pope, Constitutions of, 

7, 8, 26, 27, 32, 33, 35. 
Benedictine abbeys, 19. 
Benedictine monasteries, visitor of, see 

Burnby, John. 
Benedictines, the, 6, 15, 17, 23, 47. 
Bennett, dr. Robert, bursar of Durham 

abbey, 67, 70. 
Bensley, Thomas, printer, 382, 383, 

386-391, 394, 398, 399, 402. 
Benson, William (1459-79), 18. 
Benton, Long, see Mickle Benton. 
Benvenutus Graphaeus, De medicina 

oczilorum, ms., 243. 
Bereford, see John de Bereford, and 

William de Bereford. 
Berewey, co. Cambr., 156. 
Berington, John, see John de Beringlon. 
Berington (or de Walworthj, Robert, 

prior of Durham, 12, 34. 
Berks, county of, 15 1. 
Bernard, St., Rule of, 194. 

— Bernard and Benedict, 200. 

— Sermones, ms., 228. 

— Sermones . . . cum meditacionibus, 
ms., 225. 

— De methodo curandi morbos, ms., 243. 
Bernewell, see Barnwell. 

Bernwood forest, 131. 
Bertie, Charles, 257, 271, 274. 
Bertie, Henry, 255, 257. 
Bertie, James lord Norreys, afterw. earl 
of Abingdon, 247. 

— see also Abingdon, James earl of. 
Bertie, Richard, 257, 261. 
Berton, John, 147. 

Berwick, suffragan bishop of, see Sparke, 

Berwick, lord (d. 1842), 247. 
Beryngton, see Berington. 
Beuchamp, see Beauchamp. 
Beverley, collegiate church of St. John 

of, 62. 

— see John de Beverley. 
Biardus, Distinctiones, ms., 229. 
Bible, Latin, list of Manuscripts of the 

Bible, New Testament, and separate 
Books, with Commentaries, 39, 40, 
223, 225-230. 

— prices of manuscripts of, 219. 

— influence of the Bible, 221. 

— the Bible, New Test., &c, printed 
by J. Van der Mey, 374. 

— the printing of it in the stereotype 
process, 386, 388, 389, 391. 

Bignal, near Bicester, 275. 
Bignell, sir — , grant to Hert Hall by, 

Billington, John, manuscripts given by 
him to New College, 236. 


Bingham (Byngham), 14. 

Bishops of London, Ely, St. David's, 
Chichester and Salisbury, deputed to 
settle dispute between the Univer- 
sity of Oxford and the Doctors and 
Students of Law, 140; their decision 
confirmed, 140. 

Blackburne, Lancelot, bp. of Exeter, 
289, 297. 

Blacktoft (Blaktoft), chapel of, 61,62, 


— chaplain of, 62. 

— close in, 63. 
Blackwood, William, 376. 
Blades, Messrs., 260. 
Blades, William, 399 (note). 

— author of the Life of Caxton, 397. 
Bladon (Bladene), wood in, called Burg- 

wele, 97. 
Blaew, Joan, printer, 398. 
Blaew, or Blaeuw (Bleau), William 

Janszoon, mapmaker and printer, 398, 


Blakiston. rev. Herbert E. D., vi, 192. 

— editor of Some Durham College rolls, 

Blakiston, Marmaduke, commoner of 

Trin. Coll. (1579), 25. 
Blakiston (Blaykeston), see William de 


Blaklaw (Blaklow), see Robert de Blak- 

Blaktoft, see Blacktoft. 

Bliss, dr. Philip, his ed. of Wood's Fasti 

cited, 277. 
Blount, or Blunt, 67-69. 
Bluntesdon-Broad (Bluntesdene), land 

in, 97. 

Boase, rev. C. W., 168, 171, 175. 

— his Oxford, Hist. Towns series, cited, 

137- . , 

— his Regist. Coll. Exon. cited, 295, 

301, 307, 316. 

— his Regist. Univ. Oxf cited, 55, 70 
7 1 - 

Bodyn, Robert, grant of house from, 98. 
Boethius, Arsimetrica (sic), ms., 235. 

— De consolacione philosophiae, ms., 

— Boycius super Logicam, ms., 37. 
Bold on (Bolton), see Uthred de Bold on. 
Bologna (Buloyne), 35. 

Bolton, co. Northumb., 208. 
Bonaventura, ms., 229. 

— Scriptum super 2 m . Sentenciarum, 
ms., 40. 

Boniface VIII, pope, tenth imposed by 

him on the Clergy, 107. 
Boniface IX, pope, 14. 

— bull of (1396), its cost, 64. 
Bossall, see Burstall, priory of. 


4 i8 


Botfield, Beriah, his Catalogi vett. libb. 

eccl. Dunelm. cited, 35. 
Botilston, see Bell, John, of Botilston. 
Bouvier, — , a ' filigraniste,' 377, 378. 
Bowes, Robert, his Notes on Univ. 

printers of Cambridge cited, 383. 
Bowke, John, warden of New College, 

manuscripts, vestments, &c. given by 

him to New College, 232, 233. 
Bowles, Joseph, fellow of Oriel College, 


Boyd, dr. Henry, principal of Hertford 

Coll., vii. 
Boyne, battle of the, 268. 
Bradewardina, see Thomas de Bradwar- 


Brahe, Tycho, 398. 

Bramston, sir J., his Autobiography 

cited, 255, 268. 
Brantingham, church of, 8, 18, 61. 

— expenses of (1462-3), 62, 63. 

— advowson of, 64 ; its appropriation 
to Durham College, 64. 

— vicar of, see Benson, William. 
Braundene, see Simon of Braundene, 

and Thomas of Braundene. 
Brent, Roger, lord of the manor of 

Thrupp, 253. 
Brent, Thomas, 242. 
Bridgeman, Mr., 270. 
Bridgeman, John, bp. of Chester, 262. 
Bridgeman, sir Orlando, Lord Keeper, 


Bridgeman, William, account of him, 

Bridgewater, 260, 272-274. 
Bridlington, Prophetiae, ms., 224. 
Bridport, 268. 
Brill (Brehulle), 89, 131. 
Brill, E. J., bookselling firm at Leiden, 

Bristol, 260, 263. 

Bristol, bp. of, see Conybeare, John. 

Bristow, John, chaplain of St. Stephen's 
Coll., Westminster, 242. 

British Museum, see under London. 

Brito, Super dictiones difficiles Biblie, 
ms., 37. 

Brixham, 248. 

Brocas, family of, ill. 

Brodrick, hon. G. C, his Memorials of 
Merton cited, 147, 204. 

Brown (Brun), Geoffrey, wrongfully 
imprisoned, 94. 

Brown (Brun), John, scholar of Oxford, 
his petition to the King, 93; is par- 
doned, 94. 

— his mother and brother, 94. 
Brown (Brun), Mary, petition on her 

behalf, 94. 
Browne, J., orinter, 398. 

Brudenell, lady Frances, married to 2nd 

Earl of Newburgh, 265. 
Bruges, 75. 

Brun, see Brown, John. 
Brunyng, William, 33. 
Brussels, 255. 

— letter dated from, 256. 

— the duke of Monmouth at, 256. 
' Brutus the Trojan,' 176. 
Buckingham, county of, 355. 
Buckingham, see John of Buckingham. 
Bullingdon hundred, 65. 

Bulmer, William, & Co., printers, 379, 

Buloyne, see Bologna. 

Bulwer, John, his Chirologia (1644) 

cited, 411. 
Burdon, see Geoffrey de Burdon. 
Burghersh, Henry, bp. of Lincoln, 11. 
Burghwell (Burgwele), in the forest of 

Whichwood, 97, 98. 
Burgon, Dean, his Lives of Tzvelve Good 

Men cited, 247. 
Burleus, Gualterus, 73. 

— De potentiis animae, ms., 235. 

— Super libros Physicorum, ms., 235. 

— On Aristotle's Physics, price of the 
MS., 219. 

Burnby, John, S.T.P., Trinity Coll. 
(c. 1450), 16, 17, 34, 49-52, 54, 55. 

— account of him, 24. 

— payment to (1436), 15. 

— elected Prior of Durham (1456), 49. 
Burnel, William, dean of Wells, his 

executors and the Scholars of Balliol, 
complaint of their obstruction to his 
will, 105. 

— his gifts to Balliol Coll., 89, 105, 

Burnet, Gilbert, bp. of Salisbury, 335. 
Burrows, prof. M., editor of Collectanea 
vols. II, III ; ix. 

— his Hist, of the family of Brocas of 
Beaurepaire cited, 1 11. 

— his Worthies of All Souls cited, 

Burstall (Bossall), priory of, in Holder- 
ness, 13, 14, 18, 34. 

— church of, 56, 61, 62 ; advowson of, 

13. ,3 
Burton, Robert, archdn. of Northumbd. 
(1421 and 1427), 55. 

— his gift of a Psalter to Durham Col- 
lege (1456), 5i- 

Burton, Robert (Nathaniel Crouch), his 

Scotland cited, 271. 
Burton, Thomas, manuscripts given by 

him to New College (1449), 231. 
Bury, Parliament held at, 157. 
Bury, see Richard de Bury. 
Buryton, rector of, see Wykeham, John. 



Butler, James, see Ormonde, James 

duke of. 
Byrom, John, 268. 

C, see R. de C. 
Cadell, T., publisher, 375. 
Cainsham (Cansham), see Keynsham. 
Calderinus, Johannes, Quaestiones, ms., 

— Super . . . Decretalia, 238. 
Calendar of Patent Rolls cited, 75. 
Caley, Richard, payment to, 15. 
Caly, Thomas, S.T.B., bursar and 

afterw. warden of Durham College, 

— his accounts for 1462-3 ; 61-65. 
Cambridge, County of, 90. 

— grant of lands in, 157. 
Cambridge, Town of, 88, 155, 157. 
■ — Arch. Hist, of, cited, 6. 

— petitions from the burgesses of, 82. 
Cambridge, University of, 383, 389, 412. 
> — exempted from a charge to the 

subsidy (1496), 161. 

— petition from, against the Friars, 
1 39-. . 

— petitions from, to Parliament, 82. 

— request for relief of, 151. 

— printer to the University of, 383, 387. 

— R. Bowes' Notes on the University 
printers cited, 383. 

— Chancellor, &c. of, petition of, 136. 

— Chancellor of, 155. 
Cambridge, Corpus Christi Coll., 216. 

— Emmanuel College, 309. 

— King's College, 305. 
grant of lands to, 1 57. 

— St. Catharine's hall, 216. 

Catalogue of the MSS. in, 216. 

— St. John's College, Catalogue of the 
MSS. of, 216. 

— Trinity College, 305. 
librarian of, 188. 

— Trinity Hall, 305. 
Cambridge Antiq. Society, 216. 
Campeden, see John of Campeden. 
Camus, Armand Gaston, 371, 377, 378, 


— account of him, 369. 

— his Memoir on the History . . . of 
Polytypography and Stereography 
cited, 370. 

Candeur (Candever), see Robert of 

Cannon, Capt., 271. 
Canterbury, Archbps. of, 16, 140, 336. 

— Arch bp. of, petition touching disputes 
as to his right of visitation of" the 
Univ. of Oxf., 152. 

— touching his visitation of the Scholars 
of Queen's hall, Oxf., 153. 

Canterbury, Archbps. of, see 
Chichele, Henry. 
Parker, Matthew. 
Sudbury, Simon. 
Wareham, William. 

— clergy of the province of, 148, 
Carey, Joseph, printer at Toul, 377, 


Carleton, Capt., Memoirs of, cited, 271. 
Carlisle, cathedral of, burials in, 24. 
Carlisle, bp. of, 16. 

— see also Bell, Richard. 
Carpenter, James, fellow of Hertford 

College, 341. 
Carter, dr. George, provost of Oriel 

College, 290. 
Carteret, lord, Secretary of State (1723- 

24), 288, 344, 346. 
Cartwright, J. J., his Memoirs of Sir J, 

Reresby cited, 272, 275. 

— his Wentworth papers cited, 255. 
Cary, Richard, 122, 123. 

Case, Thomas Wilmot, 356. 

Caslon, types cast by, 379. 

Castell, Thomas, warden of Durham 
Coll. (1487-94), 21. 

Castell, Thomas, S.T.P., warden of 
Durham Coll. (1511); afterw. prior 
of Durham, 21, 25. 

Castre, see Geoffrey de Castre. 

Catherwood, types cast by, 379. 

Catholicon Anglicanum, ed. by E. Eng. 
Text Soc, 41. 

Catryke, John, 14. 

Caustre, see Geoffrey de Castre. 

Cave, W., his Hist. litt. cited, 201. 

Cawthorne, William, S.T.P., warden of 
Durham Coll., afterw. prior of Fin- 
ch ale, 25. 

Caxton, Blades' Life of, cited, 397. 

Caxton Exhibition, the, 373. 

— Catalogue of the Caxton Exhibition 
cited, 397. 

Cay, Dr. Thomas, 9. 
Ceu, see Richard le Ceu. 
Chabeham, see Chobham, T. 
Chaldewell, John, clerk, grant from, 

Chambre, see William de Chambre. 

Chancellor of England, 86. 

■ — certificate to be sent to him, of ex- 
communications by the Chancellor 
of Oxford, 96. 

— on certifying names of excommuni- 
cated persons in Oxford to him, iai, 

Chancellors of England, see also 
John de Sendale. 
John de Thoresby. 
Scrope, Richard. 
William de Ayrmynne. 

E e 1 



Chancery, 96, 148. 

— negligence of a clerk of, 124. 
Charles II, king, 254. 

— death of, 254. 

Charlett, dr. Arthur, master of University- 
College, 251, 285, 286. 

Charlotte, queen, wife of George III, 

Charlton (Carlton), the two 'noble 

brothers' (135I), 169, 184, 186. 
Charlton, see also 

Humphrey de Charlton. 
John de Charlton. 
Ludovic de Charlton. 
Chaucer's Canterbury Tales cited, 193, 

Chaundler, Thomas, warden of New 

College, 232. 
Chedzoy on Sedgemoor, rector of, 250. 
Cheek, col., lieutenant of the Tower, 


Chester castle, 257. 

Chester, earl of, 176. 

Chester, bp. of, see Bridgeman, John. 

Chester, colonel, his ed. of Westminster 

Abbey registers, 278. 
Chesterton, co. Cambr., 157. 
Chevalier's Sources histor. du moyen 

dge cited, 201. 
Chevening house, stereotype office, near 

Sevenoaks, 364, 387, 388. 

— letter dated from, 402. 
Cheyne, Laurence, grant from, 156. 
Chichele (Chicheley), Henry, archbp. of 

Canterbury, payment by, to the 
Crown, 159. 

— his Cistercian College of St. Bernard, 
Oxford, 192. 

Chichester, diocese of, 222. 
Chichester, bp. of, see Rede, William 

(d. 1385). 
Chinas, Dominus, see Domenichino. 
Chippenham, 260. 

Chobham, T., Summa T. Chabeham 
de Prima, ms., 236. 

Chrj'sostomus, Joannes, list of manu- 
scripts of, 223, 226. 

Church services, 311. 

Churchill, John lord (afterw. Duke of 
Marlborough), 249, 257, 258, 260, 
263, 266. 

Cicero, Rethorica Tullii, ms., 235. 

Cistercian monks, 61, 63, 205, 206. 

— see also Oxford, St. Bernard's College. 
Claghton, see Adam de Claghton. 
Clare, rev. Thomas George, Junior 

Proctor. Oxf., 385, 387. 

Clare, William, 356. 

Clarendon, Edward Hyde earl of, chan- 
cellor of Univ. of Oxf. (1661-67), 

Clarendon, Edward Hyde earl of, his 
History of the Rebellion, profits from 
the sale of copies of, 365. 

Clarendon, Henry Hyde 2nd earl of, 
Keeper of the Privy Seal, High 
Steward of the Univ. of Oxf., account 
of him, 247. 

— Correspondence of Henry earl of 
Clarendon and James earl of Abing- 
don, 1683-85, ed. by C. E. Doble, 

— extract from Bp. of Oxford's letter to 
him, 259. 

— his Diary cited, 261. 

— the Clarendon Correspondence cited, 
259, 262, 269. 

Clark, rev. Andrew, his Colleges of 
Oxford cited, 3. 

— his ed. of Wood's Life and Times 
cited, 11, 48, 106, in, 190, 202, 248, 
253> 257, 274, 276. 

Clarke, George, fellow of All Souls 
college, M.P. for the Univ. of Oxf., 

Clarke, J. S , his Life of James II cited, 

254, 273. 
Claxton, see Richard de Claxton. 

— see Robert de Claxton. 
Claymond, Francis, 68. 
Claymond, John, 59. 

Cleaver, William, bp. of Bangor, 383, 
385, 387- 

Clemens, Libri Clementinarum, mss., 
236-239, 242. 

— Epistolae, ms., 228. 

Clement VI, pope, application from the 
University of Cambridge to, 136. 

Clergy, to be resident in their benefices, 
except Clerks at Oxford and Cam- 
bridge, 156. 

Close and Patent Rolls, 81, 84, 101. 

Clyff, George, S.T.B., rector or warden 
of Durham Coll., 10, 22, 68. 

— his accounts for 1541-2 ; 67. 
Coad, John, his Memorandum of the 

wonderful providences of God cited, 2 5 8. 
Cobb, the, 261. 

Cockman, Thomas, fellow of University 

College, 287. 
Coker, Ralph, 71. 
Colchester, lord, 268. 
Coldingham, 6, 11, 33, 34, 41, 56. 

— payments from (1360-74), 11. 

— priors of, 23, 24, 59. 
Collaciones Abbatum, ms., 40. 
Collectanea I, II (O. H. S.), cited, 216. 
Colledge, Stephen, the Protestant joiner, 

2 53- 

Collingwood, Samuel, printer, 386, 391, 

394, 403, 404. 
Cologne, 35. 



Colston, 59. 

Columbian press, the, 404. 
Comings, Mr., of Hertford coll., 337. 
Compton, Henry, bp. of London, 281, 

Confessions, commission to hear, 11. 

Constable, A., publisher, 375. 

Constance, Council of, 191. 

Convention Parliament, the, 255. 

Conway, E. (1723), 344. 

Conway, hon. H. S., 368. 

Conybeare, dr. John, fellow of Exeter 
Coll., afterw. Dean of Ch. Ch., then 
Bp. of Bristol, 288, 296-299,301, 316, 
327, 337- 

— his Calumny refuted cited, 284, 286, 
289-300, 304-306, 308. 

Cooke, Joseph, printer, 382, 383, 387, 
389, 394, 398, 399, 402, 403. 

Cooper, sir Anthony Ashley, 277. 

Cope, his Albion press, and handpress, 

Cordova, leather of, 121. 
Corinius, 176. 
Cork, assault on, 258. 
Cornbury, 253. 

Cornwaille, Richard, and his wife Isabel, 

Cornwall, earl of, see Peter de Gaveston. 

— see also Edmund, 7th earl of Cornwall. 
Cornwall, duke of, see Edward, prince 

of Wales. 
Cote, parish of Bampton, 255. 
Cotes, Digby, of Alf Souls Coll., 283. 
Cotgrave, manor of, 13, 56, 60. 
Coton, co. Cambr., 157. 
Cotton, sir R., ms. of, 188. 
Cotton, Richard Lynch, D.D., 247. 
Council, petitions to the King and, see 

Edward I, II, III, and Richard II. 
Coventry (Cowyntre), 14. 
Coventry, Thomas, grant from, T56. 
Cowie, G. E., B.D., 216. 
Cowie, rev. Morgan, M.A., 216. 
Coxe, rev. Henry O., his Catalogus Codd. 

MSS. . . .in Collegiis Aulisque Oxon. 

cited, 215-217. 
Craik, H., his Life of Swift cited, 266. 
Crayk (Crake), Robert, 23, 34, 47, 50. 

— gift by him, 42. 
Cromdale, 271. 

Cromwell, Thomas lord, letter to, 217. 
Cunningham, Mr., printer, of South- 
ampton, 397. 
Cuthbert, St., tomb of, 59. 

— Vita, ms., 37. 

Dacre (Dakyr), lord of, his pasture in 
South Holland (near Frampton), 65. 
Daily universal register, the, founded, 

Dalrymple, quoted, 266, 271, 273. 
D' Alton, his English Army Lists cited, 
261, 271, 278. 

— his History of the Wrays of Glent- 
worth cited, 250. 

Dalziel, his process of copying engrav- 
ings, 410. 

Danvers, Thomas, sheriff of Oxford and 
Berks, asks for 3C20 in respect of 
Oxford Castle, 113. 

Dartmouth, lord, 271. 

Darton and Harvey, printers, 379. 

Davenport, John M., his Lords Lieuten- 
ant, &>c., of Oxfordshire cited, 247, 

David II, of Scotland, 165, 174. 

Davies, Mr., Vice-Principal of Hert 
hall, 291. 

Davies, W., printer, 375. 

Dawell, William, his death and funeral 
at Islip (1478), 17. 

Dawne, George, 242. 

Dawson, W., printer, 382, 383, 389. 

Decreta, list of manuscripts of, 236- 

— price of one of the MSS., 219. 

— Par Decretorum, mss., 39. 
Deere tales, 35. 

— list of manuscripts of, 235-240, 243. 

— ms. of pledged, 38. 
Decretales novae, ms., 39. 

Delisle, Leopold, his Cabinet des MSS, 

de la Bibl. Nationale cited, 216. 
Denison, William, fellow of University 

Coll., 287 ; elected Master, 287. 
Denton, Thomas, grant from, 156. 
Derby, earl of (Edward Geoffrey Stanley) 

Chancellor of the Univ. of Oxf., 247, 


— letter from, to the Vice-Chancellor 
of Oxford, 252. 

Derlington, see Hugh de Derlington. 
Derwent, the, 13. 
Derwentwater, earls of, 9. 
Desaguliers, John Theophilus, 356. 
Despencer, set Hugh le Despencer. 
Devon, 262. 

Dictionary of National Biography, the, 
cited, 6, 7, 247, 249, 263, 264, 268, 

Didot, Firmin, 377, 378 ; see also 

Firmin-Didot et Cie. 
Didot, Francis, Franeois-Ambroise, 

and Jules, 378. 
Didot, Pierre, printer at Paris, 377, 378. 
Didot, Pierre-Francois, 378. 
Digby, John, M.A., 352. 
Digesta, list of manuscripts of, 241- 


Digestum vetus, ms., 35. 
Dineley, Thomas, 260. 



Dioscorides, De summa medicina, ms., 

Disney, William, his execution, 264. 
Doble, C. E., ix. 

— editor of Correspondence of Henry 
earl of Clarendon and James earl 
of Abingdon, 245-278. 

Dodeford, see John of Dodeford. 
D'Oilli (D'Oilgi), Robert, founds the 

church of St. George in Oxford castle 

(1074), 95. 
Domenichino, ms., 240. 
Dorchester, 276. 

Dome's printed books in Collectanea I, 
//cited, 216. 

Dorsetshire militia, 257. 

Doyle, dr. Conan, ix. 

Drayton, his Polyolbion cited, 176. 

Dublin, Trinity College, Queen Eliza- 
beth at, 389. 

Du Cange, C. Dufresne, sieur, cited, 48, 
55, 171, 173, 177, 178, 187. 

Duckett, sir G., his Letters of the Duke 
of Monmouth cited, 262. 

Dudley, Robert, see Leicester, earl of. 

Du Fresne, see Du Cange. 

Dugdale's Monasticon cited, 97-99, 143, 
193, 205. 

Dumbelton, 9 Partes Dumbelton, ms., 

Duncan, Thomas, fellow of Merton, 
physician to Earl of March (1404), 19. 

— his room (1428), 46. 
Dunce, see Duns Scotus. 
Dundee, 271. 
Dunkan, see Duncan. 
Dunkeld, 271. 

Duns Scotus, 193, 217, 227. 

— manuscripts of, 234. 
Durandus, Leportorium, ms., 237. 
Duras, Louis, see Feversham, earl of. 
Durell, David, fellow, afterw. principal, 

of Hertford College, and Vice-Chan- 
cellor of Oxf., 340, 342. 
Durham (Duresme), 13, 58, 66, 70, 194, 

St. Oswald's at, 43, 47, 51. 

— two chantries there, 47. 
Durham cathedral monastery, 6, 35, 72. 

Prior and Convent of, grant to, 7. 

— inquisition respecting their lands 
at Oxford, 7. 

— list of books sent by them to 
Durham Coll. at Oxford (1395), 

39; 04°9)> 4°- 
Priors of, 8, 41, 58, 72. 
the Prior commissions a Prior of the 

Oxford hall to hear confessions, 29. 
Sub-Priors of, 24, 40, 55, 71. 
Chamberlain of (1406), 39. 
Bursar of (1542), 70. 

Durham Cathedral Monastery, 
officers of, 56. 
almoners of, 24, 25. 
sacrist of, 24. 
feretrarius at, 24, 40. 
librarian of, 3, 24. 

Catalogi vett. libb. eccl. Dunelm., ed. 

Botheld, 35. 
Aungerville library at, 73. 
Cloister books, list of (1395), 38. 
books sent from, to Durham college, 

Oxford, 5. 
Cloister catalogue of books (1395), 


' Spendement,' the Chancery, 38. 

Spendement catalogues (1391 and 
1496), 38, 40. 

the common book-case, of the Spen- 
dement or the Cloister, 40. 

their title deeds of the Oxford site, 73. 

Treasury, the, 38. 

Feodarium prior atus Dunelm., 73. 

Infirmarius at, 40. 

inventory of their movable property 

(1428), 41-49;— (1456), 49-55. 
a parler at, 66. 
St. Helen's chapel in, 25. 
East gate of, 25. 

Cells of, see Coldingham, Finchale. 
Novices at school there, 16 ; those 

'apt to learning' sent to Oxford, 


visitation held there (1438), 48. 
counterseal of the Convent (1380), 

surrender of the Convent, 26. 
burials in the cathedral, 24, 25. 
Durham, Bishops of, 15, 16, 18. 

— see also 

Bek, Anthony. 
Fordham, John. 
Hatfield, Thomas. 
Neville, Robert. 
Richard de Bury. 

— list of Bishops and Priors of, 4. 

— Boy-bishop, the, 17. 

— Registers of, 6, 8, 15. 

— Registry at, 66. 

Dean and Chapter of, 15, 26, 35, 60, 

— their rolls in the Treasury, 3. 
Dean of (1541-8), 25, 70. 

— see also Whithead, Hugh. 
Chancellor of, 55, 74. 
Chancellor (afterw. Shrine-keeper) of, 

see Robert de Lanchester. 
Prebendaries of, 70, 71. 
Durham College, or Durham Hall, 
Oxford {now Trinity College). 

— styled the 1 College of Monks of 
Durham studying at Oxford,' 3. 



Durham College: 

Durham hall, founded by prior Hugh 

de Derlington, 28. 
a cell of the monastery of Durham, 6. 
scheme for, 21, 22. 
its site (before 1291), 7. 
title deeds of the site, at Durham, 73. 
bp. Fordham's licence for erecting it, 

estates assigned to, consisting of 

appropriated rectories, 17, 18. 
status of the college (1315), 35-38; 

(1428), 41-49; (H56), 49-55- 
appropriation of Appleby church to 

(1362), 30. 
bull from Innocent VI to (1358), 30. 
intention of the Pope in establishing 

the Prior Studentium, 32. 
Some Durham College rolls, ed. by 

rev. H. E. D. Blakiston, 1-76 ; 

contents, 2. 

— account of them, 3-22 ; catalogue 
of their contents, 4 seqq. 

— chronological summary (1286- 

J 553), 26 - 
seals from Durham College rolls, 26. 
accounts of the College {compoti) 

(i39 2 -3), 56-61. 

— (1462-3), 61-65. 

— (1464), 65, 66. 

— ( , 54 I -42), 67-71. 

common seal of the College (1438), 

Priors of Durham College, 15, 17, 21, 

24-27, 29, 34- 

— list of the Priors, Wardens or 
Rectors of, 23-25. 

— Prior Oxoniae, or Prior Studen- 
tium, 8. 

— Jurisdiction of the Prior of the 
Students (1422), 27-35. 

— Responsiones contra Priorem Stu- 
dentium (1422), 27-35. 

— letter to the Prior (c. 1316), 74-76. 

— quarrel of the Prior of the Students 
(c. 1422), 76. 

Wardens of, 8, 11, 15, 16, 21, 65, 66, 

— the Warden allowed a proctor at 
the synods of Abp. of York and Bp. 
of Lincoln, 64. 

— furniture in the Warden's room 
(1428), 46, 47; (1456), 54. _ 

Wardens and Bursars of, their ac- 
counts (1389-1433), 4> 5- 
Bursars of, 15, 39-41. 
Fellows of, 67. 

— allowed travelling expenses ( 1 40 1 ) , 

— a Fellow's funeral at Oxford, with 
distribution of alms, 17. 

Durham College : 
Secular Scholars, 67. 
the Feretrarius, Camerarius and Com- 

munarius of, 1 1, 
cooks of, 68, 69, 71. 
Chapel, the, 5, 26, 58, 63, 73. 

— expenses in building or rebuilding 
it (1406-8), 71, 72. 

— inventory of vestments, &c. there 
(1428), 42, 43; (1456), 50, 51. 

— burials in, 24. 
Hall, the, 63, 74. 

— furniture in, 43, 52. 
Library, the, 9, 21, 26. 
list of books sent to, 26. 
catalogue of books there (<r. 1380)573, 
manuscripts sent to the College (c. 

1400), 38-40 ; (1409), 40, 41. 
catalogue of ornaments and books 

belonging to (131 5), 36. 
' perloquitorium,' articles in the, 53. 
Treasury, the, jocalia (plate and 

valuables) kept in, 45, 48, 53, 55. 

— articles in (1462-3), 52. 
Buttery, the, 75. 

— inventory of articles there (1428), 

Kitchen, the, 63. 

— inventory of articles in (1428), 44; 
(1456), 54. 55- 

— pulled down c. 1680 ; 48. 

lower chamber demolished (c. 1728), 
48 ; coats of arms in its windows, 

a few chambers provided with fire 

places (1428), 41. 
dormitory, the, 75. 
room-rents, 19, 20. 
garden or grove of (granted c. 1290), 

leased to Cistercian monks of 

Bernard college, 64. 
stable of, inventory of articles in 

(1428), 47. 
view of the College (1675), 76. 

Ebchester, Robert, S.T.P., warden of 
Durham college, 23, 25. 

— as prior of Durham, 25. 
Ebchester (Ebchestyr), William, war- 
den of Durham college, 17, 33, 45, 

53, 74- 

— account of him, 24. 

— Status Coll. Monachorum Dunelm. 
Oxonie dimissus per W. Ebchestyr 
(1428), 41-49. 

— his Obituary roll, 24. 

— 'aggression' of Thomas Ledbury 
upon, 76. 

— payment to (1470), 15. 

Echard's Hist, of England quoted, 256, 



Edgcombe, James, rector of Exeter 

coll., 307. 
Edinburgh, 374. 
Edinburgh castle, 262. 
Edingdon, see William de Edingdon. 
Edmund, 7th earl of Cornwall, founds 

Rewley abbey (1281), 99. 
Edmund, St., Speculum, ms., 224. 
Edward I, king, charter of (1285), 99 ; 

confirmed by Edward II (1321), 99. 

— grant from, 142. 

to the Minorites, 141. 

to the Univ. of Oxford, 132. 

— petitions to him, 93-109. 

— his Council, 94, 97-109. 

— his Escheator (1288), 7. 

— payments for, to the Pope, by Abbot 
and Convent of Oseney, 106, 107. 

Edward II, king, annuity granted by, 

— grant to the Carmelites of Oxford, 

— grant to the Chancellor of Univ. of 
Oxford, 121, 122. 

— confirms charters, 99, 106. 

— petitions to him, 107-124. 
Edward III, king, 9, 15, 75, 165, 166, 


— charters of, mentioned, 8. 

— charter to bp. Richard de Bury, 
mentioned, 26. 

— grant to Friar Preachers of Oxford, 

— licence to appropriate the church of 
Appleby to Durham hall, 30. 

— petitions to him, 1 24-141. 

— writ to the Mayor and Bailiffs of 
Oxford, 136. 

— writs against persons excommunicated 
in Oxford, 96. 

— his ambassador to the Pope (1374), 

Edward IV, king, tithes paid to, 61-63. 
Edward, Prince of Wales and Duke of 

Cornwall (135D, 165, 167, 169, 176. 
Elias de Hertford (c. 1282), vi. 
Elizabeth, queen, 309. 
Ellerkar, chapel of, 61, 64. 
Ellerton, Ed., Sen. Proctor (1805), 382. 
Elmer, John, manuscripts given by him 

to New College, 239. 
Elwyk, Gilbert, prior of Durham hall, 

10, 23, 28, 74. 

— letter from, to Geoffrey de Burdon, 

Ely, bp. of, see Fordham, John. 

Elyngham, church of, 34. 

Emeldon, church of, presentation to, 

88, 127. 
Epigrams, 164, 181-183. 
Epistles, see Bible. 

Estrivelin, see Stirling. 
Eton College, 367. 

— Provost of (1896), 367. 

Eu (Eue, Euw, Ho), see Henry de Eu, 

and Philip de Eu. 
Eveleigh (Evelighe) .John , Register book 

of Exeter coll., 288. 

— lease to, 348, 350. 

Evelyn, John, his Diary cited, 268, 278. 
Ewelme, 255. 

Exchequer, the, 98, 101, 102, 108, 113, 
123, 146, 147, 161, 309. 

— Barons of, III, 123. 

— Memoranda of the Exchequer, 10 1. 
Exchequer rolls, 135. 

Exeter, bishop of, 153. 

— bishops of, see 
Lamplugh, Thomas. 
Walter de Stapelton. 
Weston, Stephen. 

Exeter college, see under Oxford. 
Eynsham, 6. 

Fairbone, Charles, inking-roller made 
by, 405. 

Falkland, Anthony 4th viscount, 255. 
Faringdon, 276. 

Fell, John, bp. of Oxford, 259, 270, 272. 

— extract from his letter to Clarendon, 
2 59- 

Fenmng's Universal spelling book im- 
proved cited, 379. 
Fens, the, 57. 

— ' le Fendyke,' 64. 

Feretino, see Bartholomew de Ferretino. 

Ferguson, A., Commander under Mon- 
mouth, 268. 

Fergusson, Mr., printer, 387, 390. 

Feversham, Louis Duras earl of, 258, 
260, 263, 266, 268, 271, 272. 

Fhyslak, see Fishlake. 

Figgins, Vincent, 379. 

Finch, hon. Leopold William, fellow, 
afterw. warden, of All Souls coll., 276. 

Finchale (Finkhale), 6, 11, 21, 41. 

— Priors of, 23-25, 40, 59, 208. 

— Priory rolls cited, 11, 24, 48, 55. 

Finingham, Robert, 189. 

Firmin-Didot et Cie., firm of, 378. 

Firmin-Didot, Alfred, Ambroise, Fre- 
deric, Hyacinthe, Maurice, Paul and 
Rene, 378. 

Fishacre, Doctor, Super primum Sen- 
tent t., ms., 229. 

Fishburn (Fyscheburn), John, jun., 72. 

Fishlake (Fysshelake, Fhyslak, Fysche- 
lak), 4, 34. 

— Church of, 56, 57. 

dedicated to St. Cuthbert, 60. 

advowson of, 13. 

payments by, 62. 


4 2 5 

Fishlake, Vicar of, 57. 
see also Port, John. 

— Parson meadow in, 62. 
Fitz-Adam, Ralph, of Claghton, clerk, 

imprisoned at Oxford, prays the 
King's pardon, 100. 
Fitzralph, Richard, archbp. of Armagh, 
commissary of Univ. of Oxf. (1333), 

Fitz-Roger, Richard, 34. 

Fitzroy, Henry, see Grafton, duke of. 

Flanders, 268, 278. 

Fleshewer, John, of Colston, 59. 

Fodringey (Fodryngeye), see Henry de 

Fordham, John, bp. of Durham, 14. 

— episcopal seal of (1386), 26. 

— licences Hatfield's executors to erect 
Durham college, 31. 

— translated to Ely (1389), 34. 
Forests, Warden of the, see Mautravers, 

sir John. 
Forster, Mr., printer, 405. 
Forster, Thomas (1431 and 1436), 17,34. 
Forster, Thomas, drawing by, 246, 249. 
Fossor, John, prior of Durham, 34. 
Foster, Richard, grant from, 156. 
Foulis or Fowlis, Andrew, printer to 

the Univ. of Glasgow, 373-378. 

— patent of Foulis and Tilloch, 410. 
Fox, Charles James, 340, 367. 

Fox, Henry Richard Vassal, see Holland, 

Foxlee (Foxley), see John de Foxlee. 
Frampton (Framton), 4, 22, 34, 57, 59, 

— the accounts for 1393 (the granary, 
stable, and kitchen), 59, 60. 

— Church of, 5, 56, 61, 64. 

— rectory or vicarage of, 17, 64, 67, 69. 

— advowson of, 13. 

— Vicars of, 57, 61. 

— Deacon of, 61. 

— Attorney of, 61. 

— Balgrene a farm in, 62. 

Francis (Fraunceys, Franceys), Edmund 
or Esmond, citizen and grocer of Lon- 
don, 143, 146. 

— his suit with University hall, 84, 89. 

— and his wife Idoyne, petition relative 
to lands awarded to them and the 
process going on to reverse the judg- 
ment, 145 ; petition against their 
claim to lands in Grand Pont, Oxford, 
i45 : 

Franciscans, 189 ; see also Oxford. 
Franciscus de Saberell, Repetitio . . . , 
ms., 238. 

Frank, John, Clerk of the Rolls, 156. 
Fredericus, Dominus, Questiones de ma- 
teria permntacionis , ms., 239. 

Fredericus de Senis, Repetitiones, ms., 

Fremantle, dean, quoted in Diet, of 
Christ. Biogr., 207. 

Freswide, see Oxford, St. Frideswide. 

Freylinghausen, John Anastatius, his 
A bstract of the . . . doctrine of the 
Christian religion (1804), stereo- 
typed, 375- 

Friars, of the four Mendicant orders, 
I 49-. . 

— petition from, against the Universities, 
139, 140; see also Oxford. 

Friars Preachers of London, Cambridge 
and Oxford, petition for moneys 
(^granted by Henry V) to be assured 
to them, 155. 

Frideswide, see Oxford, St. Frideswide. 

Frileford, see William de Frileford. 

Fritwell, 255. 

Frome (Froom), 266, 268, 270-272. 
Fry, Steele & Co., 379. 
Fryswith, see Oxford, St. Frideswide. 
Fulham, 281. 

Funckter, J. Michel, printer, 377. 
Furneaux, rev. Henry, viii. 

— editor of Poems relating to the riot 
between Town and Gown (135-5-), and 
of Tryvytlam, de Laitde, 163-209. 

Fyschelak, see Fishlake. 
Fysheburn, or Fyscheburn, see Fishburn, 

Gadesden, Super affectibus, ms., 244. 

Gaillard de Mota, card, deacon of St. 
Lucia in Cilicia, archdeacon of Oxford, 
his dispute with the University, 129 
and 88. 

Gainsborough, Thomas, earl Stanhope's 

portrait by, 365, 368. 
Gale, Roger, ms. of, 188, 189. 
Galenus (Galienus), De clectis, ms., 243. 

— De interioribus, ms., 243. 

— De libris Galieni, ms., 242. 

— Passionarium, ms., 242. 
Gandavo, Henricus Goethals a, manu- 
scripts of, 36, 38. 

— Determinaciones, ms., 230. 
Gardiner, dr. Bernard, Vice-Chancellor 

of Univ. of Oxf., 283. 
Gardiner, dr. Samuel R., quoted, 81. 
Garston, Richard, and his wife Juliana, 

144. H5- 

Gascoigne (Gaysgoyn), a manuscript 
given by him to New College, 231. 

Gascoigne, Thomas, S.T.P. (probably 
the Chancellor of the University in 
1442-3), list of relics given by him 
to New College, 231. 

Caspar, Super libro Decretaliutn, ms., 



Gatteaux, stereotype process of, 377, 
, 378. 

Gaveston, see Peter de Gaveston, earl of 

Ged, William, stereotype process of, 

374» 376, 377- 

— Biographical memoirs of, cited, 374. 
Genesis et Exodus, see Bible. 
Geneva, lord Stanhope at, 367, 368. 
Genpembre, stereotype process of, 377, 

378, 410. 

Gentleman 's magazine, the, cited, 338. 
Geoffrey de Burdon, prior of Durham, 
74, 76. 

Geoffrey de Castre (or Caustre), sir, 

114, 115. 
Geoffrey le Scrope, sir, 124, 128. 
George I, king, petition to, from Dr. 

Newton (1723), 343, 344. 

— letter to, from Philip Yorke, con- 
cerning Dr. Newton's petition (1724), 

George II, king, charter of incorpora- 
tion of Hertford Coll. (1740), 354. 

— licence from, to messrs. Foulis and 
Tilloch, 375. 

Ghent, see Gandavo, de. 
Gibson, Edmund, bp. of London, 317. 
Gibun de Stapelton, 137. 
Gilbert, John, bp. of Hereford, 143. 
Gilbertinus, mss., 243. 
Girardus, De medicinis laxativis, ms., 

— Super aphonsmis, ms., 244. 

■ — Super viatico constanti, ms., 243. 
Girton (Gyrton), co. Cambr., 157. 
Glasgow, 260. 

— University of, printer to, 373. 
Glastonbury (Glassenbury), abbey of, 

263, 271, 309. 

— abbot of, 157. 

— monks of, 190, 194, 202-204. 
Gloucester, 152. 

— monks of St. Peter's at, 6. 

— Parliament held at, 149. 
Godolphin, Lord Treasurer, 249. 
Godbtow (Godestouwe), Convent of, 65, 

83, 90. 

— founded in 11 38; 95. 

— grant from the Abbess and Convent 
of, 347- 

— petition from, to elect a new Abbess, 

— the Nuns enfeoffed of Burgwele (a 
wood in Bladon), 97. 

— petition to enclose land near Bern- 
wood forest, 97. 

— petition for continuing their tithes of 
foals from the manor of Woodstock, 

— petition against the Warden of 

Whichwood forest for withholding 
the tenth of venison taken there, 125. 
Godstow, petition for re-possessing land, 
1 10. 

— Abbess of, 58. 

— — see also Mabel de Upton, and 
Wafre, Mabel. 

desires a licence in mortmain 

to receive property, 96. 

— seal of, 26, 73. 
Goethals, see Gandavo, de. 
Gofredus deTrano,/^ Summa, ms., 238. 
Gogmagog, giant, 176. 

Goliath, 179, 180. 

Gorham (Coram), Nicolaus, 

— Distinctiones , mss., 224, 229. 

— Sermones . . ., ms., 225. 

— Super Epistt. Pauli ad Thim., ad 
Titum, et super omn. Epistt. Cathol., 
ms., 41 ; Super Lucam, ms., 41. 

— Super Epistolas Pauli et Epistolas 
Canonicas, ms., 233. 

— prices of his manuscripts, 220. 
Goring, John, 356. 

Gorces (dams inclosing waters) in the 

Thames, 109. 
Gospels, the, in manuscript, list of, 36. 
Grafton, Henry Fitzroy duke of, 258, 

266, 267. 

— his regiment of Guards, 272. 
Grafton, duchess of, afterw. wife of sir 

Thomas Hanmer, 258. 
Graham, Mr., printing ink made by, 

379, 38o. 
Graie, see Greye, James. 
Grauncete, co. Cambr., 157. 
Gray, lord, see Grey, Forde lord. 
Graystanes, 8, 73. 

— see also Robert de Graystanes. 
Greatham (Gretham) Hospital, master 

of, see Sparke, Thomas. 
Green (Grene, Greynne), Anthony, B.A., 

68 (fits), 71. 
Green, Everett E., In Taunton town 

cited, 249. 
Greenaway, William, M.A., 346, 350, 


Greenwell, rev. W., D.C.L., 3, 73. 
Greenwich Hospital, 9. 
Gregorius IX, his Decretales, ms., 35. 
Gregorius, S., Dialogi, Pastoralia, . . ., 
mss., 231, 233. 

— Moralia, mss., 36, 38, 225, 231. 

— Omeliae, mss. 36, 223, 226, 229, 233. 

— list of other manuscripts of, 223, 226. 

— prices of manuscripts of, 220. 
Grenefelde, Mr., 218. 

Grenville, lord (W. W. Grenville), Chan- 
cellor of Univ. of Oxf., 341. 

Grey (Gray), Forde lord, of Werk, 
afterw. earl of Tankerville, 274. 



Grey (Gray), Forde lord, at Bridport, 

— committed to the Tower, 278. 
Greye, or Graie, James, B.A., 67, 68. 
Griffin, Mr., surrender of, 265. 
Griffiths, Thomas, 356. 
Grosseteste, Robert, bp. of Lincoln, 

Superlibrum Posteriorum . . ., ms.,37. 
Guddyng, William, payment of tithes 
to, 62. 

Guillaume de St. Amour (Wymund 
or Guitmond Seyntamore), rector of 
Univ. of Paris, 201, 202. 

Gutch, John, his Collectanea cited, 308. 

— his ed. of Wood's Annals cited, 182, 

Gybbes, John, mayor of Oxford (1377), 

Gynwell, John, bp. of Lincoln, interdict 

of, 175. 
Gysborne, John, 05. 

Haden, sir F. Seymour, 246, 249. 
Haimo (Haymo), Super Epistolas Fault, 

ms., 228. 
Hales, the English Schoolman, 73. 
Halliwell-Phillipps, J. O., 216. 
Haluer, Thomas, bursar of Durham 

Coll., his accounts for 1462-4; 61-65. 
Hamilton, S., bookseller, 405. 
Hamilton, S. G., vii. 

— editor of Dr. Newton and Hertford 
College, 279-361. 

Hammond, dr. Henry, Public Orator 

(1638), 283. 
Hampshire, 267. 

— militia of, 260. 

Hamsterley, Ralph, master of Univ. 
Coll. (1509), 19. 

Handborough (Handborrow, Hand- 
brow), 70, 71. 

— tenement at, 21. 
Handlo, see John de Handlo. 
Hanmer, sir Thomas, and his wife, the 

duchess of Grafton, 258. 
Hansard, C. T., his Typographia cited, 

369, 387, 388, 394, 405, 406, 411. 
Harding, Edward, 375. 
Harley, rev. R., F.R.S., 366. 
Harpor, John, 59. 
Hart, Horace, ix. 

— editor of Charles earl Stanhope, and 
the Oxford University Press, 363-412. 

Hart hall, see Hert hall. 
Hatchard, W., 379. 

Hatfield, Thomas, bp. of Durham, v, 
13-16, 18, 20, 23, 27, 28, 34, 192. 

— Hatfield's licence to his executors to 
erect Durham Coll., 31. 

— his provision for the Students of 
Durham College (c. 1379), 12. 

Hatfield, Thomas, bp. of Durham, 
investment of Hatfield's fund, 5. 

— his endowment of Durham College, 
11, 26 ; seals relating to, 26. 

— first account of his foundation, 26. 

— his death (1381), 66. 

Hatton Correspondence cited, 259, 272, 

Haverford, castle of, 94. 

Headington (Hedindone), manor of, 90. 

— petition for payment of rent from, 

Hearne, Thomas, his manuscripts and 
works quoted, 167, 170-174, 176, 
177, 183, 184, 186-188, 198, 200, 
203,281-283,294, 304, 305, 327, 333. 

— Appendix to his Hist, vitae et regni 
Picardi II, 18$. 

— his Vindiciae antiq. Acad. Oxon. 
cited, 10. 

Hebert, Lucien, 378. 
Hegham (Heyham), see Roger de 

Hemmingburgh, John, prior of Durham, 
34, 67. 

Henmarsh (Hindmarsh), see Hyndmer, 

Henry I, king, 95. 

Henry II, king, confirms charter, 96. 
Henry III, king, 97. 

— grant to the Nuns of Godstow, 97. 
Henry IV, king, 166, 179. 

Henry V, king, grant from, to the 

Friar Preachers, 155. 
Henry VII, king, household of, 160. 
Henry VIII, king, 16. 

— his charter endowing the Durham 
Chapter, mentioned, 71. 

— his valuation of Churches, 18. 
Henry, a burgess of London, grant 

from, to Merton hall, 142. 

Henry de Eu, sir, 97. 

Henry de Fodringey, proposed grant 
of land from, 100. 

Henry, Philip, his Diaries and Letters 
cited, 257. 

Henson, rev. H. H., his Art. in Collec- 
tanea I, cited, 83, 129, 133. 

Hereford, bp. of, see Gilbert, John. 

Herham, 377, 378. 

Herl (Heryll), John, (1401-8), 72. 

Herlastone, receiver of petitions, 123. 

Hert Hall (Hart hall or Hertford hall), 
Oxford, remarks on, vi, 309. 
Elias de Hertford's hall, vi. 
purchased by Walter de Stapelton, 

295, 347- , , „ 

leased to the Principal by the Rector 

and Fellows of Exeter Coll. , 346-3 50. 
Principal and Fellows of, their dispute 

with Magd. Coll. (1694), 349. 



Hert Hall, Principals of, see Newton, dr. 
Richard, ana Smith, dr. Thomas. 
Vice-Principal of, 291. 
Hertford College, Oxford, vii. 
Dr. Neivton and Hertford College, ed. 

by S. G. Hamilton, 279-361. 
Statutes of the new Society (printed 
in 1747) :— 

1. Historical remarks on Hert Hall 

now Hertford College, 309 ; the 
Principal, Fellows, Tutors, and 
Students, 309, 310 ; the Endow- 
ment, 310, 311. 

2. Chapel services, 311. 

3. Oaths to be taken on admission, 

311, 312. 

4. Choice of Principal and his ad- 

mission, 312. 

5. Exercises, disputations, &c, 312- 


6. The power and duty of the Prin- 

cipal, 3 15-3 1 7. 

7. Of the Tutors, 317-320. 

8. The College Offices to be held by 

the Tutors, 320-321. 

9. Concerning Residence, 321. 

10. Of Behaviour, 321-323. 

11. Concerning the Commons, 323- 


12. The Rooms, 326. 

13. The Scholars, 326-329. 

14. The College Servants, 329. 

15. The College Stock, 329. 

16. Of Penalties, 330. 

1 7. The Statutes to be read evervTerm, 


18. Of the Visitor, 330-331. 
remarks on the Statutes, 331-337. 
admission of the Principal, 311, 312. 
a Tutor dismissed for being a 

Hutchinsonian, 337. 
the Scholars, formerly Servitors, 309. 
account of the Buildings of, 358, 

359 ; plan of same, 359. 
the Chapel, penalty for absence from 

prayers, 31 1. 
— built by Dr. Newton and con- 
secrated by bp. Potter, 284. 
the Gate, with the Library over it, 
the work of William Thornton, 359. 
the Hall, now the Library, built by 

P. Rondell, 359. 
the Buildings granted to the Uni- 
versity for the use of Magdalen 
hall (1817), 342- 
list of works relating to, 360. 
Heryll, see Herl, John. 
Hewitt, Richard, 341, 342. 
Heyewrth, see Highworth. 
Heyham, see Roger de Hegham. 
Hey ward, see William le Hey ward. 

Hickman, sir Willoughby, bart., his 

daughter, 339. 
Hicks, John, 262. 

Hieronyrnus, Super Matheum et Epis- 

iolae, mss., 231, 233. 
Highworth (Heyewrth), land in, 97. 
Hilarion, hermit, 207. 
Hill, Richard, 247. 
Hillesden (Hildesdonc), 97. 
Hindmarsh, see Hyndmer, Edward. 
Hippisley, George, 356. 
Hippocrates, Liber alter Ypocratis, ms., 


Historical MSS. Commission report 
cited, 250, 257, 267, 268, 271. 

Ho (or Eu), see Philip de Eu. 

Hoare, Messrs., bankers, 385. 

Hodgson, dr. Bernard, 341. 

Hoffmann, F. I. J., 377. 

Holden, G., Sub-librarian of All Souls 
Coll., 207. 

Holderness, 13. 

Hole, dr. Matthew, rector of Exeter 
College, 296, 299, 304. 

— affidavits of, 346, 348. 

— his death, 300. 

Holland, lord (Henry Richard Vassal 

Fox), 366. 
Holman, Col., regiment of, 261. 
Holmes, dr. William, president of St. 

John's Coll., 301, 360. 

— letters to, 282, 306, 338. 
Holy Island, 6, 33. 

— priors of, 23-25, 59 (pis). 
see also Sparke, Thomas. 

Holy Land, tenths for the, imposed on 

the Clergy by the Pope, 106-108. 
Hord or Hoord, Juliana, 255. 
Hord or Hoord, Thomas of Cote, 255, 

262, 269, 276. 
Horner, Lawrence, butler of Exeter 

College, affidavit of, 346, 348. 
Horses, names of eighteen, in the stable 

of Frampton (1389), 60. 
Hostiensis (i.e.